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CJi "夂 s

HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

^^^^^^^^ M» I ■ ― mm k m ^

THE CHINESE CLASS

THE WORKS OF UENCIUg
LEQQE

HENRY FROWDE

Oxford University Press Warehouse
Amkn Corner, E.G.

MACMTLLAN Sc CO., 66 FIFTH AVRNUE

THE

CHINESE GLAi

WITH

A TRAUSLATIOX, CBITICAL AND BXI
PHOLEGOMENA, AUD COPIOUS

JAMES LEGGE

PBOFBSBOft or caiHBsf iir ibi vrivbbsitx (

TOKMUUY Ot TKB LOHfiOH MiaSlOHABT B

IN SEVEN VOLUMES

SECOND EDITION, REVISED

VOL. II

THE WOBKS OP MENC

Mttt'i'a'Jon ■ '

Oxford

AT THE CLARENDON FB

HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

逆志， 以害不

志， 以 雜辭， 以

2。 是意 害不文

Menctw, V. Pt. I. iv. 2

Matilation No" 一 d

柳 VI 爹

ADVERTISEMENT,

The reader is referred to what is said in the Preface to Volume I
as to how the author was led to undertake the translation of the
Chinese Classics, and how he was assisted in the preparation and
publication of his earlier volumes by the late Hon. Joseph Jardine,
Esq" and after his death by his brother, who is now Sir Robert
Jardine, Baronet.

When this second volume was ready for the press in 1861,
another merchant-prince of China, the late Hon. John Dent, Esq.,
with a similar generosity, presented a considerable sum to the
author, in order that the successive volumes might be sold to
missionaries at a much reduced price. And this was done till the
amount of his gift was more than exhausted ； — to missionaries,
without distinction of nationality or creed. The last sale of this
kind, it may be stated, was to a missionary in Korea, where at
present, we may suppose, all missionary labours are suspended.
Of Volume II, as of Volume I, an edition of a thousand copies
was printed. Both of these volumes being exhausted, it was
necessary to publish new editions of them, which the Delegates of
the Clarendon Press undertook to do. The same care has been
taken in the printing of this second volume as in that of the
former one, and the same alterations adopted in transliterating
the pronunciation of Chinese characters.

J. L.

Oxford, October, 1894:

jr j v l ....

CONTENTS.

THE PROLEGOMENA.

CHAPTER I.

OP THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.
SECTION PAGE

I. Their Recognition under the Han Dynasty, and before it • • 1

II. Ch&o Ch*t and his Labours upon Mencius 4

III. Other Commentators 7

IV. Integrity ； Authorship ； and Eeception among the Classical Books . 9

CHAPTER II.

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLE&

L Life of Mencius 14

XL His Influence and Opinions 38

III. His Immediate Disciples 76

Appendix I. That the Nature is EviL ― By the P}iilosopher Hstln • 79
" II. An Examination of the Nature of Man. ― By Han Wfin-

kung 89

CHAPTER III.

OP YANG Cnt AND HO TI.

I. The Opinions of Yang ChU 92

II. The Opinions of Mo Tl 100

CHAPTER IV.

WOBKS CONSULTED IN PREPARING THE VOLUME.

1. Chinese Works 123

IL Translations and other Works 123

Ill

CONTENTS

THE BODY OF THE VOLUME.

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

BOOK PAOB

I. King Hfii of Liang, Part I 125

King Hfti of Liang, Part II 150

II. Kung-sun Ch'au, Part I 180

Kung-sun Ch'&u, Part II 208

III. T&ng W&n Kimg, Part I 234

T&ng W&n Kung, Part II 261

IV. Ll Lku, Part I 288

Ll L&u, Part II 316

V. Wan Chang, Part I 342

Wan Chang, Part II 369

VI. Kho Tsze, Part I 394

EAo Tsze, Part II 422

VII. Tsin Sin (or Chin Hsin), Part I 448

Tsin Sin (or Chin Hsin), Part 11 477

INDEXES.

I. Of Subjects 503

II. Of Proper Names 510

IIL Of Chinese Characters and Phrases 514

PROLEGOMENA

嚳

CHAPTER I.

OP THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.
SECTION I.

THBIB &ECOGNITION UNDER THE HAN DYNASTY, AND BBPO&B IT.

1. In the third of the catalogues of Lid Hsini, containing a list of
the Works of Scholars' which had been collected up to his time
(about A.D. I), and in the first subdivision, devoted to authors of
the classical or orthodox School, we have the entry ― ' The Works of
Mencius, in eleven Books V At that date, therefore, Mendus's
witings were known and registered as a part of the literature of
China.

2. A hundred years before Hsin, we have the testimony of the
historian Sze-m& Ch'ien. In the seventy-fourth Book of his ' His-
torical Beoords/ there is a brief memoir of Mencius where he says
that the philosopher, having withdrawn into private life, ' along
with the disciples of Wan Chang, prefaced the Shih and the SM,
unfolded the views of Confucius, and made " The Works of Mencius,
in seven Books?,

The discrepancy that appears between these testimonies, in regard
to the number of the Books which went by the common name of
Mencius, will be considered in the sequel. In the meanwhile it is
shown that the writings of Mencius were recognised by scholars a
hundred years before the Christian era, which takes us back to little
more than a century and a half from the date assigned to his death.

See vol. i. proleg. pp. 4i 5- ，雜早 , 3 &早十 ~ '

、序詩

VOL. II. B

2

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[PROLBGOKKirA..

3. Among writers of the Han dynasty earlier than Sze-mk Ch'ieu,
there were Han Yingi and Tung Chung-shA^, contemporaries, in the
reigns of the emperors Wan, Ching, and WA^ (b. c. i 79-87). Portions
of their Works remain, and in them are found quotations from.
Mencius^

4. But we find references to Mencius and his Works anterior to
the dynasty of Han. In the literary remains of K'ung FA, to whose
concealment of many of the classical Works on the issuing of the
edict for their destruction posterity is so much indebted®, there are
accounts of Mencius, and many details of his history®.

Between Mencius and the rise of the Ch'in dynasty flourished the
philosopher HsUn Ch'ing?, of whose writings enough is still preserved
to form a large volume. By many he is regarded as the ablest of all
the followers of Confucius. He several times makes mention of
Mencius, and one of his most important chapters, * That Human
Nature is Evil®/ seems to have been written expressly against Men-
cius 's doctrine of its goodness. He quotes his arguments, and
endeavours to set them aside.

5. I have used the term recognition in the headiug of this section,
because the scholars of the Han dynasty do not seem to have had
any trouble in forming or settling the text of Mencius such as we
have seen they had with the Confucian Analects.

And here a statement made by Ch^o Ch'i, whose labours upon our
philosopher I shall notice in the next section, deserves to be con-
sidered. He says : 一 * When Ch'in sought by its fires to destroy the
Classical Books, and put the scholars to death in pits, there was an
end of the School of Mencius. His Works, however, were included
under the common name of " Philosophical," and so the tablets con-
taining them escaped destruction®/ Twan-lin does not hesitate
to say that the statement is incorrect^^; and it seems strange that
Mencius should have been exempted from the sweep of a measure
intended to extinguish the memory of the most ancient and illustrious

董仲 舒.

帝'

See

文皇帝 ；孝景
-? - art ：

and

"ip notes to ChAo Ch'i's preface. * See vol. i. prolog, p. 36. • I have not
3n able to refer to the writings of K'ung FA themselves, but extracts from them are given
in the notes to Chtk Hat's preface to Mencius in the 一

• 寄子, 性 惡篇. • 其書教

see Ch&o Ch'i's preface to Mencius. "文 獻涌 若， Bt clzxziv, upon Mencius.

CH. I, UBOT. I】 THEIR RECOGNITION UNDEB THE HAN DYNASTY

3

sovereigns of China and of their principles. But the same thing is
affirmed in r^ard to the writings of at least one other author of
antiquity, the philosopher Yti" and the frequent quotations of
Mencius by Han Ying and Tung Chimg-sM, indicating that his
Works were a complete collection in their times, give some confirma-
tion to Ch'i s account.

On the whole, the evidence seems rather to preponderate in its
favour. Mencius did not obtain his place as 《a classic ' till long
after the time of the Ch'in dynasty ； and though the infuriate
emperor would doubtless have given special orders to destroy his
writings, if his attention had been called to them, we can easily
conceive their being overlooked, and escaping with a mass of others
which were not considered dangerous to the new rule.

ciuSj once recognised under the Han dynasty, were for a time at
least kept with a watchful care. He says that, in the reign of the
emperor HsiAo-w&n (B.C. 178-155), 'the Lun-yti, the HsiAo-ching,
Mencius, and the R-jk were all put under the care of a Board of
Great Scholars," which was subsequently done away with, only
The Five Ching " being left under such guardianship^' ChA Hel
has observed that the Books of the Han dynasty supply no evidence
of such a Board ； but its existence may be inferred from a letter of
lAd Hsin, complaining of the supineness with which the scholars
seconded his quest for the scattered monuments of literature. He
says: — 'Under the emperor Hsi&o-wftn, the ShA-ching reappeared,
and the Shih-ching began to sprout and bud afresh. Throughout
the empire, a multitude of books were continually making their
appearance, and among them the Records and Sayings of all the
Philosophers, which likewise had their place assigned to them in
the Courts of Learning, and a Board of Great Scholars appointed
to their charge®/

As the Board of Great Scholars in charge of the Five Ching was
instituted B.c. 135, we may suppose that the previous arrangement
hardly lasted half a century. That it did exist for a time, however,

行珪 註爾子 叙云, 道秦 暴亂, 書紀 略盡，

"^t 廉 3[ -5^ notes on OhAo Ch'l's preface.

之路，
士, 獨立五

，孟 子, 爾雅

已.

See the

置 傅士,
戲 通考，

pp. 9f lo-

B 2

4 THE WORKS OF MENCITJS. [pbouboouu.

shows the value set upon the writings of MenduSi and confirms the
point which I have sought to set forth in this section, ― that there
were Works of Mencius current in China before the Han dynasty,
and which were eagerly recognised and cherished by the scholars
under it, who had it in charge to collect the ancient literary produc-
tions of their country.

SECTION II.
chIo ch'! and his ulbours upon mencius.

1 . It has been shown that the Works of Mencius were sufficiently
well known from nearly the beginning of the Han dynasty ； but its
more distinguished scholars do not seem to have devoted themselves
to their study and elucidation. The Classics claimed their first
attention. There was much labour to be done in collecting and
collating the fragments of them, and to unfold their meaning was
the chief duty of every one who thought himself equal to the task.
Mencius was but one of the literati, a scholar like themselves. He
could wait. We must come down to the second century of the
Christian era to find the first commentary on his writings.

In the prolegomena to the Confucian Analects, Section i. 7, 1 have
spoken of Chftng Hsiian or Chftng K'ang-ch'Sng, who died at the age
of seventy-four, some time between a.d. 190-220, after having com-
mented on every ancient classical book. It is said by some 1 that he
embraced the Works of Mencius in his labours. If he did so, which
to me is very doubtful, the result has not come down to posterity.
To give to our philosopher such a treatment as he deserved, and com-
pose a commentary that should descend to the latest posterity, was
the work of Ch&o Ch'l, of whom we have a memoir in the fifty-fourth
chapter of the Biographies in the Books of the second Han dynasty.

2. Ch'l was born a.d. 108. His father was a censor about the

1 In the ' Books of the BCd dynasty , (a. d. 589-617), Bk. zzxix, , ， we find

that there were then in the national Repositories three Works on Mencius, 一 Ch&o Oh'i'S; one
by Ch&ng Hsiian, and one by Litt Hal (J^j^ ^K)， "^。 a scholar of Hun, but probably not
earlier than GhAo Ch'l. The same Works were existing under the T*ang dynasty (618 -907) ； 一 see
the * Books of Tang/ Bk. xliz, • By the rise of the Sung dynasty (a. d. 975

or 960), however, the two last were both lost. The entries in the Records of Std and Tang
would seem to prove that Oh&ng Hsiian had written on Mencius^ but in the sketches of his life
which I have consulted, — and that in the 'Books of the After Han dynasty,' 歹 |J *.
-J^ 3l» must be the basis of all the rest,— there is no mention made of his having done bo.

CB. I. BBCT. U.

CHAo CH't AND HIS LABOURS UPON MENOIUS

5

court of the emperor Hsiio-ftn 、 and gave him the name of Ohi&,
which he afterwards changed into Ch'l for the purpose of conceal-
ment, changing also bis original designation of T&i-ch'ing into Pin-
ch'ing^. It was his boast that he could trace his descent from the
ancient sovereign Chwan-hstia, b. c. 2510.

In his youth Ch'l was distinguished for his intelligence and
diligent study of the Classics. He married a niece of the celebrated
scholar and statesman Yung but bore himself proudly towards
him and her other relatives. A stern independence and hatred of the
sycophancy of the times were from the first characteristic of him,
and proved the source of many troubles.

When he was over thirty, Ch*l was attacked with some severe
and lingering illness, in consequence of which he lay upon his bed
for seven years* At one time, thinking he was near his end, he
addressed a nephew who was with him in the following terms : ―
' Born a man into the world, in retirement I have not displayed the
principles exemplified on Mount Chl^ nor in office achieved the merit
of 1 and Lli* Heaven has not granted me such distinction. What
more shall I say ？ Set up a round stone before my grave, and engrave
on it the inscription, ― " Here lies a recluse of Han, by surname Ghko
and by name ChifL He had the will, but not the opportunity.
Such was his fate. Alas!" '

Ccmtrary to expectation, Ch'l recovered, and in a.d. i 54 we find
bim again engaged in public life, but in four years he is flying into
obscurity under a feigned name, to escape the resentment of T'ang
H&ng 7, one of the principal ministers, and his partisans. He saved
his 】ife, but his family and relatives fell victims to the vengeance of
his enemies, and for some time he wandered about the country of
the Chiang and Hw&i, or among the mountains and by the sea-coast
on the north of the present Shan-tung. One day as he was selling
cakes in a market-place, his noble presence attracted the attention
of Sun Ch'ung^ a young gentleman of An-ch'iA, who was passing by
in a carriage, and to him on being questioned he made known his

安 皇帝. '趙攻 ，字鄹 賴, 初 名嘉, 字臺賴 ，後避

難, 故自睃 名字， ：類 * 馬融. '箕山 之換. ItWMto

JCoont Chi that jjj^ and two ancient worthies, are said to have withdrawn,

i^hen TAo wished to promote them to honour. • These are the well-known t Yin

T"'knng Wang (太^ 望). '唐 衡. '安 邱， 孫祟. The name
An-ch*iA still remains in the district so called of the department of Ch'ing-ehAii )•

6

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[fbolbooxbia.

history. This proved a fortunate rencontre for him. 8un Ch'ung
took him home, and kept him for several years concealed somewhere
* in the centre of a double wail i.. And now it was that he solaced
his hard lot with literary studies. He wooed the muse in twenty-
three poetical compositions, which he called * Songs of Adversity*,,
and achieved his commentary on Mencius.

On the fall of the T'ang faction, when a political amnesty was
proclaimed, Ch'l emerged from his friendly confinement, but only to
fall a victim again to the intrigues of the time. The first year of the
emperor Ling, a«d. i68, was the oommencement of an imprisonment
which lasted more than ten years; but nothing oould crush his
elasticity, or daunt his perseverance. In 185, when he had nearly
reached fourscore, he was active as ever in the field of political strife,
and wrought loyally to sustain the fortunes of the falling dynasty.
He died at last in a.d. 201, when he was over ninety, in Ching-ch&u^
whither he had gone on a mission in behalf of his imperial master.
Before his death he had a tomb prepared for himself, which
was long shown, or pretended to be shown, in what is now the
district city of Chiang-ling in the department of Ching-ch&u in

3. From the above account of Ch&o Ch'i, it will be seen that his
commentary on Mencius was prepared under great disadvantages.
That he, a fugitive and in such dose hiding, should have been able
to produce a work such as it is, shows the extent of his reading and
acquirements in early days. I have said so much about him, because
his name should be added to the long roll of illustrious men who
have found comfort in sore adversity from the pursuits of literature
and philosophy. As to his mode of dealing with his subject, it will
be sufficient to give his own account : 一

* I wished to set my mind on some literary work, by which I might
be assisted to the government of my thoughts, and forget the
approach of old age. But the six classics had all been explained
and carefully elucidated by previous scholars. Of all the orthodox
school there was only Mencius, wide and deep, minute and exquisite,
yet obscure at times and hard to see through, who seemed to me to
deserve to be properly ordered and digested. Upon this I brought

1 教 壁中. ，^鬼 敏, 二十 三章. '湖 北, 鋼 州府,

陵 ！!•

cB. I. SKV. in.] OTHER COMMENTATORS. 7

and other books, and divided my author into chapters and sentences.
My annotations are given along with the original text^ and of every
chapter I have separately indicated the scope. The Books I have
divided into two Parts, the first and second, making in all fourteen
sections.

'On the whole, with regard to my labour, I do not venture to
think that it speaks the man of mark, but as a gift to the learner, it
may dispel some doubts and resolve perplexities. It is not for me,
however, to pronounce on its excellencies or defects. Let men of
discernment who come after me observe its errors and omissions and
correct them ； 一 that will be a good service i.，

SECTION III.

OTHER COMHENTATOES.

1. All the commentaries on Mencius made prior to the Sung
dynasty (a. d. 960*) having perished, excepting that of Ch&o Ch*l,
I will not therefore make an attempt to enumerate them particularly.
Only three names deserve to be mentioned, as frequent reference is
made to them in Critical Introductions to our philosopher. They
were all of the T'ang dynasty, extending, if we embrace in it what
is called ' The After T'ang/ from a.d. 6i8 to 936. The first is that
of Lit Shan-ching ^ who declined to adopt Ohio Chl's division of the
whole into fourteen sections or parts, and many of whose inter-
pretations^ differing from those of the older authority, have been
received into the now standard commentary of OhA Hsi. The other
two names are those of Chang Yl* and Ting Kung-chA*, whose
principal object was to determine the sounds and tones of charactere
about which there could be dispute. All that we know of their
views is from the works of Sun Shih and GhA HsA, who have many
references to them in their notes.

2. During the Sung dynasty, the commentators on Mencius were
a multitude, but it is only necessary that I speak of two.

The most distinguished scholar of the early reigns was Sun Shih«,
who is now generally alluded to by his posthumous or honorary
epithet of * The Illustrious Duke 乙， We find him high in favour and

， Some dftte the commencement of the Sung dynasty in
* 張益. s 丁 ^著. • 孫爽. '宜^ •

、

8 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [pboudookema.

reputation in the time of T'fti-tsuDg (976-998), Ch&n-tsung (998-
1022), and Zftn-tsung (1023—1063)1. By imperial command, in asso-
ciation with several other officers, he prepared a work in two Parts,
under the title of *The Sounds and Meaning of Mencius/ and
presented it to the court*. Occasion was taken from this for
a strange imposture. In the edition of ' The Thirteen Ching/ Men-
cius always appears with , The Commentary of ChAo Ch'l , and * The
Correct Meaning of Shun ShihV Under the Sung dynasty, what
were called * correct meanlDgs ' were made for most of the Classics.
They are commentaries and annotations on the principal commentator
who is considered as the expounder of the Classic, the author not
hesitating^ however, to indicate any peculiar views of his own. The
genuineness of Shih's * Correct Meaning of Mencius , is questioned
bj few, but there seems to be no doubt of its being really a forgery,
at the same time that it contains the substance of the true work of
• The Illustrious Duke/ so far as that embraced the meaning of
Mencius and of Ch&o Ch*l. The account of it given in the preface
to 《 An Examination of the Text in the Commentary and Annotations
on Mencius/ by Yttan Ytian of the present dynasty, is ~ * Sun Shih
himself made no "Correct Meaning;" but some one ― I know not
who— supposing that his Work was really of that character, and
that there were many things in the commentary which were not
explained, and passages also of an unsatisfaotory nature, he trans-
cribed the whole of Shih's Work on " The Sounds and Meaning," and
having interpolated some words of his own, published it under the
title of " The Annotations of Sun Shih." He was the same person
who is styled by ChA Hsi " a scholar of Sh4o-wA V， ,

In the twelfth century GhA Hsi appeared upon the stage, and
entered into the labours of all his predecessors. He published one
Work separately upon Mencius*, and two upon Mencius and the
Confucian Analects ^ The second of these, ' Collected Comments
on the Analects and Mencius/ is now the standard authority on the

宗, 眞宗, 仁宗. '孟子 音義, 二 卷- In or about the year
>k was found, at one of the palace gates, with the title of *The Book of Heaven '
^^)* 化 e emperor at first was inclined to go in state and accept it, but he thought

of consulting Shih. Shih replied according to a sentiment of Menciua (V. Pt. I. v. 3) that
' Heaven does not speak/ and asked how then there could be any Book of Heaven. Was this
Book of Hearen, thus rejected on Shih's counsel, a copy of our Sacred Scriptures, which some
Nestorian Christian was endeavouring in the manner indicated to bring before the court of

，漢趙 氏註, 朱孫 奭瑰. *阮 云孟子 註瑰校 勘
記序. '孟子 指要. • 論孟集 義；翁 孟 集註.

CH. I. SMT. nr.] THEIR INTEGRITY AND AUTHORSHIP

9

subject, and has been the test of orthodoxy and scholarship in the
literary examiDations since a«d. 1315.

3, Under the present dynasty two important contributions have
been made to the study of Mencius. They are both published in the

The former, bearing the title of 'An Examination of the Text in the
Commentary and Annotations of Mencius/ forms the sections from
1039 to 1054. It is by Yilan Yttan, the Governor-General under
whose auspices that compilation was published. Its simple aim ia
to establish the true reading by a collation of the oldest and best
manuscripts and editions, and of the remains of a series of stone
tablets containing the text of Mencius, which were prepared in the
reign of E&o-tsung (a.d. 1128—1162)， and are now existing in the
Examination Hall of H&ng-ch&u. The second Work, which is still
more important, is embraced in the sections 1117-1146. Its title
is ~ , The Correct Meaning of Mencius, by Chi&o Hsttn, a Chii- 《& n
of Cliiang-tAV It is intended to be such a Work as Sun Shih
would have produced, had he really made what has been so long
current in the world under his name. I must regret that I was not
earlier acquainted with it.

SECTION IV.

INTBGKITY ； AUTHORSHIP ； AND BBOBFTION AMONG THE CLASSICAL BOOKS.

I • We have seen how the Works of Mencius were catalogued by
Hd Hsin as being in * eleven Books/ while a century earlier Sze-m&
Ch'ien referred to them as consisting only of * seven/ The question
has very much vexed Chinese scholars whether there ever really

2. Ch4o Ch'l says in his preface : 一 《 There likewise are four
additional Books, entitled " A Discussion of the Goodness of Man's
Nature," " An Explanation of Terms," " The Classic of Filial Piety,"
and "The Practice of Government/* But neither breadth nor depth
marks their composition. It is not like that of the seven acknow-
ledged Books. It may be judged they are not really the production
of Mendus, but have been palmed upon the world by some subsequent
imitator of him V As the four Books in question are lost, and only

I See voL i prolog, p. 133. ，孟 子正 義 9 江都焦

'又 有外鲁 四篇, 性 善辯, 文說, 孝經, 政, 其

10

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[PBOLMOMBHA.

a very few quotations from Mencius, that are not found in his Works
which we have, can be fished up from ancient authors, our best plan
is to acquiesce in the conclusion of Ghko Ch'l. The specification of
* Seven Books ， by Sze-mdi Ch'ien is an important corroboration of
it. In the two centuries preceding our era, we may conceive that
the four Books whose titles are given by him were made and pub-
lished under the name of Mencius, and Hsin would only do his duty
in including them in his catalogue, unless their falsehood was
generally acknowledged. Ch'l devoting himself to the study of
our author, and satisfied from internal evidence that they were not
hifi, only did his duty in rejecting them. There is no evidence that
his decision was called in question by any scholar of the Han or the
dynasties immediately following, when we may suppose that the
Books were still in existence.

The author of ' Supplemental Observations on the Four Books i,,
says upon this subject : 一 * " It would be better to be without books
than to give entire credit to them * ； " ~ this is the rule for reading
ancient books laid down by Mencius himself, and the rule for us
after-men in reading about what purport to be lost books of his. The
seven Books which we have "comprehend the doctrine of heaven
and earth, examine and set forth ten thousand topics, discuss the
subjects of benevolence and righteousness, reason and virtue, the
nature of man and the decrees of Heaven, misery and happiness 气,，
Brilliantly are these things treated of, in a way far beyond what any
disciple of Eung-sun Ch'&u or Wan Chang could have attained to.
What is the use of disputing about other matters ？ Ho Sheh has
his Expurgated Mencius V, but Mencius cannot be expurgated.
Lin Chin-sze has his "Continuation of Mencius," but Mencius needs
no continuation. I venture to say 一 " Besides the Seven Books there
were no other Works of Mencius." '

3. I have said, in the note at the end of this volume, that Ghko Oh'l
gives the total of the characters in Mencius as 34,685, while they are
now found actually to amount to 35,226. This difference has been
ingeniously accounted for by supposing that the continually recurring

深, 不 與內篇 《 似, 似 非孟子 本奠, 後世依 放而託

1 See voL L proleg. p. 131. * MenoiuB, VIL Pt IL iii. ■ This is the language
of ChAo Ch'l. * MA Twan-lin mentions two authors who had taken in hand to expurgate
Menoius, but neither of them is called 何 涉. He mentions Lin Chin-sze, calling him
Lin Sh&n-Bze (林惧 應)， *nd hia Work.

cR. L flsor. nr.] THEIR INTBGBITY AND AUTHOBSHIP. 11

' Mencius , and * Mencius said , were not in his copies. There would
be no use for them on his view that the whole was composed by
Mencius himself. If they were added subeequently, they would
about make up the actual excess of the number of characters above
his computation. The point is not one of importance, and I have
touched on it simply because it leads us to the question of the
authorship of the Works.

4* On this point Sze-m& Ch'ien and Chfto Ch*l are agreed They
say that Mencius composed the seven Books himself, and yet that he
did so along with certain of his discipleB. The words of the latter
are : 一 'He withdrew from public life, collected and digested the
conversations which he had had with his distinguished disciples,
Kimg-sun Ch'&u, Wan Chang, and others, on the difficulties and
doubts which they had expressed, and also compiled himself his
deliveranoeB ag ex oathedrd ； 一 and so published the seven Books of
his writings;

This view of the authorehip seems to have been first called in
question by Han Ytt 、 commonly referred to as ( Han, the duke of
Literature 2/ afamous scholar in the eighth and ninth centuries, under
the Tang dynasty, who expressed himself in the following terms : ―
' The Books of Mencius were not published by himself. After his
death, his disciplefl. Wan Chang and Kung-sun Oh'&u, in communi-
cation with each other, recorded the words of Menciugs.,

5. If we wish to adjudicate in the matter, we find that we have
a difficult task in hand. One thing is plain ~ the book is not the
work of many hands like the Confucian Analects. * If we look at the
style of the oompofiition/ says GhA. Hsi, 4t is as if the whole were
melted together, and not oompoBed by joining piece to piece V This
language is too strong, but there is a degree of truth and force in it.
No principle of chronology guided the arrangement of the different
parts, and a foreigner may be pardoned if now and then the ' pearls ,
seem to him ' at random strung ；' yet the collection is characterised
by a uniformity of style, and an endeavour in the separate Books to
preserve a unity of matter. This oonsideration, however, is not

^JBtifc 其徒 萬翬必

by Chft Hot in his prefatory notice to Mencius.
非 雜輯所 就者; quoted in 四書拓

12

THE WORKS OF MENOIUS

[PBOLBeOMSBTA.

enough to decide the question. Such as the work is, we can conceive
it proceeding either from Mencius himself, or from the labours of
a few of his disciples engaged on it in concert.

The author of the * Topography of the Four Books" has this
argument to show that the Works of Mencius are by Mencius
himself: 一 'The Confucian Analects/ he says, 'were made by the
disciples, and therefore they record minutely the appearance and
manners of the sage. But the seven Books were made by Mencius
himself, and therefore we have nothing in them excepting the words
and public movements of the philosopher*/ This peculiarity is
certainly consonant with the hypothesis of Mencius's own authorship,
and so far may dispose us to adopt it.

On the other hand, as the princes of Menciuss time to whom any
reference is made are always mentioned by the honorary epithets
conferred on them after their death, it is argued that those at least
must have been introduced by his disciples. There are many
passages, again, which savour more of a disciple or other narrator
than of the philosopher himself. There is, for instance, the com-
mencing sentences of Book III. Pt. I : ― ' When the duke W&n of
T'ftng was crown-prince, having to go to Ch'A, he went by way of
Sung, and visited Mencius (lit. the philosopher Mdng), Mencius
discoursed to him how the nature of man is good, and when speaking,
always made laudatory reference to Y&o and Shun. When the crown-
prince was returning from Ch'A, he again visited Mencius. Mencius
said to him " Prince, do you doubt my words ？ The path is one, and
only one." '

6. Perhaps the truth after all is as the thing is stated by Sze-mft
Ch'ien, 一 that Mencius, along with some of his disciples, compiled and
composed the Work. It would be in their hands and under their
guardianship after his death, and they may have made some slight
alterations, to prepare it, as we should say, for the press. Yet allow-
ing this, there is nothing to prevent us from accepting the sayings
and doings as those of Mencius, guaranteed by himself.

7. It now only remains here that I refer to the reception of Men-
cius's Works among the Classics. We have seen how they were not
admitted by LiA Hsin into his catalogue of classical works. Mencius

1 see vol i. proleg. p. 131. '翁語 成于門 人之手 ，故 記聖人

悉, 七篇成 于已手 ，故 但記雷 薪或出 J

, Sect, xziv, at the end.

OR. t. BXCT. IT.] THEIR RECEPTION AMONG THE CLASSICS

13

was then only one of the many scholars or philosophers of the ortho-
dox school. The same classification obtains in the Books of the SAi
and T'ang dynasties ； and in fact it was only under the dynasty of
Sung that the Works of Mencius and the Confucian Analects were
authoritatively ranked together. The first explicitly to proclaim
this honour as due to our philosopher was Ch'ftn Chih-ch&i ^ whose
words are ~ (Since the time when Han, the duke of Literature,
delivered his eulogium, " Confucius handed the scheme of doctrine to
Mencius, on whose death the line of transmission was interrupted a,"
the scholars of the empire have all associated Confucius and Mencius
together. The Books of Mencius are certainly superior to those oi
Hstin and Yang, and others who have followed them. Their pro-
ductions are not to be spoken of in the same day with his/ OhA
HgA adopted the same estimate of Mencius, and by his * Collected
Comments , on him and the Analects bound the two sages together
in a union which the government of China, in the several dynasties
which have succeeded, has with one temporary exception approved
and confirmed.

1 1$ nit 化 e name and the account I take from the ' Supplemental Observa-

tions on the Four Books,' art. I, on Mencius. , I apprehend, is a misprint for 【卜 , the
individual referred to being probably |^ ^B|L , a great scholar and officer of the twelfth

century, known also by the designations of and \\' ， This eulogy of Han

Tft is to be found sabjoined to the brief introduction in the common editions of Mencius. The
whole of the passage ihere quoted is : 一 ' Tfto handed the scheme qf doctrine down to Shun ； Shun
handed it to YQ ； YiX to Tang ； T'ang to W&n, W% and the duke of Ch&u ； W&n, W% and the
duke of Gh&u to Gonfaoiiu ； and Confucius to Mencius, on whose death there was no ftirfcher
transmission of it. In HsCUi and Tang there are snatches of it, but without a nice disorimma-
tion ； they talk about it, but without a definite particularity/

14 MBNCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PBouMomrA.

CHAPTER 11.

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.
SECTION I.

LIFE OP MBNOIUS.

I . The materials for a Memoir of Mencius are very scanty. The
biith and principal incidents of Confucius s life are duly chronicled
h .1 in the various annotated editions of the Ch'un Ch*iA,

Fluicity and ,

uncertainty of and in Sze-m& Ch'ien. It is not so in the case of
* Mencius. Ch'ien,8 account of him is oontained in

half a dozen columns which are without a single date. That in the
* CydopflBdia of Surnames ， only covers half a page. Chfto Ch'l is
more particular in regard to the early years of his subject^ but he is
equally indefinite. Our chief informants are K'ung FA, and LiA
Hsiang in his * Record of Noteworthy Women i,, but what we find
in them has more the character of legend than history.

It is not till we come to the pages of Mencius himself that we are
treading on any certain ground They give the principal incidents
of his public life, extending over about twenty-four yeara. We leam
from them that in the course of that time he was in such and such
places, and gave expression to such and such opinioDB ； but where he

I have carefully examined three attempts, made by competent scholars
of the present dynasty, to construct a Harmony that shall reconcile
the statements of the * Seven Books ， with the current chronologies
of the time, and do not see my way to adopt entirely the conclusions
of any one of them ^ The value of the Books lies in the record

1 向 ^"Hf , 饥 e three attempts are— one by the author of 'Supple-
mental ObeervationB on the Four Books,' an outline of which is given in his Notes on Mencius,
art. Ill ； one by the author of the 'Topography of the Four Books, ， and forming the twenty-fourth
Motion of the ' Explanations of the Classics under the Gh*ing Dynasty ；' and one prefixed to
the Works of MenduB, in * The Four Books, with the Relish of the Radical Meaning ' (vol. i.
proleg. p. 130). These three critics display much ixigennity and research, but their oonolusionB
are conflicting. 一 I maybe pardoned in saying that their learned labours have affected me just
as those of the Harmoniaen of the Gospel NarrativeB used to do in former yean, —bewildering
more than edifying. Most cordially do I agree with Dean Alford (New Testament, voL I.
proleg. I. vii. 5) : 一 * If the Erangelists have delivered to us truly and faithftilly the Apostolic
Narratiyes, and if the Apostles spoke as the Holy Spirit enabled them, and brought events and
Baying! to their reoolleotion, then we nuty be sure that if we knew th» real proem qfthe tranaaOUma

GH. n. net, 1.]

LIFE OF MBN0IU8

16

which they furnish of Mencius's sentiments, and the lessons which
these supply for the regulation of individual conduct and national
policy. It is of litUe importance that we should be able to lay them
down in the strict order of time.

With Menciufi'e withdrawal from public life, all traces of him dis-
appear. All that is said of him is that he spent his later years
along with his disciples in the preparation and publication of his
Works.

From this paragraph it will be seen that there is not much to be
said in this section. I shall relate, first, what is reported of the
early years and training of our philosopher, and then look at him as
he comes before us in his own pages, in the full maturity of his
character and powers.

2. Mendus is the latinized form of M&ng-tsze \ * The philosopher
M&ng/ His surname thus connects him with the Mftng or M&ng-sun
„. family, one of the three (rreat Houses of lA, whose

His Bunume ； " • o • • •

birth-place ； pa- usurpations Were such an offence to ConAicius in his

rents ； the year - mi • ，i . ^-,

of his birth, b.o. time. Their power was broken m the reign of duke
371, (B.C. 494-468), and they thenceforth dwindle into

comparative insignificance. Some braDches remained in obscurity
in Lii, and others went forth to the neighbouring States.

The branch from which MenciuB sprang found a home in the small
adjacent principality of Ts&u*, which in former times had been
known by the name of ChA \ It was afterwards absorbed by LA,
and itB name is said to be still retained in one of the districts of the
department of Yen-ch&u in Shan-tung There I visited his temple
in 1873, saw his image, and drank of a spring which supplied a well
of bright, dear water close by. Confucius was a native of a district
of LA having the same name, which many contend was also the birth-
place of Mencius, making him a native of LA and not of the State
of Ts&u. To my mind the evidence is decidedly against such
a view

tkemaeieesj that knowledffe uxnUd enabk us to give an account of the divenUies qf narration and arrangiimtU
tOdeh 06 Gotpds now pruent to U8, But wUhout such knondedge, all attempts to acoomplish this
analysis in minute detail must be mertiy wnj^Gtwralj and must tend to weaken the Evangelic
teetiinony rather than to strengthen it.'

1 孟子. '據 (Wttenalso 鄒) ，邾. * 山東, 兗 州府,
$P Ip^* ， and stoutly maintain the different sides of this

qaeation, the latter giving five ai^gumentB to show that the Tb&u of Mencius was the Ts&u of
LA. Ajb Mencius went from Oh'l on the death of his mother to bury her in LCl (Bk. II. Pt. II.
vii), this appears to prove that he was a native of that State. But the conclusion is not

16

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PROLMOMBirA.

Menciuss name was K'o 、 HLs designation does not appear in his
Works, nor is any given to him by Sze-m& Ch'ien or Ch&o Ch'l.
The latter says that he did not know how he had been styled ； but
the legends tell that he was called Tsze-chtt \ and Teze-yii The
same authorities ― if we can call them such ~ say that his father's
name was Chi *, and that he was styled Kung-1 They Bay also that
his mother's maiden surname was Chang Nothing is related of the
former but that he died when his son was quite young, but the latter
must have a paragraph to herself. *The mother of Mencius ' is
famous in China, and held up to the present time as a model of
what a mother should be.

The year of Mencius's birth was probably the fourtb of the sovereign
Lieh, B.C. 372^ He lived to the age of 84, dying in the year b.c.
289, the 26th of the sovereign Nan®, with whom terminated the long
sovereignty of the Ch&u dynasty. The first twenty-three years of
his life thus synchronized with the last twenty-three of Plato's. 、
Aristotle, Zeno, Epicurus, Demosthenes, and other great men of the
West, were also bis contemporaries. When we place Mencius among
them, he can look them in the face. He does not need to hide
a diminished head.

3. It was his misfortune, according to Ch&o Ch'l, * to lose his
father at an early period • ； but in his youthful years he enjoyed the

Menciiw's lessoDS of his kind mother, who thrice changed her
mother. residence on his account/

necessary. Ld had been for several generations the State of his family, and on that aooount
he might wish to inter his parent there, according to the otistom of the Ch&u dynasty (eee
the LI Chi, Bk. 11. Sect. I. i. The way in which Ts&a always appears as the residenoe of
Kencioa, when he.iB what we diould say 'at home,, appears to me deoisiye of the question,
though neither of the disputants preflses it into his aeryice. Compare Bk. III. Pt. I. ii ;
Bk. VI. Pt. II. i and The point is really of no importance, for the States of TBftu and LH
adjoined. *The rattle of the watchman in the one was heard in the other.'

1 flp^. * ]^ and 居, the one character taking the place of the other from
the similarity of the soimd. ， -3^ flft, * • 宜 • I find sometimes

insteadof 宜. •《 几氏. '烈 王, 四年, 已酉. • 雜王 二十六
申* ~> The * (Genealogical Begister of the M&ng Family' says that Mencius was born
in the year 已^ \ the 37th of the sovereign Ting (^^)， 。n the 2nd day of the 4th month,
and died in the year 申, the 96th of the soTereign Nan, on the 15th day of the ist

month. (See 四 書拓餘 說, 孟 子， art III.) The last of these dates is to be
embraced on manj grounds, but the first is evidently a mistake. Ting only reigned 98 yean,
and there is no 已 year among them. Reckoning back 84 years from the 96th of Nan,

we oome to a 已 酉 year, the 4tli of Lieh, which is now generally aoquiesoed in m the year
of Menoitis'f birth. • Ch't's words are— 'y^ , The legend^writen are more

OH. U. 8BCr. I.]

LIFE OF M£NGIUS

17

At first they lived near a cemetery, and Mencius amused himself
with acting the various scenes which he witnessed at the tombs.
' This,' said the lady, * is no place for my son ；, ― and she rjemoved to
a house in the market-place. But the change was no improvement.
The boy took to playing the part of a salesman, vaunting his wares,
and chaffering with customers. His mother sought a new house,
and found one at last close by a public school. There her child's
attention was taken with the various exercises of politeness which
the scholars were taught, and he endeavoured to imitate them.
The mother was satisfied. ' This,, she said, ' is the proper place for
my son/

Han Ying relates another story of this period. Near their house
was a pig-butcher's. One day Mencius asked his mother what they
were killing the pigs for, and was told that it was to feed him. Her
conscience immediately reproved her for the answer. She said to
herself, ' While I was carrying ibis boy iu my womb, I would not sit
down if the mat was not placed square, and I ate no meat which was
not cut properly ； 一 so I taught him when he was yet unborn ^ And
now when bis intelligence is opening, I am deceiving him ； 一 this is
to teach him untruthfulness ！ ' With this she went and bought
a piece of pork in ordet to make good her words.

As Mencius grew up, he was sent to school. When he returned
home one day, his mother looked up from the web which she was
weaving, and asked him how far he had got on. He answered her
with an air of indifference that he was doing well enough, on which
she took a knife and cut through the thread of her shuttle. The
idler was alarmed, and asked what she meant* when she gave him
a long lecture, showing that she had done what he was doing, — that
her cutting through her thread was like bis neglecting his learning.
The admonitioQ, it is said, bad its proper effect ； the lecture did not
need to be repeated.

There are two other narratives in which Chang-shih figures, and
though they belong to a later part of Mencius's life, it may be as well
to embrace them id the present paragraph.

His wife was sqAatting down one day in her own room, when

preeige, and uy that Mencius was only three yean old when his father died. This state-
ment, and Chl's as well, are difficult to reconcile with what we read in Bk. I. Pt. II. zri,
about the style in which Mencius buried his parents. If we accept the legend, we are reduced
there to great straits.

1 See Cha HbTb yj> 內 J^， 古^^ , — •， which begins with the educational
dutiM of the mother, while the child is yet unborn.
VOL. II. C

18

MBNCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[fbolmomwa.

Mencius went in. He was so much offended at finding her in that
position, that he told his mother, and expressed his intention to put
her away, because of * her want of propriety.' * It is you who have
no propriety/ said his mother, * and not your wife. Do not " The
Bules of Propriety ，, say, " When you are about to ascend a hall, raise
your voice ； when you enter a door, keep your eyes low?" The
reason of the rules is that people may not be taken unprepared ； but
you entered the door of your private apartment without raising your
voice, and so caused your wife to be caught squatting on the ground.
The impropriety is with you and not with her/ On this Mencius
fell to reproving himself, and did not dare to put away his wife.

One day, when he was living with his mother in Ch'i, she was
struck with the sorrowfulness of his aspect as he stood leaning
against a pillar, and asked him the cause of it. He replied, * I have
heard that the superior man occupies the place for which he is
adapted, accepting no reward to which he does not feel entitled, and
not covetous of honour and emolument. Now my doctrines are not
practised in Ch'l : ― I wish to leave it, but I think of your old age,
and am anxious/ His mother said, * It does not belong to a woman
to determine anything of herself, but she is subject to the rule of the
three obediences. When young, she has to obey her parents ； when
married, she has to obey her husband ； when a widow, she has to
obey her son. You are a man in your full maturity, and I am old.
Do you act as your conviction of righteousness tells you you ought
to do, and I will act according to the rule which belongs to me. Why
should you be anxious about me 1 '

cius. Possibly some of them are inventions, but they are devoutly
believed by the people of China ； ~ and it must be to their profit.
We may well believe that she was a woman of very superior
character, and that her son's subsequent distinction was in a great
degree owing to her influence and training i.

4. From parents we advance to be under tutors and governors.
The moulding hand that has wrought upon us in the pliant years of
„ . , . youth always leaves ineffaceable traces upon the

Menoius 8 in- *^ • • 丄,

structors; and character. Can anything be ascertained of the in-

structor or instructors of Mencius ？ The reply to
this inquiry must be substantially in the negative, though many

1 All these stories are given in the notes to the preface to Henoius in the

註集 i 登.

CH. n. nor. i.]

LIFE OF MKN0IU8.

19

have affirmed that he sat as a pupil at the feet of Tsze-sze, the
grandson of Confucius. We are told this by Ghfto Ch'l, whose
words are : 一 ' As he grew up, he studied under Tsze-Bze, acquired
all the knowledge taught by " The Learned," and became thoroughly
acquainted with " The Five Ching," being more especially distin-
goished for his mastery of the Shth and the SM 、： A reference to
dates, however, shows that this must be incorrect From the death
of ConfuciuB to the birth of Mencius there were io8 years, and
supposing ~ what is by no means probable ~ that Tsze-aze was bom
in the year his father died, he must have been 112 years old when,
HeDciuB was bom. The supposition of their having stood to each
other in the relation of master and scholar is inconsistent, moreover,
with the stvle in which Mencius refers to Tsze-sze. He mentions
him six or seven times, showing an intimate acquaintance with his
history, but never once in a manner which indicates that he had
personal intercourse with him

Sze-mk Ch'ien 8 account is that ' Mencius studied under the dis-
ciples of Tsze^sze V This may have been the case. There is nothing
on the score of time to make it impossible, or eveu improbable ； but
this is all that can be said about it. No famous names out of the
school of Tsze-fize have been transmitted to posterity, and Mencius
nowhere speaks as if he felt under special obligation to any in-
structor.

One short sentence contaias all that be has said bearing on the
point before us : — ' Although I could not be a disciple of Confucius
myself, I have endeavoured to cultivate my character and knowledge
by means of others who were\* The chapter to which this belongs is
rather enigmatical. The other member of it says : 一 ' The influence
of a sovereign sage terminates with the fifth generation. The in-
fluence of an unsceptred sage does the same.' By * an unsceptred
sage ， Mencius is understood to mean Confucius ； and by extending
his influence all over five generations, he shows how it was possible
for him to place himself under it by means of others who had been
in direct communication with the Master.

We must leave the subject of Mencius's early instructors in the
obscurity which rests upon it. The first forty years of his life are

1 長師孔 子之孫 子思, 治儒術 S 道, 通 五輕, 允長於

， See the Index of Proper Names. ， 門 •

IV. Pt. II. zxii.

C 2

20

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[fboubgohsita.

little more than a blank to us. Many of them, we may be sure, were
spent in diligent study. He made himself familiar during them with
all the literature of his country. Its classics, its histories, its great
men, had received his careful attention. Confdcius especially became
to him the chief of mortal men, the object of his untiring admira-
tion ； and in his principles and doctrines he recognised the truth
for want of an appreciation of which the bonds of society all round
him were being relaxed, and the kingdom hastening to a general
anarchy.

How he supported himself in Ts&u, we cannot tell. Perhaps he
was possessed of some patrimony ； but when he first comes forth
from bis native State, we find him accompanied by his most eminent
disciples. He probably imitated Confucius by assuming the office
of a teacher, 一 not that of a schoolmaster in our acceptation of the
word, but that of a professor of morals and learning, encouraging
the resort of inquiring minds, in order to resolve their doubts and
inform them on the true principles of virtue and society. These
disciples would minister to his wants, though we may presume that
lie sternly maintained his dignity among them, as he afterwards did
towards the princes of the time, when be appeared among them as
a lecturer in another sense of the term. Two instances of this are
recorded, though we cannot be sure that they belonged to the earlier
period of his life.

* When K&ng of T'&ng made his appearance in your school/
said the disciple Kung-tA, 'it seemed proper that a polite con-
sideration should be paid to him, and yet you did not answer
him ； 一 why was that?, Mencius replied, 'I do not answer him
who questions me presuming on his ability, nor him who presumes
on his talents, nor him who presumes on his age, nor him who
presumes on services performed to me, nor him who presumes on old
acquaintance. Two of those things were chargeable on K&ng of

rangV

The other instance is that of Chi&o of TsAo, who said to Mencius,
* I shall be having an interview with the prince of Ts&u, and can
ask him to let me have a house to lodge in. I wish to remain here,
and receive instruction at your gate/ 《 The way of truth/ replied
the philosopher, *is like a great road. It is not difficult to know
it. The evil is only that men will not seek it. Do you go home

I See Bk. VII. Pt. I. xliii.

CM. n. 8ICT. I.]

LIFE OF MENCIUS

21

and search for it, and you will have abundance of teachers V This
was firmly said, yet not unkindly. It agrees with his observation : 一
' There are many arts in teaching. I refuse, as inconsistent with
my character, to teach a man, but I am only thereby still teaching
himV

5. The state of China had waxed worse and worse during the

state of China 。( disorganization which were rife in the times of
in Meneius's time, the earlier sage had gone on to produce their natural
results. One feeble sovereign had followed another on the throne,
and the dynasty of Ch&n was ready to vanish away. Men were
persuaded of its approaching extinction. The feeling of loyalty
to it was DO longer a cherished sentiment ； and the anxiety and
expectation was about what new rule would take its plaoe.

Many of the smaller fiefs or principalities had been reduced to
a helpless dependence on, or been absorbed by, the larger ones. Of
LA, Ch&ng, Wei, WA, Ch'ftn, and Sung*, conspicuous in the Analects,
we read but little in Mencius. Tsin* had been dismembered, and its
fragments formed the nuclei of three new and vigorous kingdoms^
— Wei, Chdo, and Han*. Ch'l still maintained its ground, but
was barely able to make head against the State of Ch'in* in the
West, and Ch'A in the South 7. The struggle for supremacy was
between these two; the former, as it was ultimately successful,
being the more ambitious and incessant in its aggressions on its
neighbours.

The princes were thus at constant warfare with one another. Now
two or more would form a league to resist the encroaching Ch'in,
and hardly would that object be accomplished before they were at
war among themselves. Ambitious statesmen were continually in-
flaming their quarrels. The recluses of Confuciuss days, who
withdrew in disgust from the world and its turmoil, had given
place to a class of men who came forth from their retirements
provided with arts of war or schemes of policy which they recom-
mended to the contending chiefs. They made no scruple of changing
their allegiance, as they were moved by whim or interest. Kung-sun
Yen and Chapg 1 may be mentioned as specimens of those characters.
' Are they not really great men V it was once asked of Mencius.

, Bk.VI. Pt. 11. ii. 6. , Bk. VI. Pt II. xvi. , 魯， UJ, 衞, 英, 陳， 来.
'晉. '魏, 趙, 韓. '秦. '楚.

22

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[pbolbqomuva.

' Let them onoe be angry, and all the princes are afraid. Let them
live quietly, and the flames of trouble are extinguished throughout
the kingdom 1,

It is not wonderful that in such times the minds of men should
have doubted of the soundness of the ancient principles of the ac-
knowledged sages of the nation. Doctrines, strange and portentous
in the view of Mencius, were openly professed. The .authority of
Confucius was disowned. The foundations of government were
overthrown ； the foundations of truth were assailed. Two or three
paragraphs from our philosopher will verify and illustrate this
representation of the character of bis times : 一

* A host marches in attendance on the ruler, and stores of provisions
are consumed. The hungry are deprived of their food, and there is
no refit for those who are called to toil. Maledictions are uttered
by one to another with eyes askance, and the people proceed to the
commission of wickedness. Thus the royal ordinances are violated,
and the people are oppressed, and the supplies of food and drink
flow away like water. The rulers yield themselves to the had
current, or they urge their evil way against a good one; they are
wild ； they are utterly lost V

' The five chiefe of the princes were sinners against the three
kings. The princes of the present day are sinners against the five
chiefs. The great officers of the present day are sinners against the
princes. . . . The crime of him who connives at and aids the wicked-
ness of bis prince is small, but the crime of him who anticipates and
excites that wickedness is great. The officers of the present day all
go to meet their sovereigns' wickedness, and therefore I say that
they are sinners against them V

* Sage sovereigns cease to arise, and the princes of the States give
the reins to their lusts. Unemployed scholars indulge in unreason-
able discussions. The words ofYang ChA and Mo Ti fill the kingdom.
If you listen to people's discourses, you will find that they have
adopted the views either of Yang or of Mo. Now, Yang's principle
is 一 "each one for himself," which does not acknowledge the claims of
the sovereign. Mo's principle is 一 " to love all equally," which does
not acknowledge the peculiar affection due to a father. But to
acknowledge neither king nor father is to be in the state of a beast.
Kung-ming 1 said, " In their kitchens there is fat meat. In their

» Bk. III. Pt. II. i. ， Bk. I. Pt. II. iv. 6, 8. ' Bk. VII. Ft. II. vii. i, a.

cm. n. nor. i.]

LIFE OF MENCIUS

23

stablefl there are fat horses. But their people have the look of
hunger, and on the wilds there are those who have died of famine.
This is leading on beasts to devour men." If the principles of Yang
and Mo are not stopped, and the principles of Confucius not set
forth, those perverse speakings will delude the people and stop up
the path of benevolence and righteousness. When benevolence and
righteousness are stopped up, beasts will be led on to devour men,
and men will devour one another V

6. It is in Chi that we first meet with Mencius as a counsellor of
the princes and it was in this State that he spent much the greater
Menciua the of his public life. His residence in it, however,

^ appears to have been divided into two portions, and

Chi; some time ^ 、

between B.a 33a we KDOw not to which of them to refer many of the
紐 d3"- chapters which describe his intercourse with the

prince (or king, as he claimed to be) and his ministers ； but, as
I have already observed, this is to us of little moment. Our interest
is in what he did and said. It matters little that we cannot assign
to each saying and doing its particular date.

That he left Ch'l the first time before b.c. 323 is plausibly inferred
from Bk. II. Pt. II. xiv. 3*； and assuming that the conversation in
the same Book, Pt. I. ii, took place immediately before or after his
arrival*, we can determine that he did not enter the State before b. c.
331, for he speaks of himself as having attained at forty years of age
to 'an unperturbed mind/ The two chapters contain the most
remarkable expreesione indicative of Mencius's estimate of himself.
In the first, while he glorifies Confucius as far before all other men
who bad ever lived, he declines having comparisons drawn between
himself and any of the sage's most distinguished disciples. In the

* Bk. TTT. Pt II. iz. 9. ， In the * Ann&ls of the Nation ， (voL i. proleg. p. 134),

Mencius's Tiait to king Hdi of Liang is set down as haying occurred in b.o. 335, and under
B.a 318 it is said ~ 'MenoiaB goes from Liang to ChV The viait to Liang is placed too early,
and that to Ch'l too late. The disasters of king HCd, mentioned in Bk. I. Pt. I. v. i, had not
all taken place in b.c. 318 ； and if Mencius remained seventeen years in Liaog, it is straDge
WB have only flye conversations between him and king HiU. So far from hU not going to
Chi till B.a 318, it will be aeen from the next note that he was leaving Ch'l before b.o. 393.
3 Meneius's words are— * From the commencement of the Gh&u dynasty till now more than
700 yean have eUpsecL' It waB to the purpose of his argument to make the time appear as
long as poMibla Had 800 yean elapsed, he would surely have said so. But as the Ch&u
dynaaty commenced in b.c. iiaz, the year b.o. saa would be its 800th annhrersaiy, and
Meneiiis's departure from Ch'l did not take place later than the year before b. a 323.
♦ This chapter and the one before it have very much the appearanoe of having taken plAoe on
the way from Ta&u to Ch'l. Mencius has been invited to a powerful court. He is emerging
from hiB obflcarity. His diBoiples expect great things for him. Kung-sun Ch'&u sees him
inreflted with the government of Ch'l, and in the elation of his heart makes his inquiries.

24

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[pBOLMOimrA

second, when going away sorrowful because he had not wrought the
good which he desired, he observes Heaven does not yet wish
that the kingdom should enjoy tranquillity and good order. If it
wished this, who is there besides me to bring it about?'

We may be certain that Mencius did not go to Ch'l uninvited.
His approach was waited for with curious expectation, and the king,
spoken of always by his honorary epithet of HsUan, ( The Illustrious,
sent persons to spy out whether he was like other men\ They had
their first interview at a place called Ch'ung, which was so little
satisfactory to the philosopher that he resolved to make only a short
stay in the State. Circumstances occurred to change this resolution,
but though he remained, and even accepted office, yet it was only
honorary ； 一 he declined receiving any salary

From Ch'ung he appears to have retired to Fing-IA, where Ch'A,
the prime minister, sent bim a present, wishing, no doubt, to get
into his good graces. I call attention to the circumstance, though
trifling in itself, because it illustrates tbe way in which Mencius
carried himself to the great men. He took the gift, but sub-
sequently, when he went to the capital, he did not visit the
minister to acknowledge it. His opinion was that Ch'A might
have come in person to P'ing-IA to see him. ' There was a gift,
but no corresponding respect a..

With the governor of Fmg-16, called K'ung Chti-hsin, Mencius
spoke freely, and found him a man open to conviction. * If one of
your spearmen/ said Mencius to him, * were to lose his place in the
ranks three times in one day, would you put him to death or not?'
' I would not wait for three times to do so,' replied Chti-hsin. Men- -
cius then charged home upon him the sufferings of the people,
saying they were equivalent to his losing his place in the ranks.
The governor defended himself on the ground that those sufferings
were a consequence of the general policy of the State. To this the
other replied, * Here is a man who receives charge of the sheep and
cattle of another, undertaking to feed them for him ； 一 of course he
must search for pasture-ground and grass. If, after searching for
those, he cannot find them, will he return his charge to the owner? or
will he stand by and see them die V The governor's reply was,
《 Herein I am guilty V

When Mencius presented himself at the capital of the State, he

1 Bk* IV. Pt. II. xxxii. 2 Bk. II. Pt. II. xiv. » Bk. II. Pt. II. v. * Bk. II. Pt. II. iv

CH. n. 8SCT.

LIFE OF MENCnJS.

25

was honourably received by the king. Many of the conversations
with the sovereign and offioeis which are scattered through the seven
Books, though the first and second are richest in them, must be
referred to this period. The one which is first in place i, and which
contains the fullest exposition of the philosopher's views on govern-
ment, was probably first likewise in time*. It sets forth the grand
essential to the exercise of royal government, ― a heart on the part
of the sovereign impatient of the sufferings of the people, and eager
to protect them and make them happy ； it brings home to king
Hsttan the conviction that he was not without such a heart, and
presses on him the truth that his not exercising it was from a want
of will and not from any lack of ability ； it exposes unsparingly the
errors of the course he was pursuing ； and concludes by an exhibition
of the outlines and happy issues of a true royal sway.

Of this nature were all Mencius's communications with the
sovereign ； but he lays himself open in one thing to severe censure.
Afraid apparently of repelling the prince from him by the severity
of his lessons, he tries to lead him on by his very passions. 《 I am
fond of beauty/ says the king, 'and that is in the way of my
attaining to the royal government which you celebrate/ ' Not at
all/ replies the philosopher. ' Gratify yourself, only do not let
your doing so interfere with the people's getting similar enjoyment
for themselves K So the love of money, the love of war, and the
love of music are dealt with. Mencius thought that if he could
only get the good of the people to be recognised by HsUan as the
great aim which he was to pursue, his tone of mind would be so
elevated, that the selfish passioiis and gratifications of which be was
the slave would be purified or altogether displaced. And so it would
have been. Where he fails, is in putting his points as if benevolence
and selfishness, covetousness and generosity might exist together.
Chinese moralists rightly find fault with him in this respect, and say
that Confucius never condescended to such a style of argument.

Notwithstanding the apparent cordiality of the kings reception
of him, and the freedom with which Mencius spoke his mind at
their interviews, a certain suspiciousness appears to have been main-
tained between thera. Neither of them would bend to the other.

* Bk. I. Pt. L vii • I judge that this was the first set eonTersation between king

Hflfian and Mencius, because of the inquiry with which the king opens it, 一 ' May I be informed
by you of the transactions of Hwan of Ch*l, and W&n of Tsin ？， A very brief aoquaintanoe
with our philosopher would have taught him that he was the last person to apply to about
those eharactera. ' Bk. I. Pt. II. i. iii. v : etal.

26

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[pBOLMOMBlfA.

MenciuB would not bow to the royal state ； Hsiian would not vail
bonnet to the philosopher's cloak. We have one amusing instance
of the struggles to which this sometimes gave rise. One day Men-
cius was preparing to go to court of his own free will, when a
messenger arrived from the king, saying he had intended to come
and see him, but was prevented by a cold, and asking whether
Mencius would not appear at the audience next morning. Mencius
saw that this was a device on the part of the king to avoid stooping
to visit him, and though he had been about to go to court, he replied
at once that he was unwell. He did not hesitate to meet the king's
falsehood with one of his own.

He did not wish, however, that the king should be ignorant of the
truth, and went out next morning to pay a visit of condolence. He
supposed that messengers would be sent from the court to inquire
about his health, and that, when they took back word that he had
gone out visiting, the king would understand how his sickness of the
day before was only feigned.

It happened as he expected. The king sent a messenger, and his
physician besides. Mencius being out, they were received by M&ng
Chung, either his son or cousin, who complicated the affair by an
invention of his own. * To-day, ， he said, ( he was a little better, and
hastened to go to court. I don't know whether he has reached it
by this time or not.* No sooner were the visitors gone with this
story, than he sent several persons to look for the philosopher, and
urge him to go to the court before he returned home.

It was now necessary that a full account of the matter should
reach the royal ears ； and to accomplish this, Mencius neither went
home nor to court, but spent the night at the house of one of the
high officers. They had an animated discussion. The officer accused
Mencius of showing disrespect to the king. The philosopher replied
that DO man in Ch*l showed so much respect for the sovereign as he
did, for it was only he who brought high and truly rpyal subjectB
under his notice.

' That,' said the officer, * is not my meaning. The rule is ~ " When
the prince's order calls, the carriage must not be waited for." You
were going to the court, but when you heard the king's message, you
did not do so. This seems not in aocordanoe with that rule.' Mencius
explained : 一 * There are three things univerBally acknowledged to be
honourable, ― nobilitv, age, and virtue. In courts, nobility holds the
first place ； in villages, age ； and for helping one's generation and

OH. n. nor. i.]

LIFE OF MENCIU8

27

presiding over the people, the other two are not equal to virtue.
The possession of one of the three does not authorise the despising
of one who has the other two.

*A prince who is to accomplish great deeds will have ministers
whom he does not call to go to see bim. When he wishes to consult
with them, he goes to them. The prince who does not honour the
virtuous, and delight in their ways of doing, to this extent, is not
worth having to do with.

' There was Tang with t Yin : 一 he first learned of him, and
then made him his minister : and so without diflBcultv he became
sovereign. There was the duke Hwan with Ewan Chung: 一 he
first learned of him, and then made him his minister ； and so
without difficulty he became chief of all the princes.

'So did T*ang behave to t Yin, and the duke Hwan to Kwan
Chung, that they would not venture to call them to go to them. If
Kwan Chung might not be called to him by his prince, how much
less may I be called, who would not play the part of Kwan Chung"'

We are to suppose that these sentiments were conveyed to the
king by the officer with whom Mencius spent the night. It is a pity-
that the exposition of them could only be effected in such a round-
about manner, and was preceded by such acts of prevarication. But
where the two parties were so suspicious of each other, we need not
wonder that they separated before long. Mencius resigned his
honorary appointment, aud prepared to return to Ts&u. On this
occasion king Hsiian visited him, and after some complimentary
expressions asked whether he might expect to see him again.
' I dare not request permission to visit you at any particular time,*
replied Menqius, ' but, indeed, it is what I desire V

The king made another attempt to detain him, and sent an officer,
called Shih, to propose to him to remain in the State, on the under-
standing that he should have a house large enough to accommodate
his disciples, and an allowance of ten thousand measures of grain
to support them. All Mencius's efforts had not sufficed to make
king Hsiian and his ministers understand him. They thought he
was really actuated like themselves by a desire for wealth. He
indignantly rejected the proposal, and pointed out the folly of

1 Bk. n. Pt. n. ii. ， Bk. IL Pt. II. x. I oonaider that this chapter, and others here
raferred to, belong to Menoios'B flnt departure from Ch'l. I do ao because we can hardly
sappoM thai the king and hia offleen would not have understood him better by the end of
his aeeond reridexuse. Moreover, while Mencius retires, his UnguAge in x. a and zL 5, 6 is of
such a nature that it leayes an opening for him to return again.

28

MENCRTS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[PBOLBOOXXNA.

it, considering that he had already declined a hundred thousand
measures in holding only an honorary appointmeni)

So Mencius turned his back on Ch'i ； but be withdrew with a
slow and lingering step, stopping three nights in one place, to afford
the king an opportunity to recall him on a proper understanding.
Some reproached him with his hesitancy, but he sufficiently explained
himself. ' The king,' he said, * is, after all, one who may be made
to do good. If he were to use me, would it be for the happiness
of Ch'i only ？ It would be for the happiness of the people of the
whole kingdom. I am hoping that the king will change ； I am
daily hoping for this.

' Am I like one of your little-minded people ？ They will remon-
strate with their prince, and on their remonstrance not being
accepted, they get angry, and, with their passion displayed in their

for a whole day, before they will rest^.'

7. After he left Ch'i, Mencius found a home for some time in the
small principality of T'Sng, on the south of Ch'i, in the ruler of
Mencius in which he had a sincere admirer and docile pupil,
teavhi"^? *to He did not proceed thither immediately, however,
B.C. 318. but seems to have taken his way to Sung, which

consisted mostly of the present department of Kwei-tei in Ho-nan \
There he was visited by the crown-prince of Ting, who made a long
detour, while on a journey to Ch'A, for the purpose of seeing him.
The philosopher discoursed on the goodness of human nature, and
the excellent ways of Y4o and Shun. His hearer admired, but
doubted. He could not forget, however, and the lessons which he
received produced fruit before long. ^

1 I have said in a note, Bk. II. Pt. n. z. 5, that 100,000 chung was the fixed allowance of a
which Mencius had declined to reoeiye. "When we look narrowly into ihe matter, however,
see that this could hardly be the case. It is known that four measures were used in Ch% 一 the

R ， |S ， ^^ ， and and that a chung was « ten or six and four 0u. 10,000 chung

would thus s= 64,000 stone, and Mencius declined 640,000 stone of grain. No offloer of Ch'i
could have an income so much as that. The measures of the Han dynasty are ascertained to
iiAve been only one-fifth the capacity of the present. Assuming that those of Oh&u and Han
agreed, and bringing the above computations to the present standard, Mencius was offered an
annual amount of 19,800 stone of grain for his disciples, and he had himself refused in all
xfl8,ooo stone. "With this reduction, and taking any graiu we pleftse as the standard of
valuation, the amount is still much beyond what we can suppose to have been a ^j^'a salary. 一
supposes that Menoius intends by 100,000 chung the sum of the income daring
all the years he had held hia honorary office. « Bk. II. Pt II. xii. ^ This is gathered
from Bk. III. Pt. L i. 1， where the crown-prince of T&ng visits Mencius, and from Bk. II.
Ft. II. iii, where his accepting a gift in Sung appears to have been subsequent to his refusing
one in Ch*l.

CB. n. SECT.

LIFE OF MENCIUS. 29

From Sung Mencius returned to Ts&u, by way of Hsieh. In
both Sung and Hsieh he accepted large gifts from the rulers, which
help us in some measure to understand how he could maintain an
expenditure which must have been great, and which gave occasion
also for an ingenious exposition of the principles on which he
guided his course among the princes. * When you were in Oh'V
said one of his disciples, 'you refused a hundred yi of fine gold,
which the king sent, while in Sung you accepted seventy yi, and in
Hsieh fifty \ If you were right in refusing the gift in the first case,
you did wrong in accepting it in the other two. If you were right
ID accepting it in those two cases, you were wrong in refusing it in
Ch*l. You must accept one of these alternatives/ 'I did right
in all the cases/ replied Mencius, * When I was in Sung, I was
about to undertake a long journey. Travellers must be provided
with what is necessary for their expenses. The prince's message
was ― "a present against travelling expenses ；" why should I have
declined the gift? In Hsieh I was under apprehensions for my
safety, and taking measures for my protection. The message was ―
"I have heard you are taking measures to protect yourself, and
send this to help you in procuring arms." Why should I have
declined the gift ？ But when I was in Ch'l, I had no occasion for
money. To send a man a gift when he has no occasion for it is to
bribe bim. How is it possible that a superior man should be taken
with a bribes ?，

Before Mencius had been long in TsAu, the crown-prince of T'ftng
succeeded to the rule of the principality, and calling to mind the
lessons which he had heard in Sung, sent an officer to consult the
philosopher on the manner in which he should perform the funeral
and mourning services for his father*. Mencius of course advised
him to carry out in the strictest manner the ancient regulations.
The new prince's relatives and the officers of the State opposed, but

1 I have suppoeed in the translation, Bk. II.Pt.II.iiL i, that the metal of these gifts was silver
and not gold. i^E, however, seems to make it clear that we ought to understand that

it was gold. —皇 淸輕 解， 孟子生 卒年月 考, P- M Pressed with the
objection ihat 9,400 ounces of gold seems too large a sum, he goes on to make it appear that
under the Ch'in dynaaty, a yi or twenty-four ounces of gold waa only equal to 15,000 cash, or
fifteen taels of dlyer of the present day ! This is a point on which I do not know that we can
attain any podtive certainty. " Bk. II. Pt. IL iii. ' Bk. III. Pt. I. ii. The note of time
which is relied on as enabling us to follow Mencius here is the intimation, Bk. I. Pt. IL xiv,
that *Ch'i WM about to fortify Hsieh.' This is referred to b.o. 390， when king Hsuan appointed
his brother 田 奥 over the dependency of Hsieh, and took measures to fortify it.

30

MENCIU8 AND HI8 DISCIPLES

[raOLMOMSVA.

ineffectually. Mencius's counsel was followed, and the effect was
great. Duke Win became an object of general admiration.

By and by Mencius proceeded himself to T'ftng. We may suppose
that he was invited thither by the prince as soon aa the rules of
mourning would allow his holding free communication with him.
The chapters which give an account of their conversations are really
interesting. Mencius recommended that attention should be chiefly
directed to the encouragement of agriculture and education. He
would have nourishment secured both for the body and the mind
of every subject i. When the duke was lamenting the danger to
which he was exposed from his powerful and encroaching neighbours,
Mencius told him he might adopt one of two courses ； 一 either leave
his State, and like king Tki go and find a settlement elsewhere, or
be prepared to die for his patrimony. *If you do good,' said he,
* among your descendants in after generations there will be one
who shall attain to the royal dignity. But results are with
Heaven. What is Ch'l to you, prince ？ Be strong to do good.
That is all your business

After all, nothing came of Mencius's residence in T*ftng. We
should like to know what made him leave it. Confucius said that,
if any of the princes were to employ him, he should achieve some-
thing considerable in twelve months, and in the course of three
years, the government would be perfected*. Mencius taught that,
in his time, with half the merit of former days double the result
might be accomplished^. Here in T'ftng a fair field seemed to be
afforded him, but he was not able to make his promise good.
Possibly the good purposes and docility of duke Wftn may not have
held out, or Mencius may have found that it was easier to theorise
about government, than actually to carry it on. Whatever may
have been the cause, we find him in B.c. 319 at the court of king
Hiii of Liang.

of the * shrike-toDgued barbarian of the South/ one Hstl Hsing, who
came to Tftng on hearing of the reforms which were being made at
Mencius's advice by the duke Wftn. This was one of the dreamy
speculators of the time, to whom I have already alluded. He pre-
tended to follow the lessons of Shftn-nftng, one of the reputed founders
of the kingdom and the father of husbandry, and came to T'tog with

1 Bk. III. Pt. I. iii. ， Bk. I. Pt. II. xiii. xiv. xv. * Confuci«ii Analects, XIII. x.
« Bk. II. Pt. I. i. 13.

CH. n. SMT. 1.]

LIFE OF MENCIUS.

81

his plough upon his shoulder, followed by scores of followers, all
wearing the coarsest clothes, and supporting themselves by making
mats and sandals. It was one of hifi maxims that * the magistrates
should be labouring-men/ He would have the sovereign grow his
own rice, and cook his own meals. Not a few of * The Learned'
were led away by his doctrines, but Mencius girt up his loins to
oppose the heresy, and ably vindicated the propriety of a division
of labour, and of a lettered class conductiiig the government. It is
just possible that the appearance of Hsii Hsing, and the countenance
shown to him, may have had something to do with Mencius's
leaving the State.

8. Liang was another name for Wei, one of the States into which
Tsin had been divided. King Eiii, early in his reign, B.G. 364/ had
M . . made the city of T&4iaiig, in the present department
Liang;— B.C. 01 K'&i-mng, his capital, and ffiven its name to his

whole principality. It was the year before his death,
when Mencius visited him A long, stormy, and disastrous rule
was about to terminate, but the king was as full of activity and
warlike enterprise as ever he had been. At his first interview with
Mencius, he addressed him in the well-known words, * Venerable
Sir, since you have not counted it far to come here, a distance of a
thousand U, may I presume that you are likewise provided with
counsels to profit my kingdom ？ ， Mencius in reply starts from the
word profit, and expatiates eloquently on the evil consequences that
must ensue from making a regard to profit the ground of conduct or
the rule of policy. As for himself, his theme must be benevolence
and righteousness. On these he would discourse, but on nothing
e】se, and in following them a prince would obtain true and sure
advantages.

Only five conversations are related between king HAi and the
philosopher. They are all in the spirit of the first which has just
been described.

1 There are various difficulties about the reign of king H(d of Liang. Sze-m& Gh'ien
makes it commence in 369 and ienninate in 334. He is then auoceeded by Hsiang (^^)，
whose reign ends in 318 ； and he is followed by l.i (J^) till 995. What are called *The

Bamboo Books ex^nd JItd*s reign to B.a 318， and the next twenty years are assigned

to king Al *The Annals of the Nation ' (which are compiled from *The Qeneral Mirror of

History' ^^]) follow the Bamboo Books in the length of king Hiii's reign, but make

him followed by Hsiang ； and take no note of a king li. 一 From Mencius we may be asBured
that Hfii was suooeeded by Hsiang, and the view of his Life, which I have followed in this
sketch, leads to the longer period assigned to his reign.

32

MENCTUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOLXOOMEHA.

There is the same freedom of expostulation, or, rather, boldness of
reproof, and the same unhesitating assurance of the success that
would follow the adoption of his principles. The most remarkable
is the third, where we have a sounder doctrine than where he tells
king HsUan that his love of beauty and money and valour need not
interfere with his administration of royal government. HAi is
boasting of his diligence in the government of his State, and
sympathy with the sufferings of his people, as far beyond those of
any of the neighbouring rulers, and wondering how he was not more
prosperous than they. Mencius replies, * Your Majesty is fond of
war ； ~ let me take an illustration from it. The drums sound, and
the weapons are crossed, when suddenly the soldiers on one side
throw away their coats of mail, trail their weapons behind them,
and run. Some of them run a hundred paces, and some run only-
fifty. What would you think if those who run fifty paces were to
laugh at those who run a hundred paces ？ ， * They may not do so,'
said the king ； * they only did not run a hundred paces, but they
also ran., * Since your Majesty knows this/ was the reply, ' you
need not hope that your people will become more numerous than
those of the neighbouring kingdoms.' The king was thus taught
that half-measures would not do. Royal government, to be
effectual, must be carried out faithfully and in its spirit.

King HAi died in B.C. 319, and was succeeded by his son, the
king Hsiang. Mencius appears to have had but one interview with
him. When he came out from it, he observed to some of his friends :
一 ' When T looked at him from a distance, he did not appear like a
sovereign ； when I drew near to him, I saw nothing venerable about
him i.，

It was of no use to remain any longer in Liang ； he left it, and
we meet with him again in Ch'l.

9- Whether he returned immediately to Ch'l we cannot tell, but
the probability is that he did, and remained in it till the year
Mencius the B.C. 31 1 2. When he left it about seven years before,
SS^i^-toi^Tai? he had made provision for his return in case of a

, • change of mind in king Hsiian. The philosopher, I

1 Bk. I. Pt I. vi. ， This conclusion is adopted because it was in 311 that Yen robellecL
when the king said that he was very much ashamed when he thought of Mencius who had
strongly condemned his policy towards the State of Yen.— This is another case in which the
chronology is differently laid down by the authorities, Sze-mft Ch'ien saying that Yon waa
taken by king Min 醫 王)， son and successor of HsQan.

CB. n. SECT. I.]

LIFE OF MENCIUS

33

apprehend, was content with an iDsufficieiifc assurance of such an
alteration. Be that as it may, he went back, and took an appoint-
ment again as a high noble.

If he was contented with a smaller reformation on the part of the
king than he must have desired, Mencius was not himself different
from what he had been. In the court and among the high officers
his deportment was equally unbending ； he was the same stern
mentor.

Among the officers was one Wang Hwan, called also Tsze-&o, a
favourite with the king, insolent and presuming. Him Mencius
treated with an indifference and even contempt which must have
been very provoking. A large party were met one time at the
house of an officer who had lost a son, for the purpose of expressing
their condolences. Mencius was among them, when suddenly Wang
Hwan made his appearance. One and another moved to do him
honour and win from him a smile, ― all indeed but Mencius, who
paid no regard to him. The other complained of the rudeness, but
the philosopher could show that his conduct was only in accordance
with the rules of Propriety \

Another time, Mencius was sent as the chief of a mission of
condolence to the court of Ting, Wang Hwan being the assistant
commissioner. Every morning and evening he waited upon Mencius,
who never once exchanged a word with him on the business of their
mission 气

Now and then he became the object of unpleasant remark and
censure. At his instigation, an officer, Ch'l W&, remonstrated with
the king on 6ome abuse, and had in consequence to resign his office.
The people were not pleased with Mencius, thus advising others to
their harm, and yet continuing to retain liis own position undis-
turbed. *In the course which he marked out for Ch'i W4/ they
said, ' he did well, but we do not know as to the course which he
pursues for himself/ The philosopher, however, was never at a loss
in rendering a reason. He declared that, as his office was honorary,
he could act ' freely and without restraint either in going forward or
retiringV In this matter we have more sympathy with the con-
demnation than with the defence.

Some time during these years there occurred the death of
Mencius's excellent mother. She had been with him in Ch'l, and

I Bk. IV. Pt. II. xrvii, » Bk. II. Pt. II. vi. ' Bk. II. Pt. II. v.

VOL, II. D

34

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOLBGOKBNA

he carried the coffin to lA, to bury it near the dust of his father
and ancestors. The funeral was a splendid one. Mencius perhaps
erred in having it so from his dislike to the Mohists, who advocated
a spare simplicity in all funeral matters \ His arrangements certainly
excited the astonishment of some of his own disciples and were the
occasion of general remark a. He defended himself on the ground
that *the superior man will not for all the world be niggardly to his
parents/ and that, as he had the means, there was no reason why he
Bhonld not give all the ezpreesion in his power to his natural feelings.

Having paid this last tribute of filial duty, Mencius returned to
Ch'l, but lie could not appear at court till the three years of his
mourning were accomplished *. It could not be long after this when
trouble and confusion arose in Yen, a large State to the north-west
of Ch'l, in the present Chih-U. Its prince, who was a poor weakling,
wished to go through the sham of resigning his throne to his prime
minister, understanding that he would decline it, and that thus he
would have the credit of playing the part of the ancient Y&o, while
at the same time he retained his kingdom. The minister, however,
accepted the tender, and, as he proved a tyrannical ruler, great
dissatisfaction arose. Ch'Sn Tung, an officer of Ch'l, asked Mencius
whether Yen might be smitten. He replied that it might, for its
prince had no right to resign it to his minister, and the minister
no right to receive it. * Suppose/ said he, ' there were an officer
here with whom you were pleased, and that, without informing the
king, you were privately to give him your salary and rank ； and sup-
pose that this officer, also without the king's orders, were privately to
receive them from you : 一 would such a transaction be allowable 1
And where is the difference between the case of Yen and this*?'

Whether these sentiments were reported to king Hsuan or not, he
proceeded to attack Yen, and found it an easy prey. Mencius was
charged with having advised the measure, but he ingeniously re-
pudiated the accusation. ( I answered Ch'&n Tung that Yen might
be smitten. If he had asked me ~ " Who may smite itl" I would
have answered him ― " He who is the minister of Heaven may smite
it." Suppose the case of a murderer, and that one asks me — " May
this man be put to death?" I will answer him 一 "He may." If he

1 Bk. m Pt. I. V. 9. « Bk. II. Pt IL vii. » Bk. L Pt. IL xvL ♦ Some are
of opinion that Mencius stopped all the period of mourning in Ldf but the more natural con-
clusion, Bk. II. Pt. II. vii. I, seems to me that he returned to Ch'i, and stayed at Ying,
without going to court. ' Bk. II. Pt. II. viii.

CB. n. 8ICT. I.]

LIFE OF MENCIUS

35

ask me ~ "Who may put him to death V I will answer him ― "The
chief criminal judge may put bim to death." But now with one
Yen to smite another Yen : 一 how should I have advised this This
reference to ' The minister of Heaven , strikingly illustrates what
was said about the state of China in Mencius's time. He tells us in
one place that hostile States do not correct one another, and that
only the supreme authority can punish its subjects by force of
armsi. But there was now no supreme authority in China. He
saw in the sovereign but (the shadow of an empty name/ His
conception of a minister of Heaven was not unworthy. He was one
who, by the distinction which he gave to talents and virtue, and by.
his encouragement of agriculture and commerce, attracted all people
to him as a parent. He would have no enemy under heaven, and
could not help attaining to the royal dignity

King Hsttan, after conquering and appropriating Yen, tried to
get Mencius's sanction of the proceeding, alleging the ease and
rapidity with which he had effected the conquest as an evidence
of the fevour of Heaven. But the philosopher was true to himself.
The people of Yen, he said, had submitted, because they expected
to find in the king a deliverer from the evils under which they
groaned. If they were pleased, he might retain the State, but if he
tried to keep it by force, there would simply be another revolution^.

The king's love of power prevailed. He determined to keep his
prey, and ere long a combination was formed among the neigh-
bouring princes to wrest Yen from him. Full of alarm he again
consultecl Mencius, but got no comfort from him. * Let him restore
his captives and spoils, consult with the people of Ten, and appoint
them a ruler; ~ bo he might be able to avert the threatened attack V

The result was as Mencius bad predicted. The people of Ten
rebelled. The king felt ashamed before the philosopher, whose second
residence in Ch'l was thus brought to an unpleasant termination.

lo. We do not know that Mencius visited any of the princes after
this. On leaving Ch'l, he took his way again to Sung, the duke of
Mendas in LQ ； which had taken the title of king in b.c. 318. A
— B.C. 309. report also had gone abroad that he was setting
about to practise the true royal govern ment, but Mencius soon
satisfied himself of its iiicorrectiie8B&.

The last court at which we find him is that of LA, B. c. 309. The

» Bk. VIL Pt. II. ii. ， Bk. II. Pt. I. v. ， Bk. I. Pt. II. x. * Bk. I. Pt. II. xi.
» See Bk. III. Pt II. v. vi.

D 2

36

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[PBOLBOOMSHA.

duke P'ing bad there called Yo-cLang, one of the philosophers
disciples, to his councils, and indeed committed to him the admin--
istration of the government. When Mencius heard of it, he was
so overjoyed that he could not sleeps

The first appearance (in point of time) of this Yo-chftng in
the seven Books is not much to his credit. He comes to Ch'l in
the train of Wang Hwan, the favourite who was an offence to the
philosopher, and is very shaxply reproved for joining himself to such
a character * for the sake of the loaves and fishes V Other references
to him are more favourable. Mencius declares him to be *a good
man/ *a real manV He allows that *he is not a man of vigour/
nor ' a man wise in council/ nor * a man of much information/ but
he says 一 （ he is a man that loves what is good/ and ' the love of
■what is good is more than a sufficient qualification for the govern-
ment of the kingdom ； ~ how much more is it so for the State of

Either on his -own impulse or by To-chSng's invitation, Mencius
went himself also to LA, hoping that the prince who had committed
bis government to the disciple might be willing to listen to the
counsels of the master. The duke was informed of his arrival by
Yo-chang, and also of the deference which he exacted. He resolved
to go and visit him and invite him to the court. The horses were
put to the carriage, and the duke was ready to start, when the in-
tervention of his favourite, a worthless creature called Tsang Ts'ang,
diverted him from his good purpose. When told by the duke that
he was going to visit the scholar M&ng, Ts'ang said, * That you
demean yourself to pay the honour of the first visit to a common
man, is, I apprehend, because you tbiuk that he is a man of talents
and virtue. From such men the rules of ceremonial proprieties and
right proceed ； but on the occasion of this M&ng's second mourning,
hia observances exceeded those of the former. Do not go to see him,
my prince/ The duke said, * I will not ；， 一 and carriage and horses
were ordered back to their places.

As soon as Yo-chSng had an audience of the duke, he explained
the charge of impropriety which had been brought against Mencius;
but the evil was done. The duke had taken his course. ' I told
him/ said Yo-cbftng, ' about you, and he was coming to see you,
when Tsang Ts'ang stopped him/ Mencius replied to him, 'A man's

1 Bk. VI. Pt. II. xiiL » Bk. IV. Pt. I. xxv. » Bk. VII. Ft II. xxv. « Bk.VL
Ft. 11. ziu.

CH. n. BBOT. L]

LIFE OF MENCIUS

37

advancement is effected, it may be, by others, and the stopping him
is, it may be, from the efforts of others. But to advance a man or
to stop his advance is really beyond the power of other men; my not
finding in the prince of LA a ruler who would confide in me, and put
my counsels into practice, is from Heaven. How could that scion
of the Tsang family cause me not to find the ruler that would suit
me"'

Mencius appears to have accepted this intimation of the will of
Heaven as finaL He has a remarkable saying, that Heaven controls
the development of a man's faculties and affections, but as there is
an adaptation in his nature for these, the superior man does not
say ~ • It is the appointment of Heaven In accordance with this
principle he had striven long against the adverse circumstances
which threw his hopes of influencing the rulers of his time again
and again in the dust. On his first leaving Ld we saw how he
said ； ― ' Heaven does not yet wish that the country should enjoy
tranquillity and good order.' For about fifteen years, however, he
persevered, if peiudventure there might be a change in the Heavenly
councils. Now at last he bowed in submission. The year after and
he would reach his grand climacteric. We lose sight of him. He
retired from cotirts and great officers. We can but think and con-
jecture of him, according to tradition, passing the last twenty years
of his life amid the more congenial society of his disciples, discoursing
to them, and compiling the Works which have survived as his
memorial to the present day,

II. I have endeavoured in the preceding paragraphs to put to ,
gether the principal incidents of Mencius's history as they may be ；
gathered from his Writings. There is no other source of informa- \
tion about him, and we must regret that they tell us nothing of his '
domestic life and habits. In one of the stories about his mother
there is an allusion to his wife, from which we may conclude that
his marriage was not without its bitternesses. It is probable that
the M&ng Chung, mentioned in Bk. II. Pt. 11. ii, was his son, though
this is not easily reconcileable with what we read in Bk. VI. Pt. I. v.
of a M&Dg Ch'i, who was, according to Ghko Gtii, a brother of Ming
Chung. We must believe that he left a family, for his descendants
form a large clan at the present day. Hal-wan, the fifty-sixth in
descent from Mencius, was, in the reign of Chi4-ching (a.d. 1522-

Bk. I. Pt. II. xvi.

3 Bk. III. Pt. II. i. ii.

38

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOLIOOHSIIA.

1 566), constituted a member of the Han-lin college, and of the Board
in charge of the Five Ching, which honour was to be hereditary in
the family, and the holder of it to preside at the sacrifices to his
ancestor 1. China's appreciation of our philosopher could not be
more strikingly shown. Honours flow back in this empire. The
descendant ennobles his ancestors. But in the case of Mencius, as
in that of Confucius, this order is reversed. No excellence of
descendants can extend to them ； and the nation acknowledges its
obligations to them by nobility and distinction conferred through
all generations upon their posterity.

SECTION 11.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

I. Confucius had hardly passed off the stage of life before bis
merits began to be acknowledged. The duke Ai, who had neglected
his counsels when he was alive, was the first to pronounce his
eulogy, and to order that public sacrifices should be offered to bim.
His disciples proclaimed their estimation of him as superior to all
the sages whom China had ever seen. Before long this view of him
took possession of the empire ； and since the Han dynasty, he
has been the man whom sovereign and people have delighted to
honour.

The memory of Mencius was not so distinguished. We have seen
that many centuries elapsed before his Writings were received among
Acknowledge- the Classics of the empire. It was natural that under
^^.g meritolby the Same dynasty when this was done the man him-
the government, self should be admitted to share in the sacrifices
presented to Confucius.

The emperor ShS^n Tsung ^ in a.d. 1083, issued a patent, con-
stituting Mencius *Duke of the kingdom of Ts&u*,' and ordering a
temple to be built to him in the district of Ts&u, at the spot where
the philosopher had been interred. In the following year it was
enacted that he should have a place in the temple of Confucius, next
to that of Yen Yttan, the favourite disciple of the sage.

In A.D. 1330, the emperor Wan Tsung*, of the Yttan dynasty,
made an addition to Mencius's title, and styled him * Duke of the

1 Seo Morrison's Dictionary, on Monciiu, character ^j^. ， Jp^ a. d. i 068-1085.
3 鄒國公 ♦ 文宗， A D '330-1333.

CH. n. SECT. II.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

39

State of Ts4u, Inferior Sage\' This continued till the rise of the
Ming dynasty, the founder of which, Hung-wA, had bis indignation
excited in 137a by one of Mencius's conversations with king Hsuan.
The philosopher had said : 一 ' When the prince regards bis ministers
as his hands and feet, the ministers regard their prince as their belly
and heart ； when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard
him as any other man ； when he regards them as ground or grass,
they regard him as a robber and an enemy V To apply such names
as robber and enemy in any case to sovereigns seemed to the imperial
reader an unpardonable outrage, and he ordered Mencius to be
degraded from his place in the temples of Confucius, declaring also
that if any one remonstrated on the proceeding he should be dealt
with as guilty of * Contempt of Majesty/

The scholars of China have never been slow to vindicate the
memory of its sages and worthies. Undeterred by the imperial
threat, Ch'ien Tang*, a president of the Board of Punishments,
appeared with a remonstrance, saying, ~ ' I will die for Mencius,
and my death will be crowned with glory/ The emperor was moved
by his earnestness, and allowed him to go scathless. In the following
year, moreover, examination and reflection produced a change of
mind. He issued a second proclamation to the effect that Mencius,
by exposing heretical doctrines and overthrowing perverse speakings,
had set forth clearly the principles of Confucius, and ought to be
restored to his place as one of his assessors \

' ^9 ^1 The has been translated * second-rate/ bat it is by no

means so depreciating a term as that, simply indicating that Mencius was second to Confucius.
The title 亞聖 was first applied to him by GhAo Ch'l. " Bk. IV. Pfc. II. iii. » 錢 唐.

* I have taken this account from 'The Sacrificial Canon of the Sage's Temples ' (vol. L

prole^. p. 13a). Dr. MorriBon. in his Dictionary, under the character adds that the

change in the emperor's mind was produced by his reading the remarkable passage in Bk.VX.
Pt. II. XV, about trials and hardships as the way by which Heaven prepares men for great
services. He thought it was deaoriptiye of himself, and that he could argae from it a good
title to the crown ； 一 and 80 he was mollified to the philosopher. It may be worth while to
give here the ooncluding remarks in * The Paraphrase for Daily Lessons, Explaining the
Meaning of the Four Books' (voL i. prolog, p. 130), on the chapter of Mencius which was
deemed by the imperial reader so objectionable : 一 * Mencius wished that sovereigns should
treat their ministers according to propriety, and nourish them with kindness, and therefore
he UBed these perilous words in order to alarm and rouse them. As to the other side, the
part of ministers, though the sovereign regard them as his hands and feet, they ought
notwithstanding to discharge most earnestly their duties of loyalty and love. Yea, though
he regard them as dogs and horses, or as the ground and grass, they ought still more to
perform their part in spite of all difficulties, and oblivious of their persons. They may on no
account make the manner in which they are regarded, whether it be of appreciation or
contempt, the standard by which they regulate the measure of their grateful service. The
words of Confucius, that the nder should behave to his ministers according to propriety^ cmd the minUfers

40

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[fbolmomeva

In 1530, the ninth year of the reign of Chi&-ching, a general
revision was made of the sacrificial canon for the sage's temple, and
the title of Mencius was changed into ~ 《 The philosopher M&ng,
Inferior Sage/ So it continues to the present day. His place is
the second on the west, next to that of the philosopher TsSng.
Originally, we have seen, he followed Ten HAi, but HAi, Tsze-sze,
Ts^ng, and M&ng were appointed the sage's four assessors, and had
their relative positions fixed, in 1267.

2. The second edict of Hung-wA, restoring Mencius to his place
in tbe temples of Confucius, states fairly enough the services which
Estimate of he is held to have rendered to his country. The
and philosopher's own estimate of himself has partly
by scholars. appeared in the sketch of his Life \ He peemed to
start with astonishment when his disciple Kung-sun Ch'^Lu was
disposed to rank him as a sage^; bat he also said on one occasion ~
'When sages shall rise up again, they will not change my words'/
Evidently, he was of opinion that the mantle of Confiicius had fallen
upon him. A work was to be done in his generation, and he felt
himself able to undertake it. After describing what had been
accomplished by the great Yti, by Ch^Lu-kung, and Confucius, he
adds : 一 ' I also wish to rectify men's hearts, and to put an end to
those perverse doctrines, to oppose their one-sided actions, and
banish away their licentious expressions ； and thus to carry on the
work of the three sages V

The place which Mencius occupies in the estimation of the literati
of China may be seen by the following testimonies, selected from
those appended by OhA Hsl to the prefatory notice of his Life in
the * Collected Comments.'

Han Yti* says, * If we wish to study the doctrines of the sages,
we must begin with Mencius/ He also quotes the opinion of Yang
Tsze-yun«, 'Yang and Mo were stopping up the way of truth, when
Mencius refuted them, and scattered their delusions without diffi-
culty ；' and then remarks upon it :— 'When Yang and Mo walked
abroad, the true doctrine Kad nearly come to nought. Though

Berve their sovereign wUh faith/Ulnm, contain the unchanging rule for all ages.' The authoxB of
the * Daily Lessons ' did their work by imperial order, and evidently had the fear of the court
before their eyee. Their language implies a censure of our philosopher. There will eTer be
a grudge against him in the minds of despots, and their creatures will be ready to depreciate
him.

1 See above, pp. aa, 24. " Bk. II. Pfc. I. ii. 18， 19. , Bk. III. Pt II. ix. 10

• Bk. HI. Pt. II. ix. 13. » See above, pp. 11, 13. * 楊子雲 ； -died a. d. 18. •

CH. II. Bicr. u.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

41

Mencius possessed talents and virtue, even those of a sage, he did
not occupy the throne. He could only speak and not act. With
all his earnestness, what could he do ？ It is owing, however, to his
words, that learners now-a-days still know how to revere Confucius, to
honour benevolence and righteouflness, to esteem the true sovereign
and despise the mere pretender. But the grand rules and laws of
the sage and sage-sovereigns had been lost beyond the power of
redemption ； only one in a hundred of them was preserved. Can it
be said in those circumstances that Mencius had an easy task 1 Yet
had it not been for him, we should have been buttoning the lappets
of our coats on the left side, and our discourse would have been all
confused and indistinct ； ~ it is on this account that I have honoured
Mencius, and consider his merit not inferior to that of Yti.'

One asked the philosopher Ch'ftng i whether Mencius might be
pronounced to be a sage. He replied, *I do not dare to sa，
altogether that he was a sage, but his learning had reached the
extremest point/ The same great scholar also said : 一 * The merit
of Menciufi in regard to the doctrine of the sages is more than can
be told. Confucius only spoke of benevolence, but as soon as Mencius
opens his mouth, we hear of benevolence and righteousness. Con-
iucius only spoke of the will or mind, but Mencius enlarged also
on the nourishment of the passion-nature. In these two respects
his merit was great.' * Mencius did great service to the world by
his teaching the goodness of man's nature/ ' Mencius had a
certain amount of the heroical spirit, and to that there always
belong 8ome jutting corners, the effect of which is very injurious.
Yen Yuan, all round and complete, was different from this. He
was but a bair's-breadth removed from a sage, while Mencius
most be placed in a lower rank, a great worthy, an inferior sage/
Ch'&ng was asked where what he called the heroical spirit of
Mencius could be seen. * We have only to compare his words
with those of Confucius/ he said, * and we shall perceive it. It is
like the comparison of ice or crystal with a precious jade-stone.
The ice is bright enough, but the precious stone, without so much
brilliancy, has a softness and richness all its own */ The scholar

1 ' vol* t proleg. p. 94.

, Thia ia probably the original of what appears in the * M^moires oonoemant les Chinois,'
in the notice of Mencias, vol. iii, and which Thornton (voL iL pp. 916, 317) has fiuihfully
translated therefrom in the following terms ^GonfUcius, through prudence or modesty,
often diBsimulated ； he did not always say what he might have said : M&ng-tsze, on the
contrary, was incapable of constraining himself ； he spoke what he thought, and without the

42

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[raOLMOMEHA.

Yang 1 says : 一 《 The great object of Mencius in his writings is to
rectify men's hearts, teaching them to preserve their heart and
nourish their nature, and to recover their lost heart. When he
discourses of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge,
he refers to the principles of these in the heart commiserating,
feeling shame and dislike, affected with modesty and com-
plaisance, approving and disapproving. When he speaks of the
evils springing from perverted speakings, he says ― " Growing first
in the mind, they prove injurious to government." When he
shows how a prince should be served, he says — " Correct what is
wrong in his mind. Once rectify the prince, and the kingdom will
be settled." With him the thousand changes and ten thousand
operations of men all come from the mind or heart. If a man
once rectify his heart, little else will remain for him to do. lu
" The Great Learning," the cultivation of the person, the regulation
of the family, the government of the State, and the tranquillisation
of the empire, all have their root in rectifying the heart and making
the thoughts sincere. If the heart be rectified, we recognise at
once the goodness of the nature. On this acoount, whenever
Mencius came into contact with people, he testified that man's
nature is good. When Au-yang Yung-sM* says, that in the lessons
of the sages, man's nature does not occupy the first place, he is
wrong. There is nothing to be put before this. Yko and Shun are
the models for ten thousand ages simply because they followed
their nature. And to follow our nature is just to accord with
Heavenly principle. To use plans and arts, away from this, though
they may be successful in great achievement, is the selfishness of
human desires, and as far removed from the mode of action of the
sage, as earth is from heaven.' I shall close these testimonies with
a sentence from ChA Hsl himself. He says Mencius, when
compared with Confucius, always appears to speak in too lofty a
style ； but when we hear him proclaiming the goodness of mans

least fear or reserve. He reaembles ioe of the purest water, through which we can see all its
？严 as well as its beauties : Conftujius, on the other hand, is like a precious gem, which,
^hoii^ not 80 pellucid as ice, has more strength and solidity/ The former of these B^ntencas
» quite alien from the style of Chinese thinking and expression.

1 場氏' This ig 揚時, Btyled 中 立, but more commonly referred ^ » 場龜
山. He was one of the great scholars of the Sung dynasty, a friend of the two Ch'ing.
He has a place in the temples of Confixciua. , 歐 || 东叔. This was one of China's
greatest scholars. He has now a place in the temples of Confucius.

ca. n. SWT. n.] HJS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

43

nature, and celebrating Y4o and Shan, then we likewise perceive
the solidity of his discourses V

3. The judgment concerning our philosopher contained in the
above quotations will approve itself to every one who has carefully
Correctness of perused his Works. The long passage from Yang
the abore terti- Kwei-shan is especially valuable, and puts the prin-

moniee* Men- , , , 丄

cius's own pecQ- cipal characteristic of Mencius's teachings in a clear
in lub CTpoflUions light. Whether those teachings have the intrinsic
of doctnne. value which is ascribed to them is another question,
which I will endeavour to discuss in the present section without
prejudice. But Mencius's position with reference to ' the doctrines
of the sages , is correctly assigned. We are not to look for new
truths in him. And this does not lead his countrymen to think less
highly of him. I ventured to lay it down as one grand cause of
the position and influence of Confucius, that he was simply the
preserver of the monuments of antiquity, and the exemplifier and
expounder of the maxims of the golden age of China. In this
Mencius must share with him.

But while we are not to look to Mencius for new truths, the
peculiarities of his natural character were more striking than those
of his master. There was an element of ' the heroical , about him.
He was a dialectician, moreover. If he did not like disputing, as
he protested that he did not, yet, when forced to it, he showed
himself a master of the art. An ingenuity and subtlety, which we
cannot but enjoy, often mark his reasonings. We have more
sympathy with him than with Confucius. He comes closer to us.
He is not so awe-ful, but he is more admirable. The doctrines of
the sages take a tinge from his mind in passing through it, and it
is with that Mencian character about them that they are now held
by the cultivated classes and by readers generally.

I will now call attention to a few passages illustrative of these
remarks. Some might prefer to search them out for themselves in
the body of the volume, and I am far from intending to exhaust the
Bubject. There will be many readers, however, pleased to have the
means of forming an idea of the man for themselves brought within
small compass. My next object will be to review his doctrine con-
cerning man's mental constitution and the nourishment of the
passion-nature, in which he is said to have rendered special service

^乐子 全書， 卷 二十.

44

KENCroS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[fbouqomeka«

to the cause of truth. That done, I wUl conclude by pointing out
what I conceive to be his chief defects as a moral and political
teacher. To the opinions of Yang CM and Mo, which he took
credit to himself for assailing and exposing, it will be necessary to
devote another chapter.

4. It was pointed out in treating of the opinions of Confucius,
that he allowed no * right divine ， to a sovereign, independent of his
。 . , exercising a benevolent rule. This was one of the

Specimens of ^ o •

Menciiurs opin- topics, however, of which he was shy. With Men-
ner' ci advo- cius, OH the contrarv, it was a favourite theme. The
ca ing 亂 degeneracy of the times and the ardour of his disposi-
tion prompted bim equally to the free expression of his convictions
about it.

' The people/ he said, * are the most important element in a
nation ； the spirits of the land and grain are the next ； the sovereign
^ is the lightest. When a prince endangers the altars

On govern- <5 … r o

ment.— The peo- of the Spirits of the land and grain, he is changed,

pie more impor- - * ^ , ，，，， ， tttl . t

tant than the and another appointed in his place. When the
sovereign. sacrificial victims have been perfect, the millet in its

vessels all pure, and the sacrifices offered at their proper seasons, if
yet there ensue drought, or the waters overflow, the spirits of the
land and grain are changed, and others appointed in their place i.,

' The people are the most important element in a nation, and the
sovereign is the lighted ;> ~ that is certainly a bold and ringing
An unworthy affirmation. Mencius was not afraid to follow it to
d^throf^™?pJlt the conclusion that the sovereign who was exercising
to death. an injurious rule should be dethroned. His existence

is not to be allowed to interfere with the general good. Killing in
such a case is no murder. King Hsuan once asked, ' Was it so that
T'ang banished Chieh, and that king WA smote CMu ？ , Mencius
replied, * It is so in the records.' The king asked, ' May a minister
then put his sovereign to death ？ , Our philosophers reply was : 一
* He who outrages the benevolence proper to his nature is called
a robber ； he who outrages righteousness is called a ruffian. The
robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard of the
cutting off of the fellow ChAu, but I have not heard in his case of
the putting a sovereign to death V

With regard to the ground of the relation between ruler and

1 Bk. VII. Pt. II. xiv. 2 Bk. I. Pt. n. viii.

OLIL MBL IL】

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

45

people, MeDcius refers it very clearly to the will of God. In one
Hie gnnnd of place he adapts for his own purpose the language of
^^^^ king WA in the 8hii-ching : ~ ' Heaven having pro-

duced the inferior people, appointed for them rulers
and teachers, with the purpose that they should be assisting to God,

kingdom V But the question arises 一 How can this will of Heaven
be known 1 Mendus has endeavoured to answer it. He says: 一
' Heaven gives the throne, but its appointment is not conferred
with specific iDjanctions. Heaven does not speak. It shows its will
by a mans personal conduct and his conduct of affairs/ The con-
clusion of the whole matter is: ~ • Heaven sees according as the
people see ； Heaven hears according as the people hear*/

It may not be easy to dispute these principles. I for one have
no hesitation in admitting them. Their application, however, must
An unworthy always be attended with difficulty. Here is a Bove-
^Z^^^ his reign who is the very reverse of a minister of God

for good. He ought to be removed, but who is to
remove him ？ Mencius teaches in one passage that the duty is to
be performed by his relatives who are also ministers. The king
Hsiian asked him about the office of chief ministers. Mencius said,
* Which chief ministers is your Majesty asking about V * Are there
differences among them/ inquired the king. ' There are,' was the
reply ； * there are the chief ministers who are noble and relatives of
the prince, and there are those who are of a different Bumame/
The king said/ 1 beg to ask about the chief ministers who are noble
and relatives of the prince.' Mencius answered, *If the prince have
great fioilts, they ought to remonstrate with him, and if he do not
listen to them after they have done so again and again, they ought
to dethrone him/ The king on this looked moved, and changed
countenance. Mencius said, 'Let not your Majesty be offended.
You asked me, and I dare not answer but according to truthV

This plan for disposing of an unworthy sovereign has been acted
on in China and in other countries. It is the best that can be
virtaoiiB minio- adopted to secuTe the throne in the ruling House.
tel^fHelii^iSSr But where there are no relatives that have the
dethrone a ruler, virtue and powcr to play such a part, what is to be
done 1 Mencius has two ways of meeting this difficulty. Contrary

1 Bk. I, Pt. II. iii. 7, ， Bk.V. Pt. I. V. > Bk.V. Pt. II. ix，

46

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PROLIOOMEVA.

to his general rule^ for the conduct of ministers who are not
relatives, he allows that even they may, under certain conditions,
take summary measures with their sovereign. His disciple Kung-sun
Ch'&u said to him, 't Yin said, " I cannot be near and see him so
disobedient to reason/' and therewith he banished T'&i-chi4 to T'ung.^
The people were much pleased. When T'&i-chiA became virtuous,
he brought him back, and the people were again much pleased.
When worthies are ministers, may they indeed banish their sove-
reigns in this way when they are not virtuous V Mencius replied,
* If they have the same purpose as t Yin, they may. If they have
not the same purpose, it would be usurpation V His grand device,
however, is what he calls * the minister of Heaven/ When the
sovereign has become worthless and useless, his hope is that Heaven
will raise up some one for the help of the people ； 一 some one who
shall 80 occupy in his original subordinate position as to draw all
eyes and hearts to himself*. Let him then raise the standard, not
of rebellion, but of righteousness *, and he cannot help attaining to
the highest dignity. So it was with the great T'ang; so it was
with the kings Wftn and WA. Of the last Mencius says : ― * There
was one man' ~ i.e. the tyrant Ch4a 一 'pursuing a violent and dis-
orderly course in the kingdom, and king WA was ashamed of it. By
one display of his anger, he gave repose to all the people V He
would have been glad if any one of the princes of his own time had
been able to vault in a similar way to the sovereign throne, and he
went about counselling them to the attempt. * Let your Majesty/
said he to king HsUan, 《 in like manner, by one burst of anger, give
repose to all the people of the nation/ This was in fact advising
to rebellion, but the philosopher would have recked little of such a
charge. The house of Ch&u had forfeited in his view its title to the
kingdom. Alas! among all the princes he had to do with, he did
not find one who could be stirred to so honourable an action.

We need not wonder that Mencius, putting forth the above views
so boldly and broadly, should not be a favourite with the rulers of
China. His sentiments, professed by the literati, and known and
read by all the people, have operated powerfully to compel the
good behaviour of ' the powers that be.. It may be said that they
encourage the aims of selfish ambition, and the lawlessness of the

1 Bk. V. Pt 11. ix. I. « Bk. VIL Pt. I. mi. » Bk. II. Pfc. L v. 6. * 起義 兵，

«a raising of righteous soldierB ；' —this is what all rebel leaders in China profess to do.
» Bk. I. Pt. II. iii. 7.

CH. n. 8BCT. II.]

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

47

licentious mob. I grant it. They are lessons for the virtuous, and
not for the lawless and disobedient, but the government of China
would have been more of a grinding despotism, if it had not been
for them.

On the readiness of the people to be governed Mencias only
differs from Confucius in the more vehement style in which he
• a expresses his views. He does not dwell so much on

The umuence * , • • •

ofpenonai char- the influence of personal virtue, and I pointed out, in

the sketch of his Life, how he all but compromised his
character in his communications with king Hstian, telling him that his
】ove of women, of war, and of wealth might be so regulated as not to
interfere with his exercise of true royal government. Still he speaks
at times correctly and emphatically on this subject. He quotes Con-
fucius's language on the influence generally of superiors on inferiors,
一 that * the relation between them is like that between the wind and
grass ； the grass must bend when the wind blows upon iti ;， and he
says himself: 一 《 It is not enough to remonstrate with a sovereign on
acoount of the mal-employment of ministers, nor to blame errors of
government. It is only the great man who can rectify what is
wrong in the sovereign's mind. Let the prince be benevolent, and
all his acts will be benevolent. Let the prince be righteous, a»d
all his acts will be righteous. Let the prince be correct, and all his
acts will be correct. Once rectify the prince, and the kingdom will
be firmly settled

But the misery which he saw around him, in consequence of the
prevailing anarchy and constsmt wars between State and State, led
^ ， , Mencius to insist on the necessity of what he called

BenoTolent go- , mi i • n- • t

▼eniment,andite 'a benevolent government. The king Usiang asked

him, * Who can unite the kingdom under one sway ？ ，
and his reply was, 《 He who has no pleasure in killing men can bo
unite its.' His being so possessed with the sad condition of his time
likewise gave occasion, we may suppose, to the utterance of another
sentiment sufficiently remarkable. * Never/ said he, * has he who
would by his excellence subdue men been able to subdue them. Let
a prince seek by his excellence to nourish men, and he will be able
to subdue the whole kingdom. It is impossible that any one should
become ruler of the kingdom to whom it has not yielded the sub-
jection of the heart*/ The highest style of excellence will of course

1 Bk. Ill, Pt. I. ii. 4. ■ Bk. IV. Pt. I. xz. » 6k. I. Pt. I. ri. * Bk. IV. Pt. II. xvi.

48

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PROLEOOMEKA.

have its outgoings in benevolence. Apart from that, it will be
powerless, as Mencius says. His words are akin to those of Paul :
一 * Scarcely for a righteous man will one die : yet peradventure for
a good man some would even dare to die/

On the effects of a benevolent rule he says : ~ ' Chieh and Ch&u's
losing the throne arose from their losing the people ； and to lose the
people means to 】08e their hearts. There is a way to get the throne :
—get the people, and the throne is got. There is a way to get the
people: ~ get their hearts, and the people are got. There is a way
to get their hearts: 一 it is simply to collect for them what they like,
and not to lay on them what they dislike. The people turn to
a benevolent rule as water flows downwards, and as wild beasts fly
to the wilderness. As the otter aids the deep waters, driving the
fish into them, and as the hawk aids the thickets, driving the little
birds to them, so Chieh and CMu aided T'ang and WA, driving the
people to them. If among the present sovereigns of the kingdom
there were one who loved benevolence, all the other princes would
aid him by driving the people to him. Although he wished not to
become sovereign, he could not avoid becoming so V

Two principal elements of this benevolent rule, much insisted
on by Mencius, deserve to be made prominent. They are to be

found indicated in the Analects, and in the older
piepro^TOU8,imd Classics also, but it was reserved for our philosopher
^iS^JtonfeSl to set them forth, sharply defined in his own style,
ments in a benevo- and to show the connexioD between them. They

lent rule* **

are : — that the people be made well off, and that they
be educated ； and the former is necessary in order to the efficiency
of the other.

Once, when Confucius was passing through Wei in company with
Yen YA, he was struck with the populousness of the State. The
disciple said, 《 Since the people are thus numerous, what more shall
be done for them?, Confucius answered, * Enrich them.' 'And
when they have been enriched, what more shall be done for them?'
The reply was * Teach them V This brief conversation contains
the germs of the ideas on which Mencius delighted to dwelL

We read in one place : 一 * Let it be seen to that their fields of grain
and hemp are well cultivated, and make the taxes on them light : ―
80 the people may be made rich.

1 Bk. IV. Pt. I. ix. ， Confucian Analects, XIII ix.

CH. n. Bscr. XL] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS*

49

' Let it be seen to that they use their resouroes of food seasonably,
and expend their wealth only on the prescribed ceremonies : ~ so
their wealth will be more than can be consumed.

* The people cannot live without water and fire ； yet if you knock
at a mans door in the dusk of the evening, and ask for water and
fire, there is no man who will not give them, such is the abundance
of these things. A sage governs the kingdom so as to cause pulse
and grain to be as abundant as water and fire. When pulse and
grain are as abundant as water and fire, how shall the people be
other than virtuous",

AgaiD he says : 一 * In good years the youth of a country are most
of them good, while in bad years they abandon themselves to evilV

It is in his conversations, however, with king Hsiian of Ch'l and
duke Win of T&ng, that we find the fullest exposition of the points
in hand. * It is only scholars ， ~ officers, men of a superior order ~
* who, without a certain livelihood, are able to maintain a fixed
heart. As to the people, if they have not a certain livelihood, it
foUowB that they will not have a fixed heart. And if they have not
a fixed heart, there is nothing which they will not do in the way of
8elf-abandoiiment, of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild
license. When they have thus been involved in crime, to follow
them up and punish them : 一 this is to entrap the people. There-
fore an intelligent ruler will regulate the livelihood of the people, so
as to make sure that, above, they shall have sufficient wherewith to
serve their parents, and, below, sufficient wherewith to support their
wives and children ； that in good years they shall always be abun-
dantlj satisfied, and that in bad years they shall escape the danger
of perishing. After this he may urge them, and they will proceed
to what is good, for in this case the people will follow after that
with eaae V

It is not necesBary to remark here on the measures which Mencius
recommends in order to secure a certain livelihood for the people.
They embrace the regulation both of agriculture and commerce*.
And education would be directed simply to illustrate the human
relations ^ What he says on these subjects is not without shrewd-
neoSy though many of his recommendations are inappropriate to the
present state of society in China itself as well as in other countries.
But his principle, that good government should contemplate, and

* Bk. VII. Pt I. xziii. « Bk. VI. Pt. I. vii. » Bk. I. Pt. I. vii. ao， ai ； Bk. III. Pt. I.
iu. 3. * Bk. III. Pt I. iii ; Bk. I. Pt. II. iv ； Bk. II. Pt. I. v, et ai. » Bk. III. Pt. I. iii. 10.

VOL. IT. £

60 MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [psolboomeka.

•

will be seen in, the material wellbeing of the people, is worthy of
all honour* Whether government should interfere to secure the
education of the people is questioned by not a few* The religious

Itself by opposilig such a doctrine in England* ― more zealously per-
haps than wisely. But when Mencius teaches that with the mass of
men education will have little success where the life is embittered by
a miserable poverty, he shows himself Well acquainted with human
nature* Educationists now seem generally to recognise it, but
I think it is only within a century that it has assumed in Europe
the definiteness and importance with which it appeared to Mencius
here in China two thousand years ago.

We saw how Mencius, when he was residing in T'ftng, came into
contact with a class of enthusiasts, who advocated a return to the
primitive state of society,

'When Adam delved and Ev© spati/

They said that wise and able princes should cultivate the ground
equally and along with their people, and eat the fruit of their labour,
^ .. , ― that ' to have fftanaries) arsenals, and treasuries was

Necessity for a o ' '

division of lAbour, an oppfesshiflf of the people.' Meticius exposed these

and that govern- ，*，！•， • . ,

mentbe conducted eiTors very happily, showing the necessity to society
by a lettered class. ^£ & division of labouf, and that the conduct of govern-
ment should be in the hands of a lettered clasBi *1 suppose,' he said
to a follower of the strange doctrines, * that Heii Hsing sows grain
and eats the ptoduce. Is it not so V *It is so/ was the answer.
' I suppose that he also weaves cloth, and wears his own manu-
facture. Is it not so?' 'No; HsU wears clothes of hair-cloth/
'Does he wear a cap?' * He wears a cap/ * What kind of cap?'
' A plain cap/ *Ib it woven by himself?' * No ； he gets it in
exchange for grain/ * Why does HbU not weave it himself ？ *
'That would injure his husbandry/ ' Does Hsu cook his food
in boilers and earthenware pans, and does he plough with an iron
share ？， * Yes/ (Does he make those articles himself 1 ' *No ； he
gets them in exchange for grain. ， On these adinissions Mencius
proceeds : ~ * The getting those various articles in exchange for

and the founder in their turn, in exchanging their various articles
for grain, are not oppressive to the husbandman. How should such
a thing be supposed ？ But why does not Hsti, on his principles^

Ca. 11. SECT. U.1

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

51

act the potter and founder, supplying himself with the articles
which he uses solely from his own establishment ？ Why does he
go confusedly dealing and exchanging with the handicraftsmen 1
Why does he not spare himself so much trouble ？ ， His opponent
attempted a reply :— ' The business of the handicraftsman can by
no means be carried on along with the business of husbandry/
MenduB resumed : ― ' Then, is it the government of the kingdom
which alone can be carried on along with the practice of husbandry ？
Great men have their proper business, and little men have their
proper bosinesB. Moreover, in the case of any single individual,
whatever articles he cftn require are ready to his hand, being
produced by the rarious handieraftsmen ； if he must first make
them for his own uae, this way of doing would keep all the people
running about upon the roads; Hence there is the saying: ~ " Some,
men labour with their minds, and some with their strength. Those •、
who labour with their minds govern others ； those who labour with
their strength are governed by othei^. Those who are governed
by others support them; those who govern others are supported by
them." This is a principle universally recognised V

Sir John Davis has observed that this is exactly Pope's line,

'And those who think still goveni those who toil'.'

Mencius goes on to illustrate it very clearly by referring to the
labours of Y4o and SliuHi His opponent makes a feeble attempt
at the end to say a word in favour of the new doctrines he had
embraced : 一 * If Hsil s doctrines were followed there would not be
two prices in the market, nor any deceit in the kingdom. If a boy-
were sent to the market, no one would impose on him } linen and
silk of the same length would be of the same price* So it would
be with bundles of hemp and silk, being of the same weight ； with
the different kinds of grain, being the same in quantity ； and with
shoes which were the same in size/ Mencius meets this with
a decisive reply : 一 * It is the nature of things to be of unequal
quality ； some are twice, some five times, some ten times, some
a hundred times, some a thousand times, some ten thousand times
as valuable as others. If you reduce them all to the same standard,
that must throw the world into confusion. If large shoes were of
the same price with small shoes, who would make them? For

1 Bit. III. Pt. I. iv. a xhe Chinese, vol. ii. p. 56.

E 2

62

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[fbolegomeha.

another on to practise deceit. How can they avail for the govern-
ment of a State V

There is only one other subject which I shall here notice, with
Mencius's opinions upon it, ― the position, namely, which he occupied

、， • J himself with reference to the princes of his time. He.

Menciuers • *

position as cslUb it that of ' a Tcacher/ but that term in our

language very inadequately represents it. He wished
to meet with some ruler who would look to him as * guide,
philosopher, and friend,' regulating himself by his counsels, and
thereafter committing to him the entire administration of his
government. Such men, he insisted, there had been in China
from the earliest ages. Shun had been such to T4o; Yii and
Kio-yko had been such to Shun ； 1 Yin had been such to Tang ；
T&i-kung Wang had been such to king Wftn ； Ch&u-kuDg had
been such to the kings WA and Ch'Sng ； Confucius might have
been such to any prince who knew his merit; Tsze-sze was such,
in a degree, to the dukes HAi of PI and MA of LA 、 The wander-
ing scholars of his own day, who went from court to court, some-
times with good intentions and sometimes with bad, pretended to
this character ； but Mencius held them in abhorrence. They dis-
graxjed the character and prostituted it, and he stood forth as its
vindicator and true exemplifier.

Never did Christian priest lift up his mitred front, or show his
shaven crown, or wear his Geneva gown, more loftily in courts and
palaces than Mencius, the Teacher, demeaned himself. We have
seen what struggles sometimes arose between him and the princes
who would fain have had him bend to their power and place. * Those,'
said he, ' who give counsel to the great should despise them, and
not look at their pomp and display. Halls several fathoms high,
with beams projecting several cubits : 一 these, if my wishes were to
be realised, I would not have. Food spread before me over ten
cubits square, and attendant women to the amount of hundreds : ―
these, though my wishes were realised, I would not have. Pleasure
and wine, and the dash of hunting, with thousands of chariots
following after me : ― these, though my wishes were realised, I would
not have. What they esteem are what I would have nothing to do
with ； what I esteem are the rules of the ancients. ― Why should

1 See Bk. V. Pt. II. iii. vii, ei al.

CK. n. aaoT. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

53

I stand in awe of them"' Before we bring a charge of pride
against Mencius on account of this language and his conduct in
accordance with it, we must bear in mind that the literati in China
do in reality occupy the place of priests and ministers in Christian
kingdoms. Sovereign and people have to seek the law at their lips.
The ground on which they stand, 一 , the rules of the ancients/ 一
affords but poor footing compared with the Word of God ； still it
is to them the truth, the unalterable law of right and duty, and, as
the expounders of it, they have to maintain a dignity which will
not compromise its claims. That * scholars are the first and head
of the four classes of the people ， is a maxim universally admitted.
I do desiderate in Mencius any approach to humility of soul, but
I would not draw my illustrations of the defect from the boldness
of his speech and deportment as * a Teacher/

But in one respect I am not sure but that our philosopher failed
to act worthy of the character which he thus assumed. The great
The ehai^ men to whom he was in the habit of referring as his
<^J°*the patterns nearly all rose from deep poverty to their
prinoee. subsequcnt eminence. * Shun came from among the

channelled fields ； FA Ytteh was called to office from the midst of
his building- frames ； Kko Ko from his fish and salt V * t Yin was a
farmer in Hsin. When Tang sent persons with presents of silk, to
entreat him to enter his service, he said, with an air of indifference
and self-satisfaction, " What can I do with those silks with which
T'ang invites me 1 Is it not best for me to abide in the channelled
fields, and there delight myself with the principles of Y^lo and
Shun""' It does not appear that any of those worthies accepted
favours while they were not in office, or from men whom they
disapproved. With Mencius it was very different : he took largely
from the princes whom he lectured and denounced. Possibly he
might plead in justification the example of Confucius, but he carried
the practice to a greater extent than that sage bad ever done, 一 to
an extent which staggered even his own disciples and elicited their
frequent inquiries. For instance, ' P'ang King asked him, saying,
" Is it not an extravagant procedure to go from one prince to another
and live upon them, followed by several tens of carriages, and
attended by several hundred men?", Mencius replied, * If there be

1 Bk.VII. Pt. II. zzxiY. This passage was writ^n on the pillars of a hall in College
Street, East, where the gospel was first preached publicly by myself in their own tongue to the
people of Canton, in February, 1858. ， Bk.VI. Pt. II. xv. i. * Bk.V. Pt I. vii. a, 3.

54

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOUnOXEVA.

not a proper ground for taking it, a single bamboo-cup of rice may
not be received from a man. If there be such a proper ground, then
Shuns receiving the empire from Y4o is not to be considered ex-
cessive. Do you think it was excessive 1 , ( No/ said the other, * but
for a scholar performing no service to receive his support notwith-
standing is improper.' Mencius answered, ' If you do not have an
intercommunication of the productions of labour, and an interchange
of men's services, so that one from his overplus may supply the
deficiency of another, then husbandman will have a superfluity of
grain, &nd women wi】】 have a superfluity of cloth. If you have
such sm interchange, carpenters and carriagerwrights may all get
their food from you. Here now is a man who, at horpe, is filial,
and, abroad, respectful to his elders, and who watches over khe
principles of the ancient kings, awaiting tha rise of future learners, 一
and yet jou will refuse to support him. How Ib it that you give
honour to the carpenter and carriage-wright, and alight him who
practises benevolence and righteousness?' P*ang ES.ng said, *Tbe
aim of the carpenter and carriage-wright is by their trades to seek
for a living. Is it also the aim of the superior man in his practice
of principles to seek for a living ？ ， - What have you to do/ returned
Mencius, * with his purpose ？ He is of service to you. He deserves
to be supported, and should be gupported. And let me ask 一 Do
you remuperate a man a intention, or do you remunerate his service V
To this IC&ng replied, * I rejnunerate his intention/ Mencius said,
* There i& a man here who breaks your tiled and draws unsightly
figures on your walls ； ― his purpose may be thereby to seek for his
living, but will you indeed remunerate him 1 ， ^ No/ said K&ug ；
and Mencius then concluded, * That being the case, it is not the
purpose which you remunerate, but the work done*/

The ingenuity of Menciua in the above conversation will not be
questioned. The position from which he starts in his 4efen(^, that
society is based on a division of Ipibour and an interchange of eervices,
is sound, and he fairly hits and overthrows his disciples on the point
that we reinuiierate a man not for his aim but for his work done. But
he does not quite meet the charge against himself. This will better
appear from another brief conversation with Kung-sun Ch'&u on the
same subject. * It is said, in the Book of Poetry/ observed Ch&u,

* " He will not eat the bread of idleness."

1 Bk. III. Pt. II. iv.

OL n> OCT. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

55

How is it that we see superior men eatmg without labouring ？ ，
Menoius replied, * When a superior man resides in a country, if the
sovereign employ hie counsels, he comes to tranquillity, wealth,
honour, and glory ； if the young in it follow his instructions, they
become filial, obedient to their elders, true-hearted, and faithful. ―
What greater example can there be than this of not eatiag the
bread of idleness^ Y

The argument here is based on the supposition that the superior
man has free course, is appreciated by the sovereign, aqd venerated
and obeyed by the people. But this never was the case with Mencius,
Only once, the short time that be was in T*&ng, did a ruler listen
fayouraUy to his couDBelB. His lessons, it may be granted, were
calculated to be of the greatest benefit to the communities where
he was, but it is difficult to see the * work done/ for which he could
claim the remuneration. His reasoning might very well be applied
to vindicate a goyernment'B extending its patronage to literary men,
where it recognised in a general way the advantages to be derived
from their pursuits. Still more does it accord with that employed
in western nations where ecclesiastical establishments form one of
the institutioiis of a country. The members belonging to them
must have their maintenance, independently of the personal character
of the rulers. But Mencius's position w3a more that of a reformer.
His claimB were of those of his personal merit. It seems to me
that Pang K&ng had reason to doubt the propriety of his course,
and cbaraoierise it as extravagant,

Another disciple, Wan Chang, pressed him very oloselj with the
inconsistency of his taking freely the gifts of the princes on whom
he ^was wont to pass sentence so rouudly. Mencius bad insisted
that, where the donor oflTered his gift on a ground of reason and in
a manner accordant with propriety, even Confucius would have
received it. * Here now/ eaid Chang, * is one who stops and robs
people outside the city gates. He offers his gift on a ground of
reason and in a proper manuer ；一 would it be right to receive it so
acquired by robbery ？ , The philosopher of course said it would
not, and the other pursued ; 一 ' The princea of the present day take
from their people just as a robber despoils his victim. Yet if they
put a good face of propriety on their gifts, the superior man receives
them. I venture to ask you to explain this.' Mencius answered : 一

1 Bk. VII. Pt. I. xxxii.

66 MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLBS. [pboubgombia.

' Do you think that, if there should arise a truly imperial sovereign,
he would collect the princes of the present day and put them all to
death ？ Or would he admonish them, and then, on their not changing
their ways, put them to death 1 Indeed to call every one who takes
what does not properly belong to him a robber, is pushing a point
of resemblance to the utmost, and insisting on the most refined idea
of righteousness^'

Here again we must admire the ingenuity of Mencius ； but it
amuses us more than it satisfies. It was very well for him to
maintain his dignity as 《 a Teacher/ and not go to the princes when
they called him, but his refusal would have had more weight, if he
haci kept his hands clean from all their offerings. I have said above
that if lees awe-ful than Confucius, he is more admirable. Perhaps
it would be better to say he is more brilliant. There is some truth
in the saying of the scholar Ch'&ng, that the one is the glass that
glitters, and the other the jade that is truly valuable.

Without dwelling on other characteristics of Mencius, or culling
from him other striking sayings, — of which there are many, 一 I

nature.

5. If the remarks which I have just made on the intercourse of
Mencius with the princes of his day have lowered him somewhat
MenciuB'Bview in the estimation of my readers, his doctrine of human
？ 严 tu'l; nature, and the force with which he advocates it,

its identity with ' • • • '

of Bishop will not fail to produce a high appreciation of him
' as a moralist and thinker. In concluding my exhibi-

tion of the opinions of Confucius in the former volume, I have
observed that 《he threw no light on any of the questions which
have a world-wide interest/ This Mencius did. The constitution
of man's nature, and how far it supplies to him a rule of conduct
and a law of duty, are inquiries than which there can hardly be
any others of more importance. They were largely discussed in the
Schools of Greece. A hundred vigorous and acute minds of modern
Europe have occupied themselves with them. It will hardly be
questioned in England that the palm for clear and just thinking on
the subject belongs to Bishop Butler, but it will presently be seen
that his views and those of Mencius are, as nearly as possible,
identical. There is a difference of nomenclature and a combination

1 Bk.V. Pt II. iv.

CH. n. SBCT. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

57

of parts, in which the advantage is with the Christian prelate.
Felicity of illustration and charm of style belong to the Chinese
philosopher. The doctrine in both is the same.

The ntteraDces of Confucius on the subject of our nature were
few and brief. The most remarkable is where he says : 一 * Man is

View of bom for uprightness. If a man be without upright-

Confucius. ness and yet live, his escape from death is the effect
of mere good fortune V This is in entire accordance with Mendus's
view, and as he appeals to the sage in his own support ^ though we
cannot elsewhere find the words which he quotes, we may believe
that Confucius would have approved of the sentiments of his
follower, and frowned on those who have employed some of his
sayings in confirmation of other conclusions*. I am satisfied in my
own mind on this point. His repeated enunciation of 《 the golden
rule,, though only in a negative form, is sufficient evidence of it.

The opening sentence of ' The Doctrine of the Mean/ ― ' What
Heaven hae conferred is called the nature ； an accordance with

View of this nature is called the path ； the regulation of the

'^^' path is called instruction/ 一 finds a much better illus-
tration from Mencius than from Tsze-Bze himself. The germ of his
doctrine lies in it. We saw reason to discard the notion that he
was a pupil of Tszensze ； but he was acquainted with his treatise
just named, and as he has used some other parts of it, we may be
surprised that in his discussions on human nature he has made no
reference to the above passage.

What gave occasion to his dwelling largely on the theme was
the prevalence of wild and injurious speculations about it. In
Prevalent Tiew nothing did the disorder of the age more appear,
of mail's Dature in Kung-tA, One of his disciples, once went to him and
encrasB e. ^』, < The philosopher says : 一 " Man's nature is

neither good nor bad." Some say : 一 " Man's nature may be made
to practise good, and it may be made to practise evil ； and accordingly,
under W&n and WA, the people loved what was good, while, under
and Li, they loved what was cruel/ ， Others say : ― " The nature
of some is good, and the nature of others is bad. Hence it was
that under such a sovereign as there yet appeared Heiang ； that
with such a father as KtL-s&u there yet appeared Shun ； and that

1 AnaleetSfVI. xvii. ， Bk. VI. Pt. I. vi. 8 ; viii. 4. • See the annotations of the
editor of Yang-tsze's -^, the is often written jj^J Work, jjj^ ^ j^, in the

"■J^ 子 書 (vol. i. prolog, p. 13a).

58

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOLBOOKKHA.

with Ch&u for their sovereigu, and the son of their elder brother
besides, there were found Ch'l, the viscount of Wei, and the prince
Pl-kan." And now you say : 一 " The nature is good. Then are all
those opinions wrong i ？ ,

' The nature of maa is good/ ~ this was MenciusB doctrine. By
many writers it has been represented as entirely antagonistic to
Christianity ； and, as thus broadly and briefly enunoiated, it sounds
staxtliDg enough. As fully explained by himself, however, it is not
so very terrible. Butler's scheme has been designated ( the system
of Zeno baptised into Christ^.' That of Mencius, identifying closely
with the master of the Porch, is yet more susceptible of a similar
transformation.

But before endeavouring to make this statement good, it will be
well to make some observations on the opinion of the philoBopher
View of the K&o. He was a contemporary of Mencius, and they
phiio«>pj»er KAo， q^j^q into argumentative collision. One does not see
immediately the diflerenoe between his opinion, as stated by Kung-tA,
and the ne 耳 t, Might not mans nature, though neither good nor
bad, be made to practise the one or the other ？ K&o's view went
to deny aay essential distinction between good and evil, — virtue
and vice, A man might be made to act in a way oommonly called
virtue and in a way commonly called evil, but in the one action
there was really nothing more approvable than in the other, * Life/
he said, ^ was what was meant by nature'/ The phenomena of
benevolence and righteousness were akin to those of walking and
sleeping, eating and seeing. This extravagance afforded scope for
Mencius's favourite mode of argument, the rediidio ad ahmrdum.
He showed, on K^o's principles, that ' the nature of a dog was
like the nature of an ox, and the nature of an ox like the mature
of a man.'

The two first conversations* between them are more particularly
worthy of attention, because, while they are a confutation of his
Mencius's ex- Opponent, they indicate clearly our philosopher's own
poflure of KAo，a theory. K4o compared man's nature to a willow tree,

errors, and state- ，" ， • ， ' , 】

ment of his own and oenevolence and righteousness to the cups and
doctnne. bowls that might be fashioaed from its wood. Men-

cius replied that it was not the nature of the willow to produce cups
and bowls ； they might be .made from it indeed, by bending and

1 Bk. YI. Pt. I. vi. 1-4. ■ Wardlaw*s Christian Ethics, edition of 1833, p. 119.

， Bk.VI. Pt. I. iii. ♦ Bk.VI. Pt. I. i. ii.

en. n. BEcr, nO HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

59

Gutting and otherwise injuring it; but must humanity be done
such violence to in order to fashion the virtues from it? K4o
again oompared the nature to water whirling round in a comer ； 一
open a passage for it in any direction, and it will flow forth
accordingly. * Man's nature/ said he, 'is indifferent to good and
evil, just as the water is indifferent to the east aad west' Men-
cius answered him: 一 * Water indeed will flow indifferently to the
east or west> but will it flow indifferently up or down? The
tendency of man's nature to good is like the tendency of water
to flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good,
just 83 all water flows downwards. By striking water and causing
it to leap up, you may make it go over your forehead, and, by
damming and leading it, you may force it up a hill ； but are such
movements according to the nature of water? It is the force
applied which causes them. When men are made to do what is
not good, their nature is dealt with in this way/

Mencius has no stronger language than this, aa iudeed it would
be difficult to find any stronger, to declare his belief in the goodness
of human nature. To many Christian readers it proves a stumbling-
block and offence. But I venture to think that this is without
sufficient' reason. He is speakiqg of our nature in its ideal, and not
as it actually is, ~ as we may ascertain from the study of it that it
ought to be, and not as it is made to become. My rendering of the
sentences last quoted may be objected to, because of my introduction
of the term tendency; but I have Mendus's express sanction for
the representation I give of his meaning. Beplying to Kung-tA's
question, whether all the other opinions prevalent about man's
nature were wrong, and his own, that it is good, correct, he said : —
'From the feelings proper to it, we see that it is constituted for
the practice of what is good. This is what I mean in saying that
the nature is good. If men do what is not good, the blame' cannot
be imputed to their natural powers \* Those who find the most
fault with him, will hardly question the truth of this last declara-
tion. When a man does wrong, whose is the blame, ― the sin?
He might be glad to roll the guilt on his Maker, or upon his
nature, ~ which is only an indirect charging of his Maker with
it; ~ but it is his own burden, which he must bear himself.

The proof by which Mencius supports his view of human nature

' Bk.VI. Pt. I. vi. 5,6.

60

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[FBOLBOOmHA.

as formed only for virtue is twofold. First, he maiataiDS that there

are in man a natural principle of benevolence, a

Proofs that hn- , i . . ■• n • i i , i • • i

man nature is natural principle 01 righteousness, a natural principle
fl™^ ^^^"^ of propriety, and a natural principle of apprehending
m<^rai conatitu. moral truth. 《 Thesc/ he says, * are not infused into us

ents. • •

from without. We are certainly possessed of them ；
and a different view is simply from want of reflection \* In further
illustration of this he argued thus : 一 * All men have a mind which
cannot bear to see the sufferings of others; — my meaning may be
illustrated thus; 一 Even now-a-days/ i. e. in these degenerate times,
*if men suddenly see a child about to fall into a well, they will
without exception experience a feeling of alarm and distress.
They will feel so, not as a ground on which they may gain the
favour of the child's parents, nor as a ground on which they may
seek the praise of their neighbours and friends, nor from a dislike
to the reputation of having been unmoved by such a thing. From
this case we may see that the feeling of commiseration is essential
to man, that the feeling of shame and dislike is essential to man,
that the feeling of modesty and complaisance is essential to man,
and that the feeling of approval and disapproval is essential to
man. These feelings are the principles respectively of benevolence,
righteousness, propriety, and the knowledge of good and evil. Men
have these four principles just as they have their four limbs V

Let all this be compared with the language of Butler in his three
famous Sermons upon Human Nature, He shows in the first of
these : 一 * First, that there is a natural principle of benevolence in
man ； secondly, that the several pdsaions and affections, which are
distinct both from benevolence and self-love, do in general con-
tribute and lead us to public good as really as to private ； and
thirdly, that there is a principle of reflection in men, by which they
distinguish between, approve and disapprove their own actions a.,

1 Bk.VI. Pt. I. vi. 7. « Bk. II. Pt. I. vi. 3, 4， 5， 6.

， I am indebted to Butler for fully understanding Mencius's fourth feeling, that of
approving and disapproving, which he calls * the principle of knowledge,' or wisdom. In the
notes, Bk. II. Pt. I. vi. 5, 1 have said that he gives to this term <a moral sense.' It is the same with
Butler's principle of reflection, by which men distinguish between, and approve or disapprovey
their own actions. 一 I have heard gentlemen, speak contemptuously of Mencius's case in point,
to prove the existence of a feeling of benevolenoe in man. ' This,* they have said, Mencios's
idea of yirtue, to save a child from falling into a well. A mighty display of virtue, truly I '
Such language arises from misconceiving Mencius's object in putting the case. * If there be,*
says Butler, 'any affection in human nature, the object and end of which is the good of
another, this is itself benevolence. Be it ever ao short, be it in ever so low a degree, or ever
BO unhappily confined, it proves the assertion and points out what we were designed for, as

CH. n. SMI. u.] HIB INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

61

Is there anything more in this than was apprehended and expressed
by MenciuB ？ Butler says in the conclusion of his first discourse that
( Men follow their nature to a certain degree but not entirely ； their
actions do not come up to the whole of what their nature leads them
to ； and they often violate their nature.' This also Mencius declares
in his own forceful manner : J When men having these four prin-
cdples, yet say of themselves that they cannot develop them, they
play the thief with themselves, and he who says of his prince
that he cannot develop them, plays the thief with bis prince i.,
'Men differ from one another in regard to the principles of their
nature; some as much again as others, some five times as much,
and some to an incalculable amount : 一 it is because they cannot
carry out fully their natural powers

So much for the first or preliminary view of human nature
insisted on by Mencius, that it contains principles which are disin-
terested and virtuous. But there wants something
h^Bin^natare^iB more to make good the position that virtue ought to
— ttuf^tTs^'con- be supreme, and that it is for it, in opposition to vice,
!t?^°i^:^l:， ：乜：? that our nature is formed. To use some of the

tne nigner princi-
ples should senre * Hcentious talk ' which Butler puts into the mouth

tne lower. • •

of an opponent : 一 * Virtue and religion require not
only that we do good to others, when we are led this way, by-
benevolence and reflection happening to be stronger than other
principles, passions, or appetites ； but likewise that the whole
character be formed upon thought and reflection ； that every action
be directed by some determinate rule, some other rule than the
strength or prevalence of any principle or passion. What sign is
there in our nature (for the inquiry is only about what is to be
collected from thence) that this was intended by its Author ？ Or
how does so various and fickle a temper as that of man appear
adapted thereto ？ • • • As brutes have various instincts, by which
they are carried on to the end the Author of their nature intended
them for, is not man in the same condition, with this difference

really as though it were in a higher degree and more extensive/ * It is sufficient that the
seeds of it be implanted in our nature.' The illustration from a child falling into a well must
be pronounced a happy one. How much lower Mencius could go may be seen from his con-
Tersaiion with, king Hsiian, Bk. L Ft. I. vii, whom he leads to a consciousness of his com-
miserating mind from the fact that he had not been able io bear the frightened appearance
of an ox which was being led by to be killed, and ordered it to be spared. The kindly heart
that was moved by the suffering of an animal had only to be carried out, to suffice for the
lore and protection of all within the four seas.

1 Bk. n. Pfc. I. vi. 6. a Bk. VI. Pt. I. vi. 7.

62

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOUBOOMEHA.

only, that to his iDstincts (i.e, appetites and passions) is added the
principle of reflection ot conscieDCe ？ And as brutes act agreeably
to their nature in following that principle or particular instinct
which for the present ib strongest in them ; does not man likewise
act agreeably to his nature, or obey the law of his creation, by fol-
lowing that principle, be it passion or conscience, which for the
present happens to be stfongeeit in him ？;. < Let every one then
quietly follow his nature ； as passion, reflection, appetite, the aeveral
parts of it, happen to be the strongest j but let not the man of
virtue take it upon him to blame the ambitious, the covetous, the
dissolute I since these, ciqually with him, obey and follow their
nature V

To all this Butler replies by showing that the principle of* reflec-
tion ot coDBcienoe is * not to be considefed merely as a principle in
the heatt, which is to have some influence as well as others, but as
a faculty, in kind and in nature, supreme over all others, and which
bears its own authority of being so ； ， that the difference between
this and the other constituents of human nature is not * a difference
in strength ot degree,, but * a difference in nature and in kind ； ,
that ' it wad placed within to be our proper governor ； to direct and
regulate all under principles, passions, and motives of action : 一 this
is its right and office ； thus sacred is its authority.' It follows from
the view of human nature thus established, that * the inward frame
of man is a system or constitution ； whose several parts are united,
not by a physical principle of individuation^ but by the respects
they have to eaoh other, the chief of which is the subjection which
the appetites, passions, and particular affections have to the one
Bupreme principle of reflection or conscience V

Now, the substance of this reasoning is to be found in Mencius.
Human nature 一 the inward frame of man ~ is with him a syttem or
constitution as much as with Butler. He says, for instance : 一
* There is no part of himself which a man does not love ； and as he
loves all, so he must nourish all. There is not an inch of skin which
he does not love, and so there is not an inch of skin which he will
not nourish. For examining whether his way of nourishing be

GOOD OR NOT, WHAT OTHER RULE IS THERE BUT THIS, THAT HE DETER-
MINE BY REFLECTING ON HIMSELF WHERE IT SHOULD BE APPLIED ？

* Some parts of the body are noble and some ignoble ； some great

1 See Sermon Second. ^ See note to Sermon Third.

CK. n. fncTT. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

63

and some small. The great must not be injured for the small, nor
the noble for the ignoble. He who nourishes the little belonging
to him is a little man, and he who nourishes the great is a great
man 1/

Again t 一 * Those who follow that part of themselves which is
gteat are great men ； those who follow that part which is little are
little men V

The great part of outselVes is the molfal elements of oUi* constitu-
tion ； the lower part is the appetites and passions that centre in
self. He says finely : ― ' There id a nobility of Heaven, and there is
a Dobility of man. Benevolence, righteousness, self-consecffttion,
and fidelity^ with unwearied joy in what is good ； ~ these constitute
the nobility of Heaven. To be a duke, a noble, or a gi*eat officer ； 一
this constitutes the nobility of man V

There is one t>a88age very striking : ― *For the mouth to desire
sweet tastes, the eye to desire heatUiful colours, the ear to desire
pleasant sounds^ the nose to desire fragrant odours, and the four
Jimbfi to desire ease and rest ；— these things are natural But there
is the appointment of Heaven in connexion with them ； and the
superior man does not say of his pursuit of them, " It is my nature."
The exercise of love between father and son, the observance of
righteousness between sovereign and minister, the rules of ceremony
between host and guest* the display of knowledge in recognising
the worthy, and the fulfilling the heavenly course by the sage ； ―
these are the appointment of Heaveru But thete is an adaptation
of our nature for them ； and the superior man does not say, in
reference to them, " It is the appointment of Heaven V, ,

From these paragraphs it is quite clear that what Mencius con-
sidered as deserving properly to be called the nature of man, was
not that by which he is a creature of appetites and passions, but
that by which he is lifted up into the higher circle of intelligence
and virtue. By the phrase, * the appointment of Heaven/ most
Chinese scholars understand the will of Heaven, limiting in the first
case the gratification of the appetites, and iu the Becond the exercise
of the virtues. To such limitation Mencius teaches there ought to
be a cheerful ^submission so far as the appetites are concerned, but
where the virtues are in question, we are to be striving after them
notwitbstandiBg adverse and opposing circumstances. They are

1 Bk. VI. Pt. I. xiv， * Bk. VI. Pt. I. XV. » Bk. VL Pt. L xvi. * Bk. VII.

Pt. IL mv.

64

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[psoLBooimrA.

OUE NATURE, what we were made for, what we have to do. I will
refer but to one other specimen of his teaching on this subject.
* The will,, he said, using that term for the higher moral nature in
activity, 一 * the will is the leader of the passion-nature. The passion-
nature pervades and animates the body. The will is first and chief,
and the passion-nature is subordinate to it V

My readers can now judge for themselves whether I exaggerated
at all in saying that Mencius's doctrine of human nature was, as
nearly as possible, identical with that of Bishop Butler. Sir James
Mackintosh has said of the sermons to which I have made reference,
and his other cognate discourses, that in them Butler ' taught truths
more capable of being exactly distinguished from the doctrines of
his predecessors, more satisfactorily established by him, more com-
prehensively applied to particulars, more rationally connected with
each other, and therefore more worthy of the name of discovery,
than any with which we are acquainted ； if we ought not, with some
hesitation, to except the first steps of the Grecian philosophers
towards a Theory of Morals V It is to be wished that the atten-
tion of this great scholar had been called to the writings of our
philosopher. Mencius was senior to Zeno, though a portion of their
lives synchronised. Butler certainly was not indebted to him for
the views which he advocated ； but it seems to me that Mencius
had left him nothing to discover.

But the question now arises 一 * Is the view of human nature
propounded by Mencius correct?. So far as yet appears, I see not
The proper how the question can be answered otherwise than in
^ws^hS^'fe? the affirmative. Man was formed for virtue. Be it
considered. that his conduct is very far from being conformed to
virtue, that simply fastens on him the shame of guilt. Fallen as
he may be, ― fallen as I believe and know he is, — his nature still
bears its testimony, when properly interrogated, against all un-
righteousness. Man, heathen man, a Gentile without the law, is still
a law to himself. So the apostle Paul affirms; and to no moral
teacher of Greece or Borne can we appeal for bo grand an illustra*
tion of the averment as we find in Mencius. I would ask those
whom his sayings offend, whether it would have been better for
his countrymen if he had taught a contrary doctrine, and told them
that mans nature is bad, and that the more they obeyed all its

1 Bk. 11. Pt. I. ii. 9. ' Encyclopaedia Britannica (8th edition), Second Preliminary

Dissertation ； on Butler.

CH. n. SBCT. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

65

lusts and passions, the more would they be in accordance with it, 广
and the more pursuing the right path? Such a question does not
need a reply. The proper use of Mencius's principles is to reprove
the Chinese ~ and ourselves as well ~ of the thousand acts of sin of
which they and we are guilty, that come within their sweep and
under their condemnation.

From the ideal of man to his actualism there is a vast descent.
Between what he ought to be and what he is, the contrast is
„ w melancholy. * Benevolence' said our philosopher, *iB

How MencioB ' • • •

■dmitted^much the characteristic of man^' It is 'the wide house in

which the world should dwell/ while propriety is 'the
correct position in which the world should ever be
found/ and righteousness is * the great path which men should ever
be pursuing V In opposition to this, however, hatred, improprieties,
unrighteousness are constant phenomena of human life. We find
men hateful and hating one another, quenching the light that is in
them, and walking in darkness to perform all deeds of shame.
《 There is none that doeth good ； no, not one/ Mencius would
have denied this last sentence, claiming that the sages should be
excepted from it ； but he is ready enough to admit the fact that
men in general do evil and violate the law of their nature. They
sacrifice the noble portion of themselves for the gratification of the
ignoble ； they follow that part which is little, and not that which is
great He can say nothing further in explanation of the fact. He
points out indeed the effect of injurious circumstances, and the
power of evil example ； and he has said several things on these
subjects worthy of notice : ― ' It is not to be wondered at that the
king is not wise! Suppose the case of the most easily gtowing
thing in the world; 一 if you let it have one day's genial heat, and
then expose it for ten days to cold, it will not be able to grow. It
is but seldom that I have an audience of the king, and when I retire,
there come all those who act upon him like the cold. Though
I succeed in bringing out some buds of goodness, of what avail is
it"， 'In good years the children of the people are most of them
good, while in bad years the most of them abandon themselves to
evil. It is not owing to their natural powers conferred on them by
Heaven that they are thus different: the abandonment is owing to
the circumstances through which they allow their minds to be

1 Bk. VII. Pt. U. xvi. » Bk. III. Pt. 11. ii. 3. « Bk.VI. Pt. I. ix.

VOL. II, F

66

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[PBOLBGOMEKA.

ensnared and drowned in evil. There now is barley : let it be sown
and covered up ； the ground being the same, and the time of sowing
likewise the same, it grows rapidly up, and when the full time is
come, it is all found to be ripe. Any inequalities of produce will
be owing to the difference of the soil as rich or poor, the unequal
nourishment afforded by the rains and dews, and to the different
ways in which man has performed his business V

The inconsistencies in human conduct did not escape his observa-
tion. After showing that there is that in human nature which will
sometimes make men part with life sooner than with righteousness,
he goes on: — * And yet a man will accept ten thousand chung
without any consideration of propriety and righteousness. What
can they add to him ？ When he takes them, is it not that he may
obtain beautiful mansions, that he may secure the services of wives
and concubines, or that the poor and needy may be helped by him V
The scalpel is used here with a bold and skilful hand. The lust of the
flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life are laid bare, nor
does our author stop, till he has exposed the subtle workings of the
delusion that the end may sanctify the means, that evil may be
wrought that good may come. He pursues : 一 《 In the former case the
offered bounty was not received, though it would have saved from
deaths and now the emolument is taken for the sake of beautiful
mansions. The bounty that would have preserved from death was
not received, and the emolument is taken to get the services of wives
and concubines. The bounty that would have saved from death
was not received, and the emolument is taken that one's poor and
needy acquaintance may be helped. Was it then not possible like-
wise to decline this ？ This is a case of what is called 一 " Losing the
proper nature of one's mindV"

To the principle implied in the concluding sentenoes of this
quotation Mencius most pertinaciously adheres* He will not allow
Original bad- that Original badness can be predicated of human
p^icSS^^from 皿 ture from any amount of actual wickedness. 《 The
aotuai evil. trees,. Said he, 《 of the NiA Mountain were once
beautiiiil. Being situated, however, in the borders of a large
State, they were hewn down with axes and bills; ~ and could
they retain their beauty ？ Still, through the activity of the
vegetative life day and night, and the nourishing influence of the

1 Bk. VI. Pt. I. vii. » Bk. VI. Pt. I. xii. 7， 8.

CH. n. 8XCT. II.]

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

67

rain and dew, they were not without bads and sprouts Bpringing
forth ； ~ but then came the cattle and goats, and browsed upon them.
To these things is owing the bare and stripped appearanoe of the
mountain, which when people see, they think it was never finely
wooded. But is this the proper nature of the mountain ？ And so also
of what properly belongs to man : ~ ehall it be said that the mind
of any man was without benevolence and righteoufinese? The way
in which a man loses his proper goodness of mind is like the way in
which the trees are denuded hj axes and bills. Hewn down day
after day, can the mind retain its beauty ？ But there is a develop-
ment of its life day and night ； and in the calm air of the morning,
just between night and day, the mind feels in a degree the desires
and ayersions which are proper to humanity; but the feeling is not
strong, and it is fettered and destroyed by what takes place during
the day. This fettering takes plaoe again and again; the restorative
influence of the night is not sufficient to preserve the proper goodr
nes8 of the mind; and when this proves insafficient for that purpose,
the nature becomes not much di£Eerent from that of the irrational
animals, which when people see, they think that it never had those
powers which I assert. But does this condition represent the
feelings proper to humanity i V

Up to this point I fail to perceive anything in Mencius's view of
human nature that is contrary to the teachings of our Christian
The actual per. Bcriptures, and that may not be employed with ad-
feetion of the vantage by the missionary in preaching the Gospel

sages, and po9» o , « « . ，

Bible perfeetioii to the Ubmese. It IS far from covering wbat we

know to be the whole duty of man, yet it is defective
rather than erroneoua Deferring any consideration of this for
a brief spaoe, I now inquire whether Mencius, having an ideal of
the goodness of human nature, held also that it had been and could
be realised 1 The answer is that he did The actual realisation
he found in the sages, and he contended that it was within the
reach of every individual. * All things which are the same in kind/
he says, * are like one anoiher ； 一 why should we doubt in regard to
man, as if he were a solitary exception to this ？ The sage and we
are the same in kind V The feet, the mouths, the eyes of the sages
were not different from those of other people, neither were their
minds. 'Is it so/ he was once asked, 'that all men may bo Y&os

* Bk.VI. Pt. I. viu. I, 2. • Bk.VI. Pt. 1. vil. 3.

1

68

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[PBOLBSOMEKI.

and ShuDS V and he answered, 'It is/ adding by way of explana-
tion: 一 'To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to perform
the part of a younger brother, and to walk quickly and precede his
elders is to violate that duty. Now, is it what a man cannot do, ―
to walk slowly ？ It is what he does not do. The course of Yao
and Shun was simply that of filial piety and fraternal duty. Wear
the clothes of Y&o, repeat the words of Y&o, and do the actions of
Y4o; 一 and you will just be a Y4oV

Among the sages, however, Mencius made a distinction. Y&o
and Shun exceeded all the rest, unless it might be Confucius. Those
three never came short of, never went beyond, the law of their
nature. The ideal and the actual were in them always one and the
same. The others had only attained to perfection by vigorous effort
and culture. Twice at least he has told us this. * YAo and Shun
were what they were by nature ； T*ang and WA were so by returning
to natural virtue The actual result, however, was the same, and
therefore he could hold them all up as models to his countrymen of
the style of man which they all ought to be and might be. What
the compass and square were in the hands of the workman,
enabling him to form perfect circles and squares, the sages, * per-
fectly exhibiting the human relations,' might be to every earnest
individual, enabling him to perfect himself as they were perfect 气

Bevelation supplies. He knows nothing of the fact that 'by one
Mencius's doc- man siii entered into the world, and death by sin ；
tr^e contoina no and SO death passed , (passed on, extended, 8i^\0€y)

acknowledgment r \r. ， •

of the universal * to all men, because all sinned/ We have our ideal

proneness to eviL -. ， - ^ ，"， " r •

His ideal has as Well as he ； Dut for the living reality ot 】t we must
l^^^tyB go back to Adam, as he was made by God in His own
realised by all. image, after His likeness. In him the model is soon
shattered, and we do not discover it again, till Gods own Son
appears in the world, made in the likeness of sinful flesh, yet with-
out fiin. While He died for our transgressions. He left us also an
example, that we should walk in His steps ； and as we do so, we
are carried on to glory and virtue. At the same time we find a law
in our members warring against the law in our minds, and bringing
us into captivity to sin. However we may strive after our ideal,
we do not succeed in reaching it The more we grow in the know-

* Bk. VI, Pt. II, ii. I, 4, 5. » Bk, VII. Pt. I. m. i ; Pt. II. xxxiii i. » Bk. IV.
Pt. L ii. I.

CH. n. 8«er. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

69

ledge of Christ, and see in Him the glory of humanity in its true
estate, the greater do we feel our own distance to be from it, and
that of ourselves we cannot attain to it. There is something wrong
about US ； we need help from without in order to become even what
our nature, apart from Eevelation, tells us we ought to be.

When Mencius therefore points us to Y4o, Shim, and Confucius,
and says that they were perfect, we cannot accept his statement.
Understanding that he is speaking of them only in the sphere of
human relations, we must yet believe that in many things tliey came
short. One of them, the greatest of the three in Mencius's estima-
tion, Confucius, again and again confesses so of himself. He was
seventy years old, he says, before he could follow what his heart
desired without transgressing what was right 、 It might have been
possible to convince the sage that he was under a delusion in this
important matter even at that advanced age ； but what his language
allows is sufficient to upset Mencius's appeal to him. The image of
sagely perfection is broken by it. It proves to be but a brilliant
and unsubstantial phantasm of our philosophers own imagining.

When he insists again, that every individual may become what
he fancies that the sages were, 一 i. e. perfect, living in love, walking
in righteousness, observant of propriety, approving whatsoever is
good, and disapproving whatever is evil, 一 he is pushing his doctrine
beyond its proper limits ； he is making a use of it of which it is not
capable. It supplies a law of conduct, and I have set it forth as
entitled to our highest admiration for the manner in which it does
so ； but law gives only the knowledge of what we are required to
do ； it does not give the power to do it. We have seen how when
it was necessary to explain accurately his statement that the nature
of mail is good, Mencius defined it as meaning that ' it is constituted
for the practice of that which is good/ Because it is so constituted,
it follows that every man ought to practise what is good. But some
disorganisation may have happened to the nature ； some sad change
may have come over it. The very fact that man has, in Mencius's
own words, to recover his * lost mind V shows that the object of the
constitution of the nature has not been realised. Whether he can
recover it or not, therefore, is a question altogether different from
that of its proper design.

In one place, indeed, Mencius has said that * the great man is he

1 Confucian Analects, 11. iv. 6. ， Bk.VI. Pfc. I. xi. 4.

70

MENCrUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[PBOUSOMBirA.

who does not lose his childVheart V I can only suppose that, by
that expression ~ 'the childVheai%* he intends the ideal goodness
which he affirms of oar nature. Bat to attribute that to the child
as acfcnally existing in it is absurd. It has neither done good nor
evil. It possefises the capacity for either. It will by-and-by awake
to the conficiousnesB that it ought to follow after the one and eschew
the other ； but when it does so, ~ I should rather say when he does
so, for the child has now emerged from a mere creature existence,
and assumed the functions of a moral being, he will find that he has
already given himself to inordinate affection for the objects of sense ；
and in the pursuit of gratification he is reckless of what must be
acknowledged to be the better and nobler part^ reckless also of the
interest and claims of others, and glows, whenever thwarted, into
passion and fiiiy. The youth is more pliant than the man in whom
the dominion of self-seeking has become mgrained as a habit ； but
no sooner does he become a subject of law, than he is aware of the
fact that when he would do good, evil is present with him. The
boy has to go in search of his 《 lost heart/ as truly as the man of
fourscore. Even in him there is an ' old man, corrupt according to
the deceitfiil lustB/ which he has to put off.

Butler had an immense advantage over Mencius, arising from
his knowledge of the truths of Bevelation. Many, admiring his
Butler's adyan- sermoDs, have yet expressed a measure of dissatisfac-
t^e cfver Men- tioD, because he does not in them make explicit

ciufly and that he • • 丄

doMnotniAkethe reference to the condition of man as fallen and
X^^^^ depraved. That he fully admitted the fact we know,
principiei. He 8a js elsewhere : 一 * Mankind are represented in
ficriptare to be in a state of ruin, ' If mankind are corrupted and
depraved in their moral character, and so are unfit for that state
which Christ is gone to prepare for His disciples ； and if the assist-
ance of God's Spirit be necessary to renew their nature, in the
degree requisite to their being qualified for that state ； all which
is implied in the express, though figurative declaration, Except a
man be horn of the Spirit, he cannot see the kingdom of God K . . •
How is it, then, that there is do mention of this in the sermons 1
Dissatisfaction, I have said, has been expressed on. aocount of this
silence, and it would have taken the form of more pointed utter-
ance, and more decided condemnation, but for the awe of his great

* Bk. IV. Pt. II. «i. ， The Analogy of Religion, Part II. chap. i.

CB. n. 8B0T. n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

71

name, and the general appreciation of the service he rendered to
Christianity in his work on 'The A.nalogy of Religion.' But, in
truth, dissatisfaotioQ at all is out of place. Butler wrote his sermons
as he wrote his Analogy, in consequence of the peculiar necessity
of his times. More particularly against Hobbes, denying all moral
sentiments and social affections, and making a regard to personal
advantage the only motive of human action, it was his business to
prove that man's nature is of a very different constitution, compre-
hending disinterested affections, and above all the supreme element
of conscience, which, * had it strength as it has right, would govern
the world.' He proves this, and so aocomplishes his work. He had
merely to do with the ideal of humanity. It did not belong to him
to dwell on the actual feebleness of man to perform what is good.
He might have added a few paragraphs to this effect ； but it was
not the character of his mind to go beyond the task which he had
set himself. What is of importance to be observed here is, that he
does not make the application of their common principles which
MencLUS does. He knows of no perfect men ； he does not tell his
readers that they have merely to set about following their nature,
and that, without any aid from without, they will surely and easily
go on to perfection.

Mencius is not to be blamed for his ignorance of what is to us
the Doctrine of the Fall. He had no means of becoming acquainted
Mencius's lacking with It. We have to regret, however, that his study
^^t^^ihhi^ of human nature produced in him no deep feeling on
man error. account of men s proneness to go astray. He never

betrays any consciousness of his own weakness. In this respect he
is again inferior to Confucius, and is far from being, as I have said
of him in another aspect of his character, ' more admirable ， than
he. In the former volume I have shown that we may sometimes
recognise in what the sage says of himself the expressions of a
genuine humility. He acknowledges that he comes short of what
he knows he ought to be. We do not meet with this in Mencius.
His merit is that of the speculative thinker. His glance is searching
and his penetration deep ； but there is wanting that moral sensibUity
which would draw us to him, in our best moments, as a man of
like passions with ourselves. The absence of humility is naturally
accompanied with a lack of sympathy. There is a hardness about
his teachings. He is the professor, performing an operation in the
class-room, amid a throng of pupils who are admiring his science

72

MKNCroS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

[PVOUOOXSHA.

and dexterity, and who forgets in the triumph of his skill the
suffering of the patient The transgressoiB of their nature are to
Mencius * the tyrants of themselves/ or ' the self-abandoned/ The
utmost stretch of his commiseration is a oontemptuoas ' Alas for
them". The radical defect of the orthodox moral school of China,
that there only needs a knowledge of duty to insore its performance,
is in him exceedingly apparent. Confucius, Tsze-sze, and Mencius,
mo8t fitrangely never thought of calling this principle in question.
It is always as in the formula of Tsze-sze : 一 ' Given the sincerity,
and there shall be the intelligence ； given the intelligence, and there
shall be the sincerity/

I said above that Mencius's doctrine of human nature was
defective, inasmuch as even his ideal does not cover the whole

field of duty. He says very little of what we owe
of^tmanMtiuJe ^ God. There is no glow of natural piety in his
d^y^^o^^ pages. Instead of the name God、 containing in

itself a recognition of the divine personality and
supremacy, we hear from him more commonly, as from CoDfucius,
of Heaven. Butler has said: 一 'By the love of God, I would
understand all those regards, all those affections of mind, which
are due immediately to Him from such a creature as man, and
which rest in Him as their endV Of such affections Mencius
knows nothing. In one place he speaks of ' delighting in Heaven '，，
but he is speaking, when he does so, of the sovereign who with
a great State serves a small one, and the delight is seen in certain
condescensions to the weak and unworthy. Never once, where he
is treating of the nature of man, does he make mention of any
exercise of the mind as due directly to God. The services of
religion come in China under the principle of propriety, and are
only a cold formalism ； but even here, other things come with
Mencius before them. We are told : 一 ' The richest fruit of love is
this, 一 the service of one's parents ； the richest fruit of righteous-
ness is this, 一 the obeying one s elder brothers; the richest fruit of
wisdom is this, ― the knowing those two things, and not departing
from them; the richest fruit of propriety is this, 一 the ordering
and adorning those two things*.' How different is this from the

1 Bk. IV. Pt. I.X. ， First Sermon Upon the Love qfGod, ， Bk. I. Pt. II. ii. 3.

* Bk. IV. Pt I. zzrii. Hy friend, the Bev. Mr. Moule, (now Bishop) of Ningpo, has sapplied
me with the following interesting ooinoidenoe with the sentiments of Mencius in this paauge,
from one of the letters of Charles Lamb to Coleridge, dated November 14， 1796 : 一 * Oh, my friend,
cultivate the filial feelings ； and let no one think himself relieved from the kind charitiea of

CH. n. SHOT, n.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

73

reiterated declaration of the Scriptures, that *the fear of the Lord
is the beginning of wisdom ！ ' The first and great commandment,
' Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart and soul
and mind and strength/ was never thought of, much less delivered,
by any Chinese philosopher or sage. Had Mencius apprehended this,
and seen how all our duties to our fellow-men are to be performed
as to God, he could not have thought so highly as he did of man's
powers ； a suspicion might have grown up that there is a shadow
on the light which he has in himself.

This absence from Mencius s ideal of our nature of the recognition
of man's highest obligations is itself a striking illustration of man's
estrangement from God. His usage of the term Heaven has com-

the grosser conceptions of the modern literati, who would often seem
to deny the divine personality altogether, and substitute for both
God and Heaven a mere principle of order or fitness of things. It
has done more: it has left the people in the mass to become an easy
prey to the idolatrous fooleries of Buddhism. Tea, the unreligious-
ness of the teachers has helped to deprave still more the religion of
the nation, such as it is, and has made of its services a miserable
pageant of irreverent forms.

It is time to have done with this portion of my theme. It may
be thought that I have done Mencius more than justice in the first
part of my remarks, and less than justice at the last ； but I hope it
is not so. A very important use is to be made both of what he
succeeds in, and where he fails, in his discoursing upon human
nature. His principles may be, and, I conceive, ought to be, turned
against himself. They should be pressed to produce the conviction
of sin. There is enough in them, if the conscience be but quickened
by the Spirit of God, to make the haughtiest scholar cry out, '
wretched man that I ami who shall deliver me from this body of
death?' Then may it be said to him with effect, ^ Behold the Lamb
of Grod, who taketh away the sin of the world 1 ' Then may Christ,
as a new and true exemplar of all that man should be, be displayed,
'altogether lovely/ to the trembling mind I Then may a new heart
be received from Him, that shall thrill in the acknowledgment of
the claims both of men and God, and girding up the loins of the
mind, address itself to walk in all His commandments and ordinances

relationship : these shall give him peace at the last ； these are the best foundation for every species qf
benevdenee.*

74

MENCIUS AND HI8 DISCIPLES

[fbolboomeha

blameless ！ One thing should be plain. In Mencins's lessons on
human duty there is no hope for his countrymen. If they serve as
a schoolmaster to bring them to Christ, they will have done their
part; but it is from Christ alone that the help of the Chinese can
oome.

6. Besides giving more explicit expression to the doctrine of the
goodness of man's nature than had been done before him, Mencius
has the credit also of calling attention to the nourishment of the
jmamm-^naiure. It may be questioned whether I translate his
language exactly by this phrase. What I render the passion-nature,
Julien renders by 'vUalis spiritus.' The philosopher says himself
that it is difficult to describe what he intends. Attempting such
a description, he says: 一 'This is it: 一 It is exceedingly great and
exceedingly strong. Being nourished by rectitude, and sustaining
no injury, it fills up all between heaven and earth. This is it: — It
is the mate and assistant of righteousness and reason. Without it
man is in a state of starvation. It is produced by the accnmulatioii
of righteous deeds ； it is not to be taken, as by surprise, by incidental
acts of righteousness. If the mind does not feel complacency in the
conduct, this is starved i.. From such predicates we may be sure that
it is not anything merely or entirely physical of which he is speak-
ing. *The righteous/ said Solomon, 'are bold as a lion.' The
Hebrew saying is very much in Mencins's style. That boldness is

aptitude. Strong in it and in a knowledge of words, a faculty of
discovering the moral aberrations of others from their forms of
speech, he was able to boast of possessing *aa unperturbed mind;,
he could * sit in the centre , of his being, ' and enjoy bright day,,
whatever clouds and storms gathered around him.

The nourishment, therefore, of 'the passion-nature/ *the vital
spirit/ or whatever name we choose to give to the subject, is only
an effect of general good-doing. This is the practical lesson from
all Mencius's high-sounding words. He has illustrated it amusingly :
一 * There was a man of Sung, who was grieved that his growing com
was not longer, and pulled it up. Having done this, he returned
home, looking very wearied, and said to his people, "I am tired
to-day. I have been helping the com to grow long." His bod ran
to look at it, and found the corn all withered. There are few in the

1 Bk. II. Pt. I. ii. 13.15.

CH. XL BtOr, IL]

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS

76

world, who do not assist the com of their passion-naiure to grow
long. Some consider it of no benefit to them, and let it alone : ~ they
do not weed their com. Those who assist it to grow long, pull out
their com. What they do is not only of no benefit to the nature,
but it also injures itV

This portion of Mencius's teaching need not detain us. He has
put a simple truth in a striking way. That is his merit. It hardly
seems of sufficient importance to justify the use which has been
made of it in vindicating for him a place among the Bages of his
countTy.

7. I said I should end the discussion of Mencius's opinions by
pointing out what I conceive to be his chief defects as a moral and
political teacher. His defects, however, in the former respect have
been already not lightly touched on. So far as they were the con-
sequence of his ignorance, without the light which Bevelation sheds
on the whole field of human duty, and the sanctions which it difi-
cloees of a future state of retribution, I do not advance any charge
againfit his character. That he never indicates any wish to penetrate
futurity, and ascertain what comes after death ； that he never in-
dicatsg^joi^coDSGioufiness of human weaknees. nor moves his mind
God ward, longing for more light : 一 these are things which exhibit
strongly the contrast between the mind of the East and the West.
His^sdffuffidfincyjfl his great fault. To know ourselves is commonly
supposed to be an important step to humility ； but it is not so with
him. He has spoken remarkably about the effects of calamity and
difficulties* He says : ― * When Heaven is about to confer a great
office on a man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his
sinews and bones with toil; it exposes his body to hunger, and
subjects him to extreme poverty ； it confounds his undertakings.
By all these methods it stimulates his mind, hardens his nature,
and supplies his incompetencies •/ Such have been the effects of
Heaven's exercising some men with calamities ； but if the issue has
been a fitting for the highest offices, there has been a softening of the
nature rather than a hardening of it. Mendus was a stranger to
the humbling of the lofty looks of man, and the bowing down of
his haughtineBS, that the Lord alone may be exalted.

His &ultB as a political teacher are substantially the same as
those of Confucius. More than was the case with his sayings of

» Bk. II. Pt. I. ii. t6. " Bk. VI. Pt. II. xv.

76

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES.

a political character, the utterances of Mencius have reference to the
condition and needs of his own age. They were for the time then
being, and not for all time. He knew as little as Confucius of any
other great and independent nation besides his own; and he has
】eft one maxim which is deeply treasured by the rulers and the
people of China at the present day, and feeds the supercilious idea
which they axe so unwilling to give up of their own superiority
to foreigners. 《 I have heard/ said he, * of men using the doctrines
of our great land to change barbarians, but I have never yet heard
of any being changed by barbarians/ ' I have heard of birds leaving
dark valleys to remove to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their
descending from lofty trees to enter into dark valleys \' Mongol
and Tartar sway have not broken the charm of this dangerous
flattery, because only in warlike energy were the Mongols and
Tartars superior to the Chinese, and when they conquered the
country they did homage to its sages. During the last five-and-
twenty years. Christian Powers have come to ask admission into
China, and to claim to be received as her equals. They do not wish
to conquer her territory, though they have battered and broken her

The feeling of dislike to them arises from the dread of their power,
and suspicion of their faith. It is feared that they come to subdue ；
it is known that they come to change. The idol of Chinese
superiority is about to be broken. Broken it must be ere long,
and a new generation of thinkers will arise, to whom Mencius will
be a study but not a guide.

SECTION III.

HIS IMMEDIATE DISOIPLES.

The disciples of Mencius were much fewer in number, and of less
distinction than those of Confucius. The longest list does not make
them amount to twenty-five ； and it is only to complete my plan
that I devote a page or two here to their names and surnames.

The chief authority in reference to them is Ghko Ch'l. In a. d.
1 1 5, the then emperor of the Sung dynasty conferred titles on all
mentioned by Ch'l as disciples or pupils of Mencius, and enacted

Bk. III. Pt.

IV. ia， 15.

CH. U. SECT, m.]

HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES

77

that they should share in the sacrifices offered to their master in his
temple in the district of Tb4u. ChA Hst gives his verdict in the
* Collected Comments ' against two of them, and no subsequent
scholar has ventured to restore them to their place in the Mencian
school Other names, however, have been found by different writers
to supply their room. It is not worth our while to take notice of
their discussioiis.

1. Yo-chang K'o, styled Tsze^o (樂 正克, 字子 栽), a native
of LA* He was titled in 1 1 1 5 as the 《 State-advantaging Marquis ,
(利 國 侯)' Under the present dynasty, in 1724, he had a place
assigned him in the temples of Confucius, the 35th on the west, in
the outer court, with the common title of ' The Ancient Worthy,
the Philosopher Yo-chSng/

2. Wan Chang (萬章 )• He was titled in 1115 as the ' Baron

of Extensive Arousing ， (傅 典伯 )• He has now the next place
to the preceding in the Confucian temples.

3. Kung-sun Ch'4u 孫 丑), a native of Ch'i. He was also
elevated to the temple of Confucius, and has now the place, east,
corresponding to that of Wan Chang, on the west. His title con-
ferred in 1115 was 一 * Baron of Longevity and Glory ，(脅 光 伯 )•

4. Kung-tA 都), immediately precedes Kung-sun Ch'Au in
the temples. In the temple of Mencius he was the * Baron of

Tranquillity and Shadiness' (平 陰 伯 )•

The above four are the only disciples of Mencius who have plaxjes
assigned to them in the temples of Confucius.

5. Ch*an Tsin (陳 矮). 6. Ch'img Ytt (充 虞). 7. Chl-sun
(季 孫). 8. Tsze-shA t (子叔 疑 )•

These two last are held by ChA Hsl not to have been disciples
of Mencius.

9. E&o (高 子). This is to be distiDguished from another scholar
of the same name, referred to in Bk. VI. Pt. II. iii.

10. Hsu PI 辟). II. Hsien-ch'iA Ming (咸 丘 蒙 )•

12. Ch'an T&i (陳 代). 13. Fang Eftng 更). 14. IJ-IA
Lien (M 盧 建)， 1 5. T' &。 Ying (桃 應).

These fifteen are said by Ch&o Gh'i to have been disciples of
Mencius. The four that follow are said to have studied under
him, or to have been his pupils.

16. Mtog Chung (孟 仲子) • 17. E4o (告 子). This Kko

78

MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES

[fbolbgomzha.

can hardly be said to have studied under Mencius ； he only argued
with him. 1 8. Ttog Kftng, or E&ng of T&ng ( 條 更). 19. Fftn-
ch'ang Kwo (盆成

These nineteen rest on the authority of CMo Ch'l. Others have
added to them 一 20. Kung-ming K&o (必嚷 高). 2【. K'wang
Chang (匡章 )• 22. Ch'anChung (陳伸 )• 23.：^1^11(離婁).

APPENDIX.

I have thought it would be interesting to many readers to append
here the Essays of two distingniBlied scholars of China on the subject
of Human Nature. The one is in direct opposition to Mencius s
doctrine ； according to the other, Kis doctrine is insufficient to
explain the phenomena. The author of the first, Hsiln K'wang (苟
[ah 孫] } 兄), more commonly called Hsiin Ch'ing (鄭 )， was not very
much posterior to Mencius. He is said to have borne office both
in Ch'l and Ch'A, and to have had at one time Li Sze (李 渐), the
prime minister of Shih Hwang-tl, as a pupiL His Works which
still remain form a considerable volume. The second essay is from
the work of Han YU, mentioned above, Chap. I. Sect. IV. 4. I shall
not occupy any space with criticisms on the style or sentiments of
the writers. If the translation appear at times to be inelegant or
obscure, the fault is perhaps as much in the original as in myself.
A comprehensive and able sketch of * The Ethics of the ChineBe,
with special reference to the Doctrines of Human Nature and
Sin/ by the Rev. Griffith John, was read before the North China
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, in November, 1859, and has
been published separately. The essays of Hsiin and Han are both
reviewed in it.

CH. II. APP. I.]

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL

79

L THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL.— By m PHILOSOPHER HSUN.

The nature of man is evil ； the good which it ahotra is factiii6as. There belongs to it, even
at his birth, the love of gain, and as actions are in Accordance with this, eontentions and
robberies grow up, and self-denial and yielding to others are not to be found ； there belong to
*it envy and dialike, and as Actions are in aceordanoe with these, violence and injuries spring
up, and self-deYotedneas and faith are not to be found ； there belong to it the desiies of the
ears and the eyes, leading to the love of sounds and beauty, and as the actions are in aceordanoe
with these, lewdness and disorder spring up, and righteousness and propriety, with their
▼arioiifi orderly displays, are not to be found. It thus appeftrsi that to follow man's
nature and yield obedience to its feelings will msuredly oonduet to contentions and
robberies, to the yiolation of the duties belonging to erery one's lot, and th« confounding of all
distinctions, till the iaaue will be in a state of savagism ； and that there must be the influenoe
of teachers and laws, and the guidance of propriety and righteousness, from which will spring
self-denial, yielding to others, and an observanoe of the well-ordered rBgtilations of oonduct,
till the issae will be a state of good government. 一 From all this it is plain that the nature
of man is evil ； the good which it shows is faotitions.

To illustrate. 一 A crooked stick must be submitted to the preasing^firame to soften and bend
it, and then it becomes straight ； a blunt knife must be submitted to the grindstone and
whetstone, and then it becomes sharp : so, the nature of man, being evil, must be submitted
to teachers and laws, and then it becomes correct ； it must be submitted to propriety and
righteoDsnesa, and then it comes under government* If men were without teachers and laws,
their condition would be one of deflection and insecurity, entirely incorrect ； if they were
without propriety and righteousness, their condition would be one of rebellious disorder,
rejecting all goTemment. The sage kings of antiquity, understanding that the nature of man
was thus evil, in a state of hazardous deflection, and incorrect, rebellious and disorderly, and
reftisiiig to be governed, set up the principles of righteouBness and propriety, and framed
Iaws and regaUtions to straighten ftnd ornament the feelings <^ that nature and correct them.

荀子 性惡篇

人 iV 性惡 >1; 善者撝 也， 而 t 好

利 焉1順：« 故爭奪 .H^ 而辭 讓亡焉 。生 而有疾

惡鼂 順是故 殘賊生 > 而忠 信亡 1 生 而有耳

目. N> 貌有好 聲色鼂 順是故 淫亂生 而輸義

文理亡氣然則從人^4順人之情*必出：^^

爭# 合於犯 分亂理 而鼸於 01^ 故必 將有師

法. M 化 fBSVA 然後出 $ ^辭 鼠合 於文珧

而歸^^治。用此観^^^然則人.^6惡明矣>K

故枸木 必將待 然後直 。鈍 金必將

待 尊豚然 後抓入 r 人 之性亞 I 必將 待師： 然

後 得禮氤 然後， 底今人 無師法 、则 偏險而

不 Hi 無禮義 則悖亂 而 不 治。 古者聖 王以人

^>性|9|以爲偏險而一.^正俘亂而不治>|以

爲之 起禮氣 制法度 • 以矮飾 人之情 性而正

^\5以擾化人之情性而導之也、使皆出£3>

合於道者.^今^^<>人化師！ili稜文i?道鱧義

80

THE PHILOSOPHER HSUN

[fbolboomsha.

to tame and change those same feelings and guide them, bo that they might all go forth in
the way of moral government and in agreement with reason. Now, the man who is trans-
formed by teachers and laws, gathers on himself the ornament of learning, and proceeds in
the path of propriety and righteousness is a superior man ； and he who gives the reina to
his nature and its feelings, indulges its resentanents, and walks contrary to propriety and
righteousness is a mean man. Looking at the subject in this way, we see clearly that the
nature of man is evil ； the good which it shows is factitious.

MenciuB said, * Man has only to learn, and his nature appears to be good ； ' but I reply, 一 It
is not BO. To say so shows that he had not attained to the knowledge of man's nature, nor
examined into the difference between what is natural in man and what is factitious* The
natural is what the constitution spontaneously moyes to : 一 it needs not to he learned, it needs
not to be followed hard after ； propriety and rightoousness are what the sages have given
birth to : 一 it is by learning that men become capable of them, it is by hard practice that they
achieve them. That which is in man, not needing to be learned and striven after, is what
I call natural ； that in man which is attained to by learning, and achieved by hard striTuig,
is what I call factitious. This is the distinction between those two. By the nature of man,
the eyes are capable of seeing, and the ears are capable of hearing. But the power of seeing
is inseparable from the eyes, and the power of hearing is inseparable from the ears ； ~ it is
plain that the faculties of seeing and hearing do not need to be learned. Mencius says, * The
nature of man is good, but all lose and rain their nature, and therefore it becomes bad ； , but
I say that this representation is erroneous. Man being born "with his natare, when he there-
after departs from its simple constituent elements, he must lose it. From this consideration
we may see clearly that man's nature is evil. What might be called the nature's being good,
would be if there were no departing from its simplicity to beautify it, no departing from its
elementary dispositions to sharpen it. Suppose that those simple elements no more needed
beautifying, and the mind's thoughts no more needed to be turned to good, than the power of
vision which is inseparable from the eyes, and the power of hearing which is inseparable
from the ears, need to be learned, then we might aay that the nature is good, just as we say that the
eyes see and the ears hear. It is the nature of man, when hungry, io desire to be filled ；
when cold, to desire to be warmed ； when tired, to desire rest : ~~ these are the feelings and
nature of man. But now, a man is hungry, and in the presence of an elder he does not dare
to eat before him : 一 he is yielding to that elder ； he is tired with labour, and he does not dare
to ask for rest : 一 he is working for some one. A son's yielding to his father and a younger

者爲 *9 子 踨性情 安恣雅 Fi 違禮 小

九用 此観之 然則人 s 性惡明 笑， 其 善者偽

也

孟子 Hi 人之學 者>1； 性善。 nf 是 不 妖 f 是不及

知人. N;^ 而不 察乎人 N 性僞. N! 分者 ¥凡

性者， 天 .N> 就也 >不 可學， 不 可事 >^義 ^聖人

之所 生也， 人. \> 所學而 能>所辜， 而成者 也。 不

可學>^可*^而在人^1^謅之性，可學而齔可

事而成 N 在人者 、謅. \> 氣是 性偽. n; 分 I 今

人. Nfe 目可以 見耳可 以聽。 夫 可以見 之明

不離11£可以聽之聰不離||^目明而耳覜不

可學明 孟子 Cd 今人. N> 性善， 將皆 失喪其

性 故也。 of 若是 則過 今人 -Nfe 生 而離其

抓離其％必失而.喪之。用此観^\?然則人之

性惡5^41}^所譜性善者>^離其补而美^\?不

離 其資而 利之也 > 使夫資 朴之於 氈>^ 意之

於善> 若夫 可 以見之 明不離 Hf 可以 港之 聰

不離 luf 故 01 目明而 耳聰也 。今人 .Nfe 飢而

CH. n. APP. I.]

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL

81

brother to his elder, 禽 son's labouring for his father and a younger brother for his elder ：一
these two instanoes of conduct are contrary to the nature and against the feelings ； but they
*r© aooordiag to the course laid down for a filial son, and to the refined diBtinotions of propriety
and righteoasnees. It appears that if there were an aocordanoe with the feelings and the
nature, there would be no ielf-denial and yielding to others. Self-denial and yielding to
others are contrary to the feelings and the nuture. In this way we come to see how clear
it is tfajit the nature of man is eril ； the good which it shows is factitious.

An inqairer will ask, ' If man's nature be eyil, whence do propriety and righteousneos
ariae ？ ' I reply : ~~ All propriety and rlgbteouaness are the artificial production of the sagesy
•nd are not to be considered aa growing oat of the nature of man. It is just as when a potter
makes a veflael from the cUj; ― the yesBel is the product of the workman's art, and is not to be
considered as growing out of his nature. Or it is as when another workman outs and hews
ft Teasel ont of wood ；一 it is the product of his art, and is not to be considered as growing out
of his nature. The sages pondered long in thought and gave themselves to practioe, and so
they succeeded in producing propriety and righteousness, and setting up laws and regulations.
Thus it is that propriety and righteousneas, laws and regulations, are the artificial product
of the sageSf and are not to be considered as growing properly from the nature of man.

If we apeak of the fondness of the eyes for beauty, or of the mouth for ptetuatU flavours^ or
of the mind for gain, or of the bones and skin for the enjoyment of ease ；— all these grow out
of the natural feelings of man. The object is preaented and the desire is felt ； there needs no
effort to produce it. But when the object in presented, and the affection does not move till
after hard effort, I aaj that this effect ia fSactitioua. Those cases prove the difference between
what IB produced by nature and what is produced by art.

Thus the sages transfonned their nature, and oommenoed their artificial work. Haying
eommenoed this work with their nature, they produced propriety and righteousness. When
propriety and righteouaness were produced, they proceeded to frame laws and regulations.
It appeara, therefore, that propriety and righteousnessi laws and regulation^, are given birth

欲 I 寒而欲 緩， 勞而欲 休> 此人之 情性也 >人 飢見長

而不敢光食^1^#有所讓^劳而不敢求息^將有所

代. 5^ 夹 子之讓 乎义弟 之讓乎 兄子之 代乎父 • 弟之代

乎兄此 1 一行者皆 反於 性而悖 於情也 • 然而孝 子之鉱

禮義 之文理 ¥ 故順情 ttl 則不 辭譲矣 > 辭讓則 悖於情

性矣。 用 此觀之 1 然則人 之性惡 明良其 善者僞 ^

問者 oi 人之 ssl^ 則 禮義惡 A 應之 Rf 凡 鱧義者 ^ 生

於 聖人之 sdfi 故生 於人之 性也。 故陶 人挺厘 而爲器 •

然則器生於工人之齓非故生於人^>性也>故工人斷 a

木而成 5ii 然則器 生於工 人之^ 非故生 於人之 性¥

聖人積 思慮習 氣故以 生禮義 >而 起法度 >然則 禮義法

度^H^是生於聖人之齓非故生於人^v性l

若 夫目好 色耳好 Ssf 口好味 •.s* 好私骨 體膚理 好愉^

者也夫 感而不 能然必 且待事 而後然 者鶬之 生於偽

是性偽 之所生 、其不 同之 徵也。 故聖人 化性而 起氣偽 „.

起 而生鱧 義> 禮義生 而制法 度> 然則禮 義法度 i

是聖人之所生也^^聖人之所以同於欺其不異於炎 y

82

THE PHILOSOPHER HSUN

[PBOLBOOMESA.

to by the sages. Wherein they agree with all other men and do not diifer from them, is their
nature ； wherein they differ from and exceed other men, is this aitificiAl work.

Now to love gain and desire to get ； this is the natural feeling of men. Suppose the case
that there is an amount of property or money to be divided among brothers, and let this
natural feeling to love gain and to desire to get come into play ； » why, then the brothers will
be opposing, and snatching from, one another. But where the changing influence of propriety
and righteomneas, with their refined distinctions, has taken effect, a man will give up to any
other man. Thus it is that if they act in accordanoe with their natural feelings, brothers will
quarrel together ； and if they have come under the transforming influence of propriety and
righteousness, men will giye up to other men, to say nothing of brothers. Againy the fact that
men wish to do what is good, is because their nature ia had. The thin wishes to be thick ；
the ugly wish to be beautiful ； the narrow wishes to be wide ； the poor wish to be rich ； the
mean wish to be noble : when Anything is not possessed in one's self, he seeks for it outside
himself. But the rich do not wish for wealth ； the noble do not wiah for poeitioii : ~~ when
anything is posaesaed by one's self, he does nofc need to go beyond himself for it. When we
look at things in this way, we perceive that the fact of men's wibhiko to do what is good is
because their nature is evil. It is the oaae indeed, that man's nature is without propriety and
benevolence : ― he therefore studies them with vigorous effort and seeks to have them. It is
the case that by nature he does not know propriety and righteousness : 一 he therefore thinks
and reflects and seeks to know them. Speaking of man, therefore, as he is by birth simply,
he is without propriety &nd righteousness, without the knowledge of propriety and righteous-
ness. Without propriety and righteousness, man must be all confuBion and disorder ； without
the knowledge of propriety and righteousness, there must ensue all the manifestations of
disorder. Man, as he is born, therefore, has in him nothing but the elements of disorder,
passive and active. It is plain from this view of the subject that the nature of man is evil ；
the good which it shows is £actitiouB.

When Mencius aays that * Man's nature is good/ I affirm, that it is not so. In ancient times
and now, throughout the kingdom, what ia meant by good is a condition of correctness, regula-
tion, and happy govemment ； and what Ib meant by evil, is a condition of deflection, insecuri ty,
and refusing to be under govemment : 一 in this lies the distinction between being good and
being evil. And now, if man's nature be really so correct, regulated, and happily governed in

者性也 所以異 fg

41^好利而欲得^1^

兄资 財而分 且

兄弟相拂奪^^|;«：

U 人 41}^ 故 順情化

惡願氣 秧 願鼠貧

求於外 故富而 不

^！^必不及於先用

惡也。 今人. 固

性 不知禮 義故思

則人 無鱧親 不知

義^ it 然 則生而

之性惡 明矣， 其善_

孟子 ni 人之 性善，

謂善 #正 埋平治

則有 用 ffllslK^U

CH. n. AFP. I.]

THAT THE NATURE 18 EVIL

83

itself, where would be the use for sage kings? where would be the use for propriety and
righteousness ？ Although there were the sage kings, propriety, and righteouaness, what oould
they add to the nature so correct, regulated, and happily ruled in itself? But it is not so ；
the nature of man is bad. It was on this acooant, that anciently the sage kings, undentanding
that man's nature was bad, in a state of deflection and insecurity, instead of being correct ； in
A state of rebellioas disorder, instead of one of happy rule, set up therefore the majesty of
princes and governors to awe it ； and set forth propriety and righteousnefia to change it ； and
framed laws and statutes of correctness to rale it ； and devised severe punishments to restrain
it : so th&t its outgoings might be under the dominion of rule, and in accordance with what
is good. This is the true account of the governance of the sage kings, and the transforming
power of propriety and righteousness. Let us suppose a state of things in which there shall
be no majesty of rulers and goyernors, no influence of propriety and righteouaness, no role
of laws and Btatutea, no reHtraints of punishment : ~ what would be the relations of men with
one another, all under heaven ？ The strong would be injuring the weak, and spoiling them ；
the many would be tyrannizing over the few, and hooting them ； a universal disorder and
mutual destruction would speedily ensue. When we look at the subject in this way, we Bee
dearly that the nature of man is evil ； the good which it shows is factitious.

He who would speak well of ancient times must have undoubted references in the present ； he
who would speak well of Heaven must substantiate what he says from (he state of man. In dis-

together like the halves of a token. When it is so， the arguer may sit down, and discourse of
his piinciplee ； and he has only to rise up， and they may be set forth and displayed and carried
into action. When Menciiis says that the nature of man is good, there is no bringing together
in the above manner of his diyisions. He sits down and talks, but there is no getting up to
display and set forth his principles, and put them in operation : 一 is not his error very gross ？
To aay that the nature is good does away with the sage kings, and makes an end of propriety
and righteousness ； to say that the nature is bad exalts the sage kings, and dignifies propriety
and righteousneaa. Ab the origin of the pressing-boards is to be found in the crooked wood,
and the origin of the carpenter's marking-line is to be found in things not being straight ； so
the rise of prino^L>A<i governors^ and the illustration of propriety and righteousness, are to
be traced to tho badness of the nature. It ib clear from this view of the subject that the
nature of man is bad ； the good which it shows is factitious.

84

THE PHILOSOPHER HSUN

[PBOLBOOMEHA.

A straight piece of wood does not need the preasing-boarcU to make it atniight ； ~ it u so by
its nature. A crooked piece of wood must be submitted to the pressing-boards to soften and
straighten it, and then it ia straight ； it is not straight by its nature. So it is that the nature
of man, being evil, must be submitted to the rule of the sage kings, and to the transforming
influenoe of propriety and righteousness, and then its outgoings are under the dominion of
rule, and in accordance with what is good. This shows clearly that the nature of man is
bad ； the good which it 8howB is factitious.

An inquirer may say offcun, * Propriety and righteooanesa, though seen in an accumulation
of factitious deeds, do yet belong to the nature of man ； and thus it was that the sages were
able to produce them.' I reply: 一 It is not bo. A potter takes a piece of clay, and produces an
earthen dish from it ； but are that dish and olay the nature of the potter ？ A carpenter plies
hid tools upon a piece of wood, and produces a vessel ； but are that vessel and wood the nature of
the caipenter ？ So it is with the sages and propriety and righteousness ； they produced them,
just as the potter works with the olay. It is plain that there is no reason for saying that
propriety and righteousness, and the accumulation of their factitious actions, belong to the
proper nature of man. Speaking of the nature of man, it is the same in all, 一 the same in T&o
and Shun and in Ohieh and the robber Chih, the same in the superior man and in the mean
man. If you say that propriety and righteousness, with the factitious actions accumulated
from them, are the nature of man, on what ground do you proceed to ennoble Yfto and Yu, to
ennoble generally the superior man? The ground on which we ennoble Yfto, YQ, and the
superior man, is their ability to change the nature, and to produce factitious conduct. That
factitious conduct being produced, out of it there are brought propriety and righteousness.
The sages stand indeed in the same relation to propriety and righteousness, and the factitious
conduct resulting from them, as the potter does to his clay : 一 we have a product in either
case. This repreaentation makes it dear that propriety and righteousness, with their
factitious results, do not properly belong to the nature of man. On the other handy that which
we consider mean in Chieh, the robber Chih, and the mean man generally, is that they follow
their nature, act in accordance with its feelings, and indulge its resentments, till all its
outgoings are a greed of gain, oontentions, and rapine. 一 It is plain that the nature of man is
bad ； the good which it shows is £actiiious.

CH. II. APP. L】

THAT THE NATUBE IS EVIL

85

Heaven did not make faTourites of Ts&ng SMn, Min iBze-ch'ien, and HsiAo-chl, and deal
unkindly with the rest of men. How then was it that they alone were distinguished by
the greatness of their filial dsedfl, that all which the name of filial piety implies was oomplete
in ihem ？ The reason was that they were entirely subject to the restraints of propriety and
lighteonsnesa.

Heaven did not make favourites of the people of Oh'l and Lti, and deal unkindly with the
people of Ch'in. How then was it that the latter were not equal to the former in the rich
numifestation of the filial piety belonging to the righteousness of the relation between father
and son, and the respeciful obaeirance of the proprieties belonging to the separate fimctiona
of husband and wife ？ The reason was that the people of Ch'in followed the feelings of their
DAtuie, indulged its resentmentSy and oontemned propriety and righteousnesa. We are not to
sappoae thai they were different in their nature.

What is the meaning of the saying, that ' Any traveller on the road may become like Yu ？ ,
I answer : ~ All that made Yd what he was, was his practioe of benevolence, rigfateoQaness, and
his observance of laws and rectitude. But benoTolence, righteouBiiess, laws, and rectitude
are all capable of being known and being practiBed. Moreover, any traveller on the road has
the eapaciiy of knowing these, and the ability to praotiae them : ― it is plain Uiat he may
become like Yd. If you say that benevolence, righteousness, laws, and rectitnde are not
capable of being known and practised, then Yft himself could not have known, could not have
pnetifled them. If you will have it that any traveller on the road is really without the
capacity of knowing these things, and the ability to practise ihem, then, in his home, it will
not be competent for him to know the righteousness that should rule between father and son,
and, abroad, it will not be competent for him to know the rectitude that should rale between
sovereign and minister. But it is not so. There is no one who travels along the road, but
may know both that rigbteonaness and that rectitude : 一 it is plain that the capacity to know
and the ability to practise belong to every traveller on the way. Let him, therefore, with his
capacity of knowing and ability to practise, take his ground on the knowableness and prac-
ticablenesB of beneyolenoe and righteoufiness ； ~ and it ia clear that he may become like YG.
Yea, let any traveller on the way addict himself to the art of learning with all his heart and

无非 私首 赛孝 05 而外衆 人也。 然而會 騫孝 fif 獨

厚 於孝之 覧而全 於孝. N"5HS& 以綦 於禮義

天非 私齊魯 S 民而外 秦人也 • 然而 於义子 S 瓠

夫婦. W 脱 不 如 齊魯之 孝，其 敬 义者何 I 以秦人

之從 Is 安 恣職慢 於鱧義 故也， 豈 其性異 矣哉。

塗. NK 可以爲 w^oss 也。 Rf 凡禹 之所以 爲禹者 •

以其 爲仁義 法正. ^然則 仁義法 正> ：可 知可能

之現然而塗^>人1皆有可以知仁義法正^>質、

皆有 可以能 仁義法 正之： 《4 然則 其可以 爲禹明

41^ 今以 i 法正 • 爲固無 可知可 能之理 私然則

唯禹不知仁義法正•K^能fil法正t將使塗^^;

凡固無可以知仁義法正^\^質，而固無可以能仁

義法正 之具抓 然則塗 S 人.^ 且內 不可以 知八夂

子之義外不可以知君臣^>正不然，今塗^!人^_<^

皆內 可以知 父子之 紘外可 以知君 臣之正 • 然則

其可 以知之 igiSlF 以 能之具 >; 在塗之 人明矣 >

使^^^人者，以其可以知之貧^-以能.？《^本夫

86

THE PHILOSOPHER HSUN

[PROLBQOKEHA.

the entire bent of his will, thinking, searching, and eloaely examining ； 一 let him do this day
after day, through a long space of time, accumulating what is good, and he will penetrate as
far as a spiritual Intelligence, he will become a iemion with Heaven and Earth. It follows that
the eharaeten qf the sages were what anj man may reach by accumulation.

It may be said : 一 *To be sage may thus be reached by accumulation ； ~~ why is it that all
men cannot accumulate to this extent 9 , I reply :— They may do so, but they cannot be made to
do BO. The mean man might become a superior man, but he is not willing to be a superior
man. The superior num might become a mean man, but he ia not willing to be a mean man.
It is not that the mean man and the superior man may not become the one the other ； their
not becoming the one the other is because it is a thing which may be, bat cannot be made to
be. Any traveller on the road may become like Yfl :— -the case is so ； that any traveller on the
road can really become like YH : 一 this is not a neoessaiy conclusion. Though any one, how-
ever, cannot really become like Yfl, that is not contrary at all to the trnth that he may
become bo. One's feet might travel all over the world, but there never was one who was really
able to travel all over the world. There is nothing to prevent the mechanic, the farmer, and
the merchant from practiaiog each the business of the others, but there has never been a case
when it has really been done. Looking at the subject in this way, we see that what may be
need not really be ； and although it shall not really be, that is not contrary to the truth that
it might be. It thus appears that the difference is wide between what is really done or not
really done, and what may be or may not be. It is plain that these two cases may not become
the one the other.

Y&o a&ked Shun what ^^ps the character of the feelings proper to man. Shun replied, * The
feelings proper to man are very unlovely ； why need you ask about them ？ When a man has
got a wife and children, his filial piety withers away ； under the influence of lust and gratified
desires, his good faith to his friends withers away ； when he is full of dignities and emolu-
ments, his loyalty to his sovereign withers away. The natural feelings of man ! The natural
feelings of man ! They are very unlovely. Why need you ask about them ？ It is only in the
case of men of the highest worth that it is not so.'

CH. n. APP. I.]

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL

87

There is a knowledge chancteristie of the aage ； a knowledge charActeristic of the aoholar
and superior man ； a knowledge chaiacteriBtio of the mean man ； and a knowledge character-
isiio of the mere servant. In much speeeh to show his cultivation and maintain oonaistency,
and though he may discuss for a whole day the reasons of a enibjeot, to have a unity pervading
the ten thonaand changes of discourse : ~ this is the knowledge of the sage. To speak seldom,
and in a brief and sparing manner, and to be orderly in his reasonizig, as if its parts were
connected with a string : ~ this is the knowledge of the aoholar and saperior man. Flattering
words and disorderly conduct^ with undertakings often followed by r^rets : 一 these mark the
knowledge of the mean man. Hasty, officious, smart, and swift, but without consistency ；
TersatUe^ able, of extensive capabiliiiesy but without use ； decisive in diflcoone, rapid, exact,
but the subject unimportant ； regardless of right and wrong, taking no aooount of crooked
and straight, to get the victory over others the guiding object : 一 this is the knowledge of the
mere servant.

There is bravery of the highest order ； bravery of the middle order ； bravery of the lowest
order. Boldly to take up his position in the place of the universally acknowledged Mean ；
boldly to cany into practioe hia yiewB of the doctrines of the ancient kings ； in a high situation,
not to defer to a bad sovereign, and in a low utuation not to follow the carrent of a bad people ；
to consider that there is no poverty where there ia Tirtae, and no wealth or honour where
Tiitue is not ； when appreciated by the world, to desire to share in all men's joys and sorrows ；
when vuikiiown by the world, to stand up grandly alone between heaven and earth, and have
no fears : — ~ this is the brayeiy of the highest order. To be reyerently obaenrant of propriety,
and Bober-minded ； to attach importance to adherenoe to fidelity, and set little store by
material wealth ； to have the boldness to push forward men of worth and exalt them, to
hold back undeserving men, and get them deposed : ― this is the bravery of the middle order.
To be deroid of self-respect and set a great Talue on wealth ； to feel complacent in calamity,
and always have plenty to say for himself ； saving himself in any way, without regard to
right and wrong ； whatever be the real state of a case, milking it his object to get the victory
over others : 一 this is the bravery of the lowest order.

The fanutdo and the ek&'sMi were the best bowB of antiquity ； but without their regulators,
they could not adjust themBelyeo. Th© tmng of duke Hwan, the cMeh of T*&i-kung, the l& of

有有

知

也。 其 人
矢 知 少 所 Z
也. 也 \>>

齊 其 則 t 者,

88

THE PHILOSOPHER HSUN

[fbolboombma

kmg Win, the hit of prince Ohwang, the kan-iaiangy mS-yif M-chUeh and p'i4u of Ho-lii— these
were the best swords of antiquity ； but without the grindstone and whetstone they would
not have been sharp ； without the strength of the arms that wielded them they would not
have cut anything.

The hwd-Mf the U^ch'i, the hm$n'H, and the Ul-r — these were the best horses of antiquity ；
but there were still necessary for them the restraints in front of bit and bridle, the stimulants
behind of whip and cane, and the skilfdl driving of a TsAo-fGL, and then they could aooompUsh
a thousand 21 in one day.

So it ia with man ：一 granted to him an excellent capacity of nature and the faculty of
intellect, he must still seek for good teachers under whom to place himself, and make choice
of friends with whom he may be intimate. Haying got good masters and placed liitimaftlf
under them, what he will hear will be the doctrines of Y&o, Shim, Yfl, and Tang ； having
got good friends and become intimate with them, what he will see will be deeds of aelf-
coneecntion, fidelity, reverenoe, and ooxnplaisanoe :— he will go on from day to day to benevo-
lence and righteousness, without being conscious of it : a natural following of them will make
him do BO. On the other hand, if he live with bad men, what he will hear will be the
language of deceit, calumny, imposture, and hypocrisy ； what he will see will be conduct
of filthiness, insolence, lewdness, corruptness, and greed : ―" he will be going on from day to
d^y to punishment and disgrace, without being conscious of it; a natural following of them
will make him do so.

The Becord says, * If you do not know your son, look at his friends ； if you do not know
jrour prince, look at his confidants.' All is the influence of association I All u the influenoe
of association I

t , >、

正桓公之葱太公^^闕文王之錄莊君之

齓闔閭^>干|^^莫邪>鉅亂辟8^此皆古之

頁>^ ^然 而， 不 加概^ 則不能 利> ^得人

力 能斷 .

驊 i 驩鞔繊 緑耳 ，此 皆古. \) 良馬. ^然

而前 必有銜 15 瓤後有 鞭策. 5is 之

以造义 s 駁然後 一 日 而致千 里.^

人雖有 性質宪 而>5 辯 斌必將 求腎師

fi 事. nJ 樺茛友 而友. 得賢師 而事. 則

所聞 *^ 堯舜 禹湯. Ns.a^ 得頁友 而友.

則所見 思信 敬讓. \> 行：^ 身日 進於仁

氣而不 自知也 # 靡使然 也>與 不善人

^ 則所閱 蓉欺豳 詐僞. ^所見 #a ：漫淫

邪> 食利 S 行：^ 身 且加於 刑鼠而 不 自知

傅0£ 不知其 子， 視其友 > ^知其 君^ 覼其左

41^靡而已^1^靡而已41^

cK. n. AFP, !!•] AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATURE OF MAN. 89

IL AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATUKE OF HAN.— Bt HAN WAN-KUNG.

The v^ruBB dates from the date of the life ； the FESLiRGfl date from contact with external
things. There are three orasis of the nature, and it has five OHABAcnsxErnoB. There
are alao three oradeb of the feelings, and they have seyen coABAcrEBiBnoB. To explain
myaelf : ~ The three grades of the nature are — the Superior, the Middle, and the Inferior.
The raperior grade is good, and good only ； the middle grade is capable of being led : it may
rise to the superior, or sink to the inferior ； the inferior is evil, and eyil only. The fiye
characteristics of the nature are Benevolence, Righteousness, Propriety, Sincerity, and
Knowledge. In the Superior Grade, the first of these charMteristics is supreme, and the
other four are practised. In the Middle Grade, the first of these charaoteriBtios is not wanting :
it exists, but with a little tendency to its opposite ； the other fbnr are in an ill-aasorted state.
In the Inferior Grade there is the opposite of the first characteristic, and constant rebellious-
ness against the other four. The grade of the nature regulates the manifeBtaiion of the
feelings in it. Agctin :^Th.e three grades of the feelings are the Superior, the Middle, and the
Inferior ； and their seven charaoteristios are Joy, Anger, Sorrow, Fear, Love, Hatred, and
I>e«iie. In the Superior Gnde, these seyen all moYB, and each in its due plaoe and degree.
In. the Middle Grade, some of the oharaoteiistics are in excess, and some in defect ； but there
IB a seeking to give them their due plaoe and degree. In the Inferior Grade, whether they
are in excess or dejfeot, there is a reckless acting aooording to the one in immediate pre-
dcMninanoe. The grade of the feelings regulates the influence of the nature in reference to
them.

Speaking of the nature, Menoins said : 一 'Man's nature is good the philosopher HsCin
aaid : 一 ' Man's natare is bad ； , the philosopher Yang said : ~> * In the nature of man good and
evil are mixed together/ Now, to say that the nature, good at firsti subsequently becomeB

韓文公 原性篇

性也者 • 與生 俱生也，情也^|<?接於物 而 生也

性之品 >Mlf 而其所 以爲性 者五。 情之品 >有

111 而其所 以爲情 者七。 Gf 何 lEf 性之品 >有

上中下 11 一上焉者善焉而已^11^中焉者可導

而上下 I 下焉 者惡 焉而已 矣>1； 所 以爲性

者五 • 曰仁 日讒日 ^ 日 日 I 上焉者 M 於

五也^ 主於 r 而行 於四。 中焉者 於 五也， 一

也不夂 有氲則 少反^ 其於四 也混。 下焉者

之於五 .5^ 反於 r 而悖 於四。 性之於 愾視其

品。 愦之 品 >?上 中下 一 1 f 其所 S 爲情者 七，曰

HDIS 日氣日 京> 日氣日 日 SHI 日貌上 者. K>

於 七也， 動而處 其中。 中焉者 K> 於七也 > 有所

4^ 有所 亡， 然 而 求合其1也。下焉者^-於

七也 It 與 直情 而行者 t 情 V 於性 臧其

品*

孟子 $llll&IIf 人. 性 荀子. 511n 性 ，05 人

^!性惡，檨子之#&5曰人之性善惡5^^|^始

90

HAN WAN-KUNG

[FBOLEOOXEHl.

bad ； or that, bad at first, it sabsequently becomes good ； or that, mixed at first, it subaeqiientiy
beeomes, it may be, good, it may be, bad ： 一 in each of these cases only the nature of the middle
grade is dealt with, and the superior and inferior grades are neglected. Thoee philoeophen
are right about one grade, and wrong about the other two.

When Shii-yu was bom, his mother knew, as soon as she looked at him, that he would fell
a Tictim to his love of bribes. When Tang Sze-wo was bom, the mother of Shft-hsiang knew,
as soon as she heard him cry, that he would cause the destruction of all his kindred. When
TQeh-tsifto was bom, Tsze-w&n considered, it was a great calami ty, knowing that throagh him
the ghosts of the Zb-fto family would all be famished. ― With such cases before us^ can it be
said that the nature of man (i. e. all men) is good ？

When How-cht was born, his mother had no suffering ； and as soon as he began to creep,
he displayed all elegance and intelligence. When king W&n was in his mother's womb, she
experienced no distress ； after his birth, those who tended him had no trouble ； when he
beg^ to learn, his teaohen had no vexation. 一 With such cases before ub, can it be said that
the nature of man (i. e. all men) is evil ？

Chti was the son of Y&o, and Chun the son of Shun ； Kwan and Ts'&i were sons of king
Win. They were instructed to practiBe nothing but what was good, and yet they tamed oat
Tillains. Shun was the son of Ki^-a&u, and Yii the son of KV&n. They wore instracted to
practise nothing but what was bad, and yet they turned out sagea >~ With each cases before
us， can it be said that in the nature of man (i.e. all men) good and evil are blended
together ？

Haying these things in view, I say that the three philosophers, to whom I have referred,
dealt with the middle grade of the nature, and neglected the superior and the inferior ； that
they were right about the one grade, and wrong about the other two.

It may be asked, * Is it so, then, that the superior and inferior grades of the naturo can
never be changed ？ , I reply ：一 The nature of the superior grade, by application to learning,
becomes more intelligent, and the nature of the inferior grade, through awe of power, comes
to have few faults. The superior nature, therefore, may be taught, and the inferior nature
may be restrained ； but the grades have been pronounced by Confdoiiis to be unchangeable.

善而進 惡！^ 始惡而 進善揿 始也混 而今也 I

揪， 皆舉 其中而 遺其上 得其 一 而 失其二

者：^

叔魚之生也>l;毋視^J知其必以賄死•楊食我-^;

果善乎

后 稷之生 t 其母無 災其始 匍匐也 攻 攻&^

嶷歉文王之在毋^毋不^^旣生也^傅不亂旣學

也^ 師不風 人之性 果惡乎 。

堯^>*1^、舜之均><王之替|^習弗不善¥而卒爲

*|瞽叟^!^鯀^!1^^習非不惡1而卒爲聖人人

性善惡 果混乎 •

故 oi 二 |子^#性也>其中而遺其上5?.^得

其 一 而 失其二 者也。

ni 然 則性？ 其終术 可移乎 •Hi 上之 *5 就

學而愈^下^&畏威而寡3^是故>上者可鼽而

下者 可制也 >1; 品 > 則孔子 龔不 移也。

CH. u. APP. u.] AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATURE OF MAN. 91

It may be aaked, 'How is it that those who nowadays speak about the nature do so
dijfferently from this ？ , I reply : 一 Those who nowadays speak about the nature blend with
their other views those of Buddhism and Lfto-tsze ； and doing so, how could they ipeak other-
wise than differently from me ？

92

YANG CHU AND MO tI

[PBOLEOOKKHA

CHAPTER III.

OF YANG CHT& AND MO TI
SECTION I.

THE OPINIONS 07 YANG CHO.

1. 'The words of Yang ChA and Mo Tl,, said Mencius, 'fill
the world. If you listen to people's discourses throughout it, you
will find that they have adopted the views of the one or of the
other. Now, Yang's principle is ― " Each one for himself," which
does not acknowledge the claims of the sovereign. Mo,s principle
is ~ " To love all equally," which does not acknowledge the peculiar
affection due to a father. To acknowledge neither king nor father
is to be in the state of a beast. If their principles are not stopped,
and the principles of Confucius set forth, their perverse speakings
will delude the people, and stop up the path of benevolence and
righteousness.

' I am alarmed by these things, and address myself to the defence
of the doctrines of the former sages, and to oppose Yang and Mo.
I drive away their licentious expressions, so that such perverse
speakers may not be able to show themselves. When sages shall
rise up again, they will not change my words V

His opposition to Yang and Mo was thus one of the great labours
of Mencius's life, and what he deemed the success of it one of his
great achievements. His countrymen generally accede to the justice
of his claim ； though there have not been wanting some to say 一
justly, as I think and will endeavour to show in the next section
― that Mo need not have incurred from him such heavy censure.
For Yang no one has a word to say. His leading principle as stated
by Mencius is certainly detestable, and so far as we can judge from
the slight accounts of him that are to be gathered from other
quarters, he seems to have been about 'the least erected spirit/ who
ever professed to reason concerning the life and duties of man.

2. The generally received opinion is that Yang belonged to the

1 Bk. TIL Pt. II. iz. 9> lo.

CH. HI. SECT. I.]

THE OPINIONS OF YANG CHO

93

period of ( The Warring States/ the same era of Chinese history as
Mencius. He was named ChA, and styled T8ze-chU\ In a note on
Bk. III. Pt. II. ix. 9, 1 have supposed that he was of the times of
Confucius and Ldo-tsze, having then before me a passage of the T&oist
philosopher Chwang, in which he gives an account of an interview
between L4o-t8ze and Yang ChA \ That interview, however, must
be an invention of Chwang. The natural impression which we re-
ceive from all the references of Mencius is that Yang must have been
posterior to Confucius, and that his opinions had come into vogue
only in the times of our philosopher himself. This view would be
placed beyond doubt if we could receive as genuine the chapter on
Yang, which is contained in the writings of the philosopher Lieh.
And so far we may accept it, as to believe that it gives the sentiments
which were attributed to him in the first century before our era'.
The leading principle ascribed to him by Mencius nowhere appears
in it in so many words, but the general tenour of his language is
entirely in accordance with it. This will appear from the following
specimens, which are all to be found in the seventh chapter of the
Books of lieh. The corresponding English and Chinese paragraphs
are indicated by the same letters prefixed to them : 一

• * Tang Chd said, " A hundred years are the extreme limit of longeyity ； and not one man in
a thousand eigoys such a period of life. Suppose the case of one who does so ： 一 infancy borne
in the arms, and doting old age, will nearly occupy the half ； what is forgotten in sleep, and
what is lost in the waking day, will nearly occupy the half ； pain and siokness, lorrow and
bittemeesy losses, anzietiefi, and fears, will nearly occupy the half. There may remAin ten yean
or so ； but I reckon that not even in them will he found an hour of Bmiling self-abandonment,
without the shadow of solicitude. 一 What is the life of man then to be made of? What
pleasure is in it ？

Is it to be prized for the pleasure of food and dress? or for the enjoyments of music and
beauty? But one cannot be always satisfied with those pleasureB ； one cannot be always
toying with beauty and listening to music And then there are the restraints of punishments
and ilie fltimulants of rewards ； the urgings and the repreesixigs of fame and laws :— these
make one strive restlessly for the vain praise of an hour, and calculate on the reeiduary glory
after death ； they keep him, as with body bent, on the watch againBt what hia ean hear and his
eyes see, and attending to the right and the wrong of his conduct and thoughts. In this way

1 場來 字子居 '^莊 子, 雑篇, 第五， 寓曾， ^^ttheend^

， Dr. Morrison says of Lieh (Dictionazy, character : 一 * Lieh-tsze, an eminent writer
of the T&o fleet ； lived about the same time as Lfto-taze, the founder of the sect (B.a 585).'
Lieh's Works are published, with the prefkoe of Li<k Hsiang written b.g. 13. Hsiang says Lieh

was a native of Ch&ng (^|}), and a contemporary of duke HA or But Mu'b reign

extended from b. o. 637 to 604. There is evidently an anachronism somewhere. Hsiang
($068 on to speak of Lieh's writings, specifying the chapter on Yang Chft, in which there are
references to Confucius and his acknowledged fame. Another of Lieh's chapters is all devoted
to Confucius's sayings and doings. 一 This is not the place to attempt an adjustment of the
difficulties. The chapter about Yang Chxi was current in Lia Hsiang's time, and we may cull
from it to illustrate the character of the man.

94

TANa cats AND HO t!.

[noUMMOU.

snly uid completely it might b*
ita of their baBiti, reAulng not
Did any jieamm that oecurrad to Uwm.
vniajtA thnuMlTM Mooiding to tluir
f all thing* to telf-mjtqimsiit ; thejr

he loBM Uie teal pleuare of hia jevn, and onnot allow himaelf for a moment. ― In what does
he differ from ui individniil muucled uid fettered in ui inner prison f The people of high
Mitiqiut7 knew both the BhortueM of Uf«, «nd how niddenly uid completely it might b*
(J<nod by dMth, ftnd tbeiefiMS titer obsTed tha moremeiita 。
what it WM natonl for thun to UIm, no
Thsj paid no h*ed to Ow indtMiwiita of
aatore ； tb^ did not rwiat tite ecnunMi

OMod not to be &iim»u kfter death, — - - -

•ad pTsise, being first or Uat, loug life or atuvt lil^ ~ tbew thing* d
MlonUtloQs," '

"Twig Chft laid, "Wherein people differ la the nutter of life; wli«rem the; agreo ia death.
While they are aliT*, we hare the disHDctiona of inteUigenoe and stupiditjr, bononnbleneoB
Uid meannesi ； when they ue daad, we faa'e bo much rtinkipg rottenness decaying away : 一
this Ib the common lot. Yet intalligeoee and atupiijily, honourableness and meuineaa, are
not in one's power ； neither ia that condition of putriditj, dacaj, and utter diaappetnuioe.
A. Hum's life iM not in bi« own lunds, nor is hi* death ； his intalligence U not hia own, dot ib
lUeBa. All Are bom and all di« ； ~~ (be
hononrable uid the mMm. At ten j«*n old some die ； at
• hundred ye&n old bodib die. The Tiitaoua and th« Mge die j ttia nifflaa nui tbe fool alio
di«. AliTO, the; were Yio mi Shun ； dead, they were »o mnoh roUan bona. Alire, Qiej
««M Chieh kud Chftu ； dead, ther were so maoh rotten bone. Who mold know any dUbniiM
between tbeir rotten bones? While alive, therefore, let us hoaten to mak* tha boat of life ；
wliat kiaore luive we to be Uiinkiug of anything »Itar death ？ " '

'22,
i 場名娛 3
1,* 非 非 f
ig, 所所;

. 場 曰百 Jf*w 大 »«:百*# 千無 一 焉設有 一 * 孩抱

以管翁 r— ：.-- , ..Lt.E.. ,.L ：；

afigt 介焉 wf , 亦 t 一 時 W 中 m 則人 W 生 isiffiK

_l_.t /cn. -,^ ^fLA^J, P1BJBBC J I

*fl.4if.,63d^/~ _.+*f,.B---^ J 11 Tlijm J J .

歡 生則桀 Mss®5" 一 1^ 孰 ss^ 且趣？ Isa

死 3^

CH. ni. SECT. I.]

THE OPINIONS OF YANG CHO

95

e * M&ng-snn Yang aaked Tang^tsze, saying, " Here is a man who sets a high value on his life,
and takes loving care of his body, hoping that he will not die does he do right ？ " " There
is no sach thing as not dying," was the reply. " But if he does so, hoping for long life, is he
right ？ ,， Yang-tsze answered, " One cannot be assured of long life. Setting value upon life
will not preeerre it ； taking oare of the body will not make it greatly better. And, in fact, why
ahould long life be made much of? There are the five feelings with their likings and dialikings,
now as in <Ad time ； there are the four limbs, now at ease, now in danger, — now as in old
time ； there are the yarious experiences of joy and sorrow, ~~ now as in old time ； there are the
various changes order to disorder, and from disorder to order, — now as in old time : ~ all
these things I have heard of, and seen, and gone through. A hundred years of them would
be more than enough, and shall I wish the pain protracted through a longer life ？ " M&ng-son
said, ** If it be so, early death is better than long life. Let a man go to trample on the pointed
steel, or throw himself into the caldron or flames, to get what he dedres." Yang-tsze answered,
" No. Being onoe bom, take your life as it comes, and endure it ； and seeking to enjoy your-
self as you desire, so aw&it the approach of death. When you are about to die, treat the
thing with indifference and endure it ； and seeking to aooomplish your departure, so abandon
yotiraelf to annihilation. Both death and life diould be treated with indiiferenoe ； they
ahould both be endured : 一 why trouble one's self about earlineas or lateness in connexion with
them?"*

* ' Ch'in-Uze asked Yang Ch% saying, " If you could benefit the world by parting with one
hair of your body, would you do it?" "The world is not to be benefited by a hair," replied
Yang. The other urged, " But suppose it could be, what would you do ？ " To this Tang
gave no answer, and Ch'in went out, and reported what had passed to M&ng-sun Tang. M&ng^
Sim said, "You do not understand our Master's min.d: 一 let me explain it to you. If by
enduring a slight wound in the flesh, you could get ten thousand pieces of gold, would you
endure it?" "I would." "If by cutting off one of your limbs, you could get a kingdom,
would you do it ? " Ch*in was silent ； and alter a little, M&ng-sun Tang resumed, " To part
with a hair is a slighter matter than to receive a wound in the flesh, and that again is a
slighter matter than to lose a limb ： 一 that you can discern. Bat consider : ~ A hair may be

。 孟孫 陽問揚 子曰有 人於此 貲生愛 isl^ssli 不

死可乎 。曰 • 理無 不死。 以斬久 生可乎 。曰> 理無久 生*

五 情好惡 古猶今 也四龍 安危古 猶今也 • 世搴苦

氣古猶今1蠻易治1古猶今^旣聞^|41^旣見

之 銑更之 百年猶 厭其多 >况 《生. \>苦 也乎。

孟孫陽 □! 若 然速亡 ，愈於 久生則 踐峰刃 ％<5§ 火

得所志 楊子 Hi 不然 >旣 生則廢 而任之 究其所

欲以 侯於死 • 將死則 廢而任 .rsj 究其所 $ 以放於

<i 無不 無不任 • 何逮遲 速於其 問乎。

d 食 子問揚 il^If 失子 龍之 一 Hf- 以濟 一 世， 汝爲

之乎。 楊子 01 世固非 一 *?<>所一歡禽子111假一|^^

裼子 弗應。 禽子 S 語孟 孫陽。 孟孫陽 nd 子不

逹 夫子之 >S 吾請 有侵若 肌廣獲 萬金者 ，若

爲^>乎。曰>|之。孟孫陽11!有斷若 一 氣得 一 a 子

爲之乎 >5 子默 然有問 > 孟孫陽 Hf 1 微於肌 廣>

I 膚徼於 一 節省. 然則積 一 毛以成 肌版後 f

is 成 一 氚 一 毛固 一 體萬 分中之 I 物 Til^ 何 is

96

YANG cat AND MO t!

[pSOLBOOMKirA.

multiplied till it becomes as important as the pieoe of flesh, and the piece of fleah may be
multiplied till it becomes as important as a limb. A single hair is just one of the ten
thousand portiona of the body ； 一 why should you make light of it ？ " Ch'in-tsze replied^ " I
cannot answer you. If I could refer your words to L&o Tan or Kwan Yin, they would say
that you were right ； but if I could refer my words to the great Yu or If o TI, they would say
that I was right." M&ng-sun Tang, on this, turned round, and entered into conversation with
his disciples on another subject.'

• 'Yang Ghd said, " All agree in conBideiing Shun, Y% GhAu-kung, and Gonfdcius to hare
been the moBt admirable of men, and in oonBidering Ghieh and Ch&u to have been the moat
wicked.

* " Now, Shun had to plough the ground on the south of the Ho， and to play the potter by
the L6i lake. His four limbs had not even a temporary rest ； for hiB mouth and belly he
could not find pleasant food and warm olothing. No love of his parents rested iipou him ； no
affection of his brothers and siBters. When he was thirty jean old, he had not been able to
get the permission of his parents to many. When Y&o at length resigned to bim the throne,
he was advanced in age ； his wisdom was decayed ； his son Shang-chiLn proyed without
ability ； and he had finally to resign the throne to Yii. Sorrowftdly came he to his death.
Of all mortals never was one whose life was so worn out and empoiBoned as his. K'w&n was
required to reduce the deluged land to order ； and when his labours were ine£tectual, he w&b
put to death on mount Ytt, and Yfl, hia wn, had to undertake the task, and aerre his enemy.
All his energies were spent on his labours with the land ； a child was bom to him, but he
could not foster it ； he passed his door without entering; his body became bent and withered ；
the skin of his hands and feet became thick and caUous. When at length Shun resigned to
him the throne, he lived in a low, mean house, while his sacrificial apron and cap were
elegant. Sorrowfully came he to his death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was so
saddened and embittered as his. On the death of king Wft, his son, king Gh'&ng was young
and weak. GhAu-kung had to undertake all the royal dutiea. The duke of Sh&o was dis-
pleased, and evil reports spread through the kingdom. Gh&u-kiuig had to reside three years
in the east ； he slew his elder brother, and banished his younger ； scarcely did he escape with
his life. Sorrowfully oame he to his death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was bo
fall of hazards and terrors as his. Gonfdcius understood the ways of the ancient aoverei^s
and kings. He responded to the invitations of the princes of his time. The tree was cut down
over him in Sung ； the traces of hid footstopa were removed in Wei ； he was reduced io

之乎 • 禽子 nf 吾不能 所以荅 子， 然亂 以子 s

l一lls問老聃關f^<則子lllln當^n^:s吾言問大禹

墨氍 則吾曹 當矣。 孟 孫陽因 顴與其 徒說他

e 楊 iK>nf 天下之 莠> 歸之蘇 禹> 虱孔 • 天下 s

m 歸之漿 就然而 舜耕於 河陽， 陶於雷 m 四

體 不得楚 安、 口腹不 得美厚 ><母1\！ 所不^

弟妹之 所不^ 行年三 七不 吿而 及受堯

之禪 I 年 ftjiug 智 igl^ 商 鈞不木 禪位於 戚

戚然以 至於死 ，此 天人癘 毒者也 。敏 4e 水么

積用 不就> 通諸羽 山，禹 纂業事 惟^ 土功 •

子產 不字， 過門 不入身 體偏祜 >足 胼敝及

受舜鼴卑宮^?5美雜55*戚戚然以 至於死 >此

天人 之憂苦 者也。 武 王旣紙 成王幼 周.^

攝天子 之改邵 ^不悅 四國流 曹>東 三年 •

誅兄拔^^僅免其^51^戚戚然以至於死此天

之 危權者 I 孔子明 帝王之 齓應 時君.

腺 伐榭於 i 太创迹 於歡窮 於商風 圍於陳

CB. in. BECT. I.]

THE OPINIONS OF YANG CUt

97

extremity in Shang and Chftu ； he wag surroYmded in Gh'&n and Ts'&i ； he had to bend to the
head of the Chi fkmily ； he was diagraoed by Taug ILd. Sorrowfully came he to his death*
Of all mortals never was one whose life was bo agitated and hurried as his.

' "Those four sages, during their life, had not a single day's joy. Since their death they
have had a ffrand fame that will last through myriads of ages. But that fame is what no one
who cares for what is real would choose. Celebrate them ； 一 they do not know it. Reward
them ； ~~ they do not know it. Their fame iB no more to them than to the trunk of a tree or
a clod of earth.

' "On the other hand, Chieh came into the aocumuUted wealth of many generations ； to him
belonged the honour of the royal seat ； his wisdom was enough to enable him to aet at
defiance all below ； hia power was enough to shake the world. He indulged the pleasures to
which his ejes ftnd ears prompted him ； he earried out whatever it eame into hia thoughts to
do. Brightly cune he to his death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was so luxurious
and dissipated as hU. SimOariy^ ChAu came into the accumulated wealth of many generations ；
to him belonged the honour of the royal seat ； his power enabled him to do whateYer he
would ； hia will was everywhere obeyed ； he indulged his feelings in all his palaoes ； he gave
the reins to his liuts through the long night ； he never made himself bitter by the thought
of propriety and righteousness. Brightly came he to hia destruction. Of all mortals never
was one whose life waa ao abandoned as his.

* " These two yillaiiia, during their life, had the joy of gratifyiDg their desires. Since their
death, they have had the fame of folly and tyranny. But the reality qfer\joymefU is what
no £une can give. Reproach them ； 一 they do not know it. Praise them ； ~ they do not know
it. Their tS fame is no more to them th^n to the trunk of a tree, or to a clod of earth.

* "To the four sages all admiration is given ； yet were their liTes bitter to the end, and
their oommon lot was death. To the two yillains all condemnation is given ； yet their Uvea
were pleasant to the last, and their oommon lot was likewise death." '

3. The above passages are sufficient to show the character of
Yang Ghii's mind and of his teachings. It would be doing injustice
to Epicurus to compare Yang with him, for though the Grecian
philosopher made happiness the chief end of human pursuit, he
taught also that 'we cannot live pleasurably without living
virtuously and justly/ The Epicurean system is, indeed, unequal

VOL. II. H

受屈 於季氏 見辱於 g| 虎 戚戚然 3S

至於死^^天民.§5|§?^,凡彼四

聖^*^生無 一 tn 之 Si 死有 萬世之 1^

名 固非 S 之 取 t 雖稱 之弗知 •

雖赏 S 不凱與 無 S5 異^ 雜籍

累世之 居南面 .Nsf 智足 以距霉

威足 以雲海 r^l^ 耳目 S 所貌窮

意慮 之所氣 熙熙然 以至於 死此天

民之逸蕩者也。射亦藉集世之|^展

南 面之尊 1 威無 不 行， 志無 不從

$25官^縱欲於長^^不以鱧義自苦^

熙熙然 以至於 is! 此 天民之 故縱者

也 。彼 1 1 凶也 ，生^8 欲之欧 死被愚

暴^;名1實者固非名之所與1雖敏

之不知 >雖 稱之弗 此與

異 4tl^ 彼 nallNIIK 之所鼸 >苦 以至終 1

QS 歸於死 ^彼二 ^雠 惡之 所亂樂

以至終 ^亦同 歸於死

98

YANG CHt AND MO TI

[PB0LB90MKirA.

to the capacity, and far below the highest complacencies of human
nature ； but it is widely different from the reckless contempt of all ,
which is esteemed good and great that defiles the pages where Yang
is made to tell Lis views.

I

We are sometimes reminded by him of fragmentary utterances in
the Book of Ecclesiastes. 一 【 In much wisdom is much grief ； and he
that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow/ * As it happeneth to
the fool, 80 it happeneth even to me ； and why was I then more wise?
Then T said in my heart, that this also is vanity. For there is no
remembrance of the wise more than of the fool for ever ； seeing that
which now is in the days to come shall all be forgotten.. And how
dieth the wise man ？ As the fool. Therefore I bated life ； because
the work that is wrought under the sun is grievous to me : for all is
vanity and vexation of spirit/ * There is a man whose labour is in

wisdom, and in knowledge, and in equity All his days are sorrows,

and his travail grief; yea, his heart taketh not rest in the uight : ―
this is also vanity. There is nothing better for a man than that he
should eat and drink, and that he should make his soul enjoy good
in bis labour., 《 That which befalleth the sons of men befalleth
beasts ； even one thing befalleth them : as the one dieth, so dieth
the other ； yea, they have all one breath ； so that a man hath no
pre-eminence above a beast : for all is vanity. All go to one place ；
all are of the dust, and all turn to dust again. • • • Wherefore I perceive
that there is nothing better than that a man should rejoice in his
own works ； for that is his portion : for who shall bring him to see
what shall be after him?'

But those thoughts were suggestions of evil from which the
Hebrew Preacher recoiled in his own mind ； and he put them on
record only that he might give their antidote along with them. He
vanquished them by his faith in God ； and so he ends by saying,
' Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter ： ― Fear God, and
keep His commandments : for this is the whole duty of man. For
God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing,
whether it be good, or whether it be evil/ Yang Ch4 has no
redeeming qualities. His reasonings contain no elements to
counteract the poison that is in them. He never rises to the
thought of God. There are, he allows, such ideas as those of
propriety and righteousness, but the effect of them is merely to
embitter and mar the enjoyment of life. Fame is but a phantom
which only the fool will pursue. It is the same with all at death.

cH. m. aiiCT. I.] THE OPINIONS OF YANG CH^

99

There their being ends. After that there is but so much putridity
and rottenness. With him therefore the conclusion of the whole
matter is : 一 * Let us eat and drink ； let us live in pleasure ； gratify
the ears and eyes ； get servants and maidens, music, beauty, wine ；
when the day is insufficient, carry it on through the night ； each

ONE FOR HIMSELF.'

Mendus might well say that if such < licentious talk , were not
arrested, the path of benevolence and righteousness would be stopped
up. If Yang*8 principles had been entertained by the nation, every
bond of society would have been dissolved. All the foundations of
order would have been destroyed. Vice would have become rampant,
and virtue would have been named only to be scorned. There
would have remained for the entire State only what Yang saw in
store for the individual man 一 * putridity and rottenness.' Doubtless
it was owing to Mencius's opposition that the foul and dangerous
current was stayed. He raised up against it the bulwark of humaa
nature formed for virtue. He insisted on benevolence, righteousness,
propriety, fidelity, as the noblest attributes of man's conduct. More
was needed, but more he could not supply. If he had had a living
faith in God, and had been in possession of His revealed will, the
present state of China might have been very different. He was able
to warn his countrymen of the gulf into which Yang ChA would
have plunged them ； but he could direct them in the way of truth
and duty only imperfectly. He sent them into the dark cave of
their own souls, and back to the vague lessons and imperfect
examples of their sages ； and China has staggered on, waxing
feebler and feebler, to the present time. Her people need to be
directed above themselves and beyond the present. When stars
shine out to them in heaven and from eternity, the nation will per-
haps renew its youth, and go forward from strength to strength.

H 2

100

YANG Cnt AND MO t!

[PBOLBeOXKVA.

SECTION II.
THB OPINIONS OP MO Tt.

I. Very diflferent from Yang ChA was Mo Tt They stood at
the opposite poles of human thought and sentiment ； and we may
wonder that Mencius should have offered the same stem opposition
to the opinions of each of them. He did well to oppose the doctrine
whose watchword was 一 *Each one for himself;' was he right in
denouncing, as equally injurious, that which taught that the root of
all social evils is to be traced to the want of mutual love ？

It is allowed that Mo was a native and officer of the State of
Sung ； but the time when he lived is a matter of dispute. Sze-mft
Ch'ien says that some made him to be a contemporary of Confucius,
and that others placed him later i. He was certainly later than
Confucius, to whom he makes many references, not always compli-
mentary, in his writings. In one of his Treatises, moreover, mention
is made of Wftn-tsze*, an acknowledged disciple of Tsze-hsift^ so
that he must have been very little anterior to Mencius. This is
the impression also which I receive from the references to him in
our philosopher.

In Lid Hfiin's third catalogue the Mohist writers form a 8ub-
divisioD. Six of them are mentioned, including Mo himself to whom
seventy-one p'ien, or Books, are attributed. So many were then
current under his name ； but eighteen of them have since been lost.
He was an original thinker. He exercised a bolder, though not
a more correct, judgment on things than Confucius or his followers.
Antiquity was not so sacred to him, and he did not hesitate to
condemn the literati ~ the orthodox 一 for several of their doctrines
and practices.

Two of his peculiar views are adverted to by Mencius, and
vehemently condemned. The one is about the regulation of
funerals, where Mo contended that a spare simplicity should be
the rules. On that I need not dwelL The other is the doctrine

記, 七十 四卷； 孟子, 奇翁, 列傳笫 十四, atthaaiuL
> Bk. III. Pt. I. V.

CH. hl flBOT. n.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO t!

101

of * Universal Love V A lengthy exposition of this remains in the
Writings which go by Mo's name, though it is not from his own pen,
but that of a disciple. Such as it is, with all its repetitions, I give
a translation of it. My readers will be able, after perusing it, to go
on with me to consider the treatment which the doctrine received
at the hands of Mencius.

UOTVEBSAL LOVE». PAHT L

It is the business of the sages to effeet the good goTBniment of the world. They must know,
therefore, whenoe disorder and oonfiision arise, for without this knowledge their object oannot
be effected* We may compare them to a physician who nndertakeB to cure men's diseases : 一 he
muBt uoertain whence a diaeaae lias arisen, and then he can assail it with effeot, while,
without sach knowledge, hla endeayours will be in Tain. Why should we except the case of
thoae who hxve to regalate disorder from this rule ？ They mnat know whence it has arisen,
and then they can regulate it.

It IB the buBinees of the sages to effect the good goTemment of the world. They must examine
therelbre into the cause of disorder ； and when they do so they will find that it arises from the
want of mutual lore. When a minister and a son are not filial to their sovereign and their fkiher,
this 18 what is called diflorder. A son Ioyob himself and does not love hla father ； 一 he therefore
wrongs his fotlier, and aeelui his own advantage : a younger brother lores himself, and does not
lore hia elder brother ； ~> he therefore wrongs his elder brother, and seekB his own advantage :
a minister loTee himself, and does not love his Boyereign ； 一 he therefore wrongs his sovereign^
and seeks his own advanUge : all these are cases of what is called disorder. Though it be the
fftther who is not kind to his son, or the elder brother who is not kind to his younger brother,
or the sovereign who is not gracious to his minister : ~~ the case comes equally under the general
name of disorder. The father loTes himself and does not love his son ； 一 he therefore wrongs
his aon, and seekfl hia own adyantage : the elder brother loves himBel^ and does not love his

1 一 ^Hft wpreaente a hand grasping hoo stalks <^ grain. is 'a love that

grasp8 or unites many in its embrace.' I do not know how to render it better than by
* nnivenal lore.' Mencius and the literati generally find the idea of equality in it also, and

^jjt is with them a < To love all equally.'

聖人以 治天下 爲事者 也必知

«3之所自起*|能治^\/不知亂

之所自起•SK:能^譬^^;如a«

之攻人 S 疾 *^ 然必知 疾之所

自起 能 攻之。 不知疾 之所自

起， 則弗 能攻。 治亂者 >何 獨不歉

必知亂之所自起氣能治^\^不

知 a 之 所自起 、則弗 能治。

聖人以 治天下 爲事者 也> ^可

不察亂之所自^^當察亂何自

報起不 相曼 臣子之 K: 孝君 <乂，

所鶬亂 也>子 自敷 一.^ 愛 义故廐

八 < 而自利 • 棗自 ^？不 愛 兄故街

兄而 自私臣 自巧！ ？不愛 ft^ 故處

君而自抓此所謁亂也。雖父^\^

不慈子 • 兄之 不慈 藏君之 不慈

K^此亦天下^^f所謅魏.^父自

愛也 >H4h: 故腐子 而自萬

102

YANG cut AND MO xi

younger brother ； >~ he therefore wrongs his younger brother, and aeeka his own ftdyantage :
the sovereign loves himself, and does not lore his minister ； 一 he therefore wrongs his minister,
and seeks his own advantage. How do these things come to pass? They all arise from the
want of mutual lore. Take the case of any thief or robber : 一 it is just the same with him.
The thief loyes his own house, and does not love his neighbour's house ； 一 he therefore steals
from his neighbour's house to benefit Ms own ： the robber lores hia own peraon, and does not
loye his neighbour ； 一 he therefore does violence to hia neighbour to benefit himself. How is
this? It all arises from the want of mutual loYe. Come to the case of great officers throwing
each other's Families into confusion, and of princes attacking one another's States : 一 it is just
the same with them. The great officer loyes his own Family, and does not love his neighbour's ； 一
he therefore throws his neighbour's Family into disorder to benefit his own : the piinoe loves
his own State, and does not love his neighbour's ； 一 he therefore attacks his neighbour's State
to benefit his own. All disorder in the kingdom has the same explanation. When we
examine into the cause of it, it la found to be the want of mutual love.

Suppose that universal, mutual love prevailed throughout the kingdom ； 一 if men loved others
M they lore themselTos, disliking to exhibit what was iinfilial • , . , And moreover would
there be thoee who were unkind ？ Looking on their aonsi younger brothens, and ministere as
themaelyes, and disliking to exhibit what was unkind • • • • the want of filial duty would di*-
appear. And would there be thieves and robbers ？ When every man regarded his neighbour*!
house 08 his own, who would be found to steal ？ When every one regarded his neighbour*!
person aa his own, who would be found to rob ？ Thieves and robbers would disappear. And
would there be great officers throwing one another's Families into confUsioo, and prineef
attacking one another's States? When officers regarded the Families of othen as their own,
what one would make confusion ？ When princes regarded other States as their own, what
one would begin an attack ？ Great officers throwing one another's Families into oonfoaioii, and
princes attacking ； one another's States, would disappear.

If, indeed, uniyenal, mutual love prevailed throughout the kingdom ； one State not attacking
another, and one Family not throwing another into oonfusion ； thieves and robbers nowhero
eariBting ； rulers and ministersi fathers and sons, all being filial and kind : <~ in such a condition

自愛. # ^愛 故. S 弟 而自利 君自愛 也不愛

臣故 <g 臣而自 私是何 .3^ 皆起 不相免 雠至天

下^>爲盜賊^*$亦^盜愛其^*5不愛其異室，故

竊 異室以 利其室 賊愛其 isl^K: 愛人故 賊人以

利 其身， 此何. 3^ 皆 相愛 。雖 至大 夫^>相 亂

^l^^諸侯^>相攻國^H^亦^大夫各愛家>不愛異

{氷故亂異家以利^1^^諸侯各愛其國>^愛異 •

故 攻異國 以利其 亂 天下^ 亂机具 此而已 矣>

察此 何自^ 皆起 不 相^

若使天下兼相巧^^人若愛其身，惡施不^|^猶有

不慈者 乎^ 視子 弟與臣 若其身 >惡 施不兹 ^不 孝

亡布猶 有盜賊 手> 故蛾 人之室 若其室 .誰！ ^視

人身若 其免誰 赕故盗 賊亡有 • 猶有大 夫之相

亂 11^ 諸侯 N 相攻 國者乎 • 視人家 若其家 ，誰1

視人國若其國誰.^故大未.^1湘亂||^諸侯^>

相攻國氣亡^1?-

若 使天下 兼相 tfJ 國與國 不相攻 • 家與 家不相

亂盜賊無有、君臣〈乂|.1^皆能孝^3|若此則天下

There are evidently some omissions aAd confusion here in the Chinese teact

CH. in. SSCT. II.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO Ti

103

UNIVERSAL LOVR PART II.

Our Master, the philosopher Mo, said, ^That which benevolent men consider to be incumbent
on them as their biuineBs, is to stimulate and promote all that will be advantageous to the nation,
and to take away all that is injurious to it. This is what they consider to be their buaineas.*

And what are the things adyantagoouB to the nation, and the things iigurious to it ？ Our
mjutier said, 'The mutaal attacks of State on State; the mutual usurpations of Family on
Family ； the mutual robberies of man on man ； the want of kindness on the part of the ruler
and of loyalty on the part of the minister ； the want of tenderness and filial duty between father
and won and of harmony between brothers : 一 these, and such as these, are the things injurioua
to the kingdom.'

And from what do we find, on ezAmination, that these injurious things are produced * ？ Is
it not from the want of mutiuJ love?

Our Master said, * Tee, they are produced by the want of mutual loYe. Here is a prince who
only knows to loye his own State, and does not love his neighbour's ；— he therefore does not shrink
from raiting all the power of hiB State to attack his neighbour. Here is the chief of a Family
who only knows to love it, and does not loTe his neighbour's ； 一 he therefore does not shrink
from raising all his powers to seize on that other Family. Here is a man who only knows to lore
his own person, and does not love his neighbour's ； 一 he therefore does not shrink from using all
his reeooroes to rob his neighbour. Thus it happens, that the princes, not loving one another,
have their battle-fields ； and the chiefs of Families, not loving one another, have their mutual

IP)

. 臣與
不家

1 Here I would read, in the Chinese text, 察 for and 由 for 用* 一然 則 察
害 何 由 生 哉，. The translation is aooordingly.

the natioQ would be woU governed. On this account, how maj sages, whose basinen it is
to effect the good government of the kingdom, do but prohibit hatred and advise to love?
On this account it is affirmed that uniyersal mutual love throughout the oountry will lead to
its happy order, Mid that mutual hatred leads to confusion. This was what our master, the
philooopher Mo, meant, when he said, * We must above tSl inculcate the love of others.'

治故聖

人以治

天 HJ; 爲

ss^ 而礅

愛> 故天

下兼 *

愛鬣

I 故子

墨子 of

不可以

不勒愛

人者此

也

YANG CHtr AND MO it

[PBOLEGOIIEHA,

luniTpatioDS ； and men, not loving one another, have their mutual robberies ； and rulers and
ininiBten, not loving one another, become unkind and disloyal ； and *&ther8 and sons, not
loTing one another, lose their affection and filial duty ； and brothers, not losing one another,
contract irreooncileable enmities. Tea, men in general not loving one another, the strong make
prey of the weak ； the rich do despite to the poor ； the noble &re insolent to the mean ； and the
deoeitAil impose upon the stupid. All the miseries, usurpations, enmities, and hatrods in the
world, when traced to their origin, will be found to arise from the want of mutual love. On
this account, the beneTolent condemn it..

They may condemn it ； but how shall ihej change it ？

Our Master said, * They may dumge it by the law of uniyersal mutual love and by the
interchange of mutual benefits.'

pliah this ？

Our Master said, *I< toould lead to the regarding another's kingdom as one's own : anoiher's
family as one ，！! own ： another's person as one's own. That being the case, the princes, loving one
another, would have no battie-fielcLs ； the chiefs of families, loving one another, would attempt
no usurpations ； men, loving one another, would commit no robberies * ； rulers and ministers,
loving one another, would be gracious and loyal ； fathers and sons, loving one another, would be
kind and filial ； brothers, loring one another, would be harmonious and easily reconciled. Tea,

not plunder the few ； the rich would not incnilt the poor ； the noble would not be insolent to the
mean ； and the deoeitfiil would not impose upon the simple. The way in which all the miseries.

1 The Chinese text is here very confused for several sentences. There are evidently trans*
positions, omissions, and additions. I haye yentared to correct and arrange it as follows :

After IK -ia Bit. I read. K -An Bll 1^ rf» xi*

朗不惠 忠父子 不箱愛 則不慈 孝兄：

不 相^ 則不和 瞰 天下之 人皆 R 相霞

强 必執風 富必 海免貴 必教晚 詐必欺

«1^凡天下繭墓怨1其所以起^^^以不

相愛生^^是以仁者非之。

旣以非 .NJ 何以 子墨 子曹 Hi 以

兼相愛^^乂相利之法《<5^〇然則兼相

愛交相利之法>將柰何^}^〇子墨子11115

視人^^既若視其《^視人之家，若視其

1^ 視人 $1^ 若視其 iel^ 是故諸 侯相^

^不野 11^ 家主相 ^則 不相氣 人與人

相巧 相赕貴 不敖躐 詐不欺 凡

天下禍 基怨恨 、可 使母起 #以 仁者卷

.NJ 然而今 天下. 1\;士> 君臣相 愛則惠

义子相 愛則慈 # 兄弟 相愛則 和亂天

下之人 皆相^ 强 不執弱 >,H:gI&!pl

不侮^子墨子曹0!然乃4**刹善^^^

雠然天下之難物於故^^

CH. III. 8S0T. n.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO tl

105

usnipfttioiiB, enmifciesy and hatreds in the world, may be made not to arise, is univenal mutual
love. On this aooount, the benevolent value and praise it.*

Yes ； but the soholan of the kingdom and superior men say, * True ； if there were this univenal
love, it would be good. It i«, howeTer, the most difficult thing in the world/

Our Master said, 'This is because the acholAn and Bttperior men simply do not understand
the adTantageousnees fkt law, and to eonduct their reasonings upon that. Take the case of
assaulting a city, or of a battle-field, or of the sacrifidng one's life for the eake of fame ：一 thiB is
felt by the people ererywhere to be a difficult thing. Tet, if the ruler be pleased with it,
both officers and people are able to do it : 一 how much more might they attain to univenal mutual
love, and the interdiADge of mutual benefits, which is different from this I When a man loves
oihen, they respond to and lore him ； when a man benefits others, they respond to and benefit
him ； when a man injures oihen, they respond to and injure him ； when a man hates others,
they respond to and hate him: » what difficulty is there in the matter? It is only that
rulers wUl not carry on the government on this principle, and so offioen do not carry it out in
their practice.

' Formerly, the duke Win of Tsin liked his offioen to be ooanely dressed, and, therefore, they
all wore runB* fiin, a leathern swordbelt, and a cap of bleached cotton. Thus attired, they went
in to the prince's levee, and came out and walked through the court. Why did they do this ？
The Borereign liked it, and therefore the ministen did ii. The duke Ling of Ghti liked his
oAoen to hsTe small waists, and, therefore, they all limited themselTeB to a single meal. They
held in their breath in putting on their belts, and had to help themaelyes up by means of the
walL In the course of a year, they looked blaek, and as if they would die of stanration. Why
did they do this'? The sorereign liked it, and, therefore, the ministers were able io do it.
KAn-ehi'en, the king of Y&eh, liked his ministen to be bnve, and taught them to be Moofltomed
to be so. At a general asBembly of them, he set on fire the ship where they were, and to try
them, said, "AH the preoioiu things of Ttteh are here." He then with his own hands beat
a drum, and uiged them on. When they heard the drum thundering^ they nuhed oonAuedly
about, and trampled in the fire, till more than a hundred of them perished, when he strudL
the gong, and called them baok *.

1 In 是 iMl 故 是 也, the seoond 是 is plainly a misprint for 何， • Here
Ik sentence or two are wanting, io complete the paragraph in harmony with the two which
precede. The oharacten which follow —長 故 子 墨 子 曰一 Bhould also be
ezpangecL I haye omitted them in the translation.

子 墨子曾 曰天 下之士 *P 子特 不識

其利，辯其故^^今若41<攻城野戰^殺

身爲名 • 此天下 百姓之 所皆難 也>苟

君說之 、則士 衆能爲 .NJ^ 於 兼相愛

交相利•則與此ei^^^愛人^l^人必從

利人者人 必 從而利 ^^s惡人

*K 必從 M 惡 tsJ 害 人者人 必從 而

害 IvJ 此何難 之脊特 上弗以 爲跣士

不以爲 行故 t

昔者晉文.：^好士^\;惡衣、故文.^.7;

:ri 皆胖 羊之袭 韋以帶 g 練帛 之冠，

A 以 君， 出以踐 軋是其 故何. 3^

|}§|^/故臣爲之也。昔者楚靈王好

士細要 > 魁王之 皆以 一 鈑 爲歡脇

息然後 1^ 扶糖 然後起 >处 期年， 執有

黧黑之 危是其 故何¥ 君說 之， 故臣

能之 I 昔越 王句錢 好士之 教讕

合之炎 4K 火弑其 .H ^0

106

YANG CHtr AND MO Ti

[frolboomeha.

* Now, little food, bad clothes, and the sacrifice of life for the sake of £une ；— iheae are what
it is difficult for people to approYe of. Yet, when the aoyereign was pleased with it, they were
all ftble, m those ctuesj to bring ihemaelves to them. How much more eoold they attain to
universal mutual love, and the interchange of mutual benefits, which is different from such
thing! I When a man loves others, they respond to and love him ； when a nuin benefits
others, they respond to and benefit him ； when a man hates others, they reapond to and hate
him ； when a man injures others, they reqM>nd to and injure him. It is only that rulers will
not carry on their government on this principle, and, so, officers do not carry it oat in their
practice.*

Tea ； but now the offloers and superior men atty, * Granted ； the universal practice of mutual
love would be good ； but it is an impiacticable thing. It ia like taking up the TAi moon tain,
and leaping with it over the Ho or the GhL,

Our Master said, 'That is not the proper comparison for it. To take up the T*Ai mountain,
and leap with it over the Ho or the Chi, may be called an exercise of most extraordinary
strength ； it is, in fact, what no one, from antiquity to the present time, has ever been able to
do. But how widely different from this is the praetioe of uniyenal mutual love, and the
interchange of mutual benefits I

4 Anciently, the sage kings praetiaed this. How do we know that they did so ？ When Ya
reduced all the country to order : 一 in the west, he made the western Ho and the Ta-t&n, to carry
off the waters of Ch'Q-san-wang ； in the north, he made the Fang-ytUm, the P&i-chd, H&a-
chih-tl, and the TAu of Fft-t'o ； setting up also the Ti-ch*ii, and chiselling out the Lung-min,
to benefit Yen, Tki, HfL, Mo, and the people of the western Ho ； in the east, he drained the
waters to LA- fang and the marsh of M&ng^chA, reducing them to nine channels, to limit the
waten of the eastern country, and benefit the people of Ch'i-chAu ； and in the south, he made
the Chiang, the Han, the Hw&i, the ZO, the course of the eastern current, and the fiye lakes,
to benefit Ching, Ch'ii, and Yfieh, the people of the wild south. These were the doings of YO ；
and I am now for praetising the aaau universal mutual love.

' When king Win brought the weatern country to good order, his light spread, like the son

CH. in. net. u.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO TI

107

or ihe moon, over its four qnarters. He did not permit great States to insiilt small ones ； he
did not permit the multitude to oppress ihe fatherless and the widow"; he did not permit
violence and power to take from the husbandmen their millet, pannicled millet, dogs, and
swine. Heaven, as if constrained, Tisited king Win with blessing. The old and childless
wore enabled to oomplete their years ； the tolitary and brotherless could yet mingle among
the liring ； the young and parentlesB found those on whom they could depend, and grew
up. These were the doings of king W&n ； and I am now for practising the same universal

* King Wii tunneled through the T*Ai mountain. The Record nys, " There is a way through
the mountain, made by me, the deaoendant of the kings of OhAu ：一 I haye accomplished thiB
grent work. I have got my yirtuouB men, and rise up fall of reverence for Shang, HsU, and
the tribes of the south, the east, and the north. Though he has his multiiades of relatiyes,
they are not equal to my yirtiums men. If guilt attach to the people anywhere throughout
the kingdom, it is to be required of the One man." ， This describes the doings of king Wft,
mnd I am now for practising the «ame uniyenal mutuftl lore \

If, now, the rulers of the kingdom truly and sincerely wish all in it to be rich, and dislike
any being poor ； if they desire its good goYemment, and dislike disorder ； they ought to practise
uniyenal mutual love, and the interchange of mntiial benefits. This was the law of the
sage kings ； it is the way to effect the good government of the nation ； it may not but be
striven after.

【、

1 1 do not recollect to have read elsewhere of kingWii's tunneling through theTAi mountain.
In what Mo quotes from some Record, we have sentences from different parts of the SM-ching
brought togeUier. The aooonnt of the Uboun of Yd contains names also not elsewhere found.

There are, no doubt, many errors in the text* — I omit the "j^^ 曰,
wbloh follow 行 兼矣'

108

YANG mt AND MO t!

[PROLBGOIISSA.

UNIVERSAL LOVE. PABT III.

Our Master, the philosopher Mo, said, *The businesB of benevolent men requires that they
should strive to stimulate and promote what is advantageous to the kingdom, and to take awmy
what is iiijiiriouB to it.

Speaking, now, of the present time, what are to be aooounted the most injurious things to
the kingdom *? They are such as the attacking of small States by great ones ； the inroads on
small Families by great ones ； the plunder of the weak by the strong ； the oppression of the few
by the many ； the scheming of the crafty against the simple ； the inaolenoe of the noble to the
mean. To the same class belong the ungraoiousness of rulers ^ and the didoyalty of miniflteni ；
the unkindness of fathers, and the want of filial duty on the part of sons. Yea, there is to be
added to these the conduct of the mean men', who employ their edged weapons and poisoned
■tuff, water and fire, to rob and iigure one another.

PoBhing on the inquiry now, let ub ask whence all these injurious things arise. Is it from
loving others and advantaging others ？ It must be answered ' No ; ' and it must likewise be
said, * They arise dearly* from hating others and doing violence to others.' If it befurUur adsed
whether those who hate and do yiolence to others hold the principle of loying all, or that of
making distinctions, it must be replied, * They make distinctions.' So then, it is this principle
of making distinctions between man and man, which gives rise to all that is most injoriouB in
the kingdom. On this aocount we conclude that that principle is wrong.

Our Master said, *He who condemns others must have whereby to change them.' To
oondemn men, and have no means of changing them, is like Baying them from fire by plungiiis
them in water. A man's language in such a case must be improper. On this accoont our Master
•aid, 'There is the principle of loving all, to take the place of that which makes diBtinoUona.'

1 I suppose that the compiler— the disciple of begins to speak here. Throughout
this part, however, the changes in the argument are indistinctly marked. 纖 人
should here be expunged fh)in the Chinese text ， 叉 與 should here be ezpun
* I translate 分 名 by « clearly.' 名 is probably a misprint for ffl •

子 墨子曾 曰 仁人之 事者必 務求典

下 抓除 天下之 Bnio 然當 今之時

下^>害|§大。〇111若 大國|\- 攻小國

I 大家之 a 小家也 ^强之 劫風 揪之暴

裹詐 之謀 氬貴 之教黽 此天下

人與爲人君者^\;不惠 也 > 臣者 不忠

也^ 〈乂者 之不慈 1 子者 也此又

天1^害1又與今人$賤人孰其兵

刃毒藥水火以交相腐賊、此1^夭下之

害.^姑眷本原若衆害之所^1£此胡自

^ 此自 愛人^ 人生與 〔 © 必 日非然 I

必曰 從惡人 賊人生 名 天下

而 賊人 兼與刖 卽 必 日 刖 I 然卽

之交別 #果 生天下 S 大害者 與 〔是故

刖非 、

子墨子I3i非人者必有以易^^^若非.^

而無 以易之 ，眷之 猶以水 牧火： ^其說

將 必無可 《lo* 故 子墨子 Hf 兼以易

GfB. m. 8BCT. n.]

THE OPINIONS OP MO Tt

109

If, now, we ask, * And how ia it that uniTenal love can change (he eonaequtneei qf that other
principle which makes distinotions?' the answer is, 'If princes were as much for the States
of others as for their own, what one among them would ndae the forces of his State to attack
that of another? >~ he is tor that other as mueh as for himself. If they were for the oapital*
of others as much as for their own, what one would raise the foroea of his capital to attack
that of another? he is for that as much as for his own. If chiefis regarded the Families
of others as their own, what one would lead the power of his Family to throw that of another
inio confoBion ？ ~~ he is for that other as much as for himself. If, now, States did not attacki
nor holders of capitals smite, one another, and if Families were guilty of no matvuil aggreesiona,
would this be injurious to the kingdom, or its benefit?' It must be replied, *Thia would
bo adyantageoiiB to the kingdom.' Poshing on the inquiiy, now, let us ask whence all theae
benefits ariae. Is it from hating others and doing violence to others ？ It must be answered,
* lio;' and it most likewiae be said, 'They arise clearly from loving others and doing good to
others.' If it he fvartkefr atkoA whether those who loTe others And do good to others hold the
prineiple of making distinotionB between man and man, or that of loving all, it most be
replied, *They love all/ So then it is this principle of imiyeraal mutual love which really
giTes rise to all that is most beneficial to the nation. On this account we conclude that that
principle is right \

Our Master said, a little while ago, 'The basinem of benevolent men requires that they
should strive to stimulate and promote what is adTantageoiu to the kiDgdom, and to take away
what IB ixgurioQS to it.' We have now traced the salijeGt up, and found that it is the principle
of nniYeraal love which produces all that is most beneficial to the kingdom, and the principle
of Timting distinctionB which prodaoee all that is iigurioaa to it. On this account what oar

* I here transpose 墨 子 曰, and put it after 也. This is required

by the preceding argument, which enda simply with J^fJ 弗 Jj^. With this

Ltion, however, some other liberties must still be taken with the next paragraph. In
$ should evidently be ' ^-. In the concluding phrase 一 出

* 一 the adoption of an old gloss, that ahould be enables us to make sense of

it. What follows, from 今 吾 將 down to 卽 若 其 利, is confused and difficult

^j^, in 下 禾 j, is a misprint for ； but there must be other oorruptions

and omiadons as well. One can see the author's drift ； and I have tried to translate
accordingly.

110

YANG CHtJ AND MO t!

[PBOLIOOMSXA.

Master said, *The principle of making diatinetiona between man and man ia wiong, and tiie
principle of uniTeraal loTe is right,' turns out to be correct as the sides of a square.

If, now, we juBt desire to promote the benefit of the kingdom, and select for that pmpoeo the
principle of universal lore, then the acute ears and piercing eyes of people will hear and see for
o&e another ； and the strong limbs of people will move and be ruled for one another ； and men of
principle will inatract one another. It will come about that the old, who have neither wife nor
ehildren, will get supporters who will enable them to complete their yean ； and the young and
weak, who have no parents, will yet find helpers that shall bring them np. On the eontzmiy,
if this principle of uniTersal love i, held not to be correct, what benefits will arise from such
a view? What ean be the reason that th« scholan of the kingdom, wheneyer they hear of this
principle of univeraal love, go on to condemn it ？ Plain as the caae is, their words in eondem*
nation of thia principle do not stop ； 一 they say, * Ifc may be good, but how can it be carried into
practice?*

Our Master said, * Supposing that it could not be praottsed, it 1601118 hard to go on likewiM
to condemn it. But how can it be good, a^d jet incapable of being pat into practice ？'

Let us bring forward two instances to test the matter : 一 Let anj one sappoee the cim of two
indiyiduals, the one of whom shall hold the principle of making distinetions, and the other skall
hold the principle of universal love. The former of these will say, *How can I be for the penon
of my friend as much as for my own person? how can I be for the paienU of my friend as much
M for my own parents ？, Reasoning in this way, he may see his friend hungry, but he will not
feed him ； oold, but he will not olothe him ； sick, but he will not nune him ； dead, bat he will not
bury him. Such will be the language of the individual holding the principle of distinction, and
mch will be his conduct The langiuge of the other, holding the principle of universality, will
be different, and also his conduct. He will say, * I have heard that he who wishes to play a lofty
part among men, will be for the perBon of his friend as much as for his own person, and for the
parents of his friend as much as for his own parents. It is only thus that he ean attain hit
distinction ？ , Reasoning in this way, when he sees his friend hungry, he will feed him ； oold, he
will clothe him ； sick, he will nurae him ； dead, he will bury him. Such will be the language
of him who holds the principle of imiveraal love, and such will be his conduct.

CR. m. 8TCT. n.】

THE OPINIONS OF ICO Tt

111

r, and their

eonduct is directly contraiy. Suppose now that their words are perfeeily sincere, and that
their conduct will he carried out, — that their words and actions will correspond like the parts
of a token, every word being carried into effect ； and let us proceed to put the following questions
on the case ：一 Here is a plain in the open oountiy, and an officer, with coat of mail, gorget,
and helmet, is about to take part in a battle to be fought in it, where the iraue, whether for
life or death, cannot be foreknown ； or here is an officer about to be dispatched on a distant
commission from P& to Tueh, or from Ch'i to Ching, where the issue of the journey, going
and coming, is quite uncertain ： » on either of these imppositions, to whom will the officer
entrust the charge of his house, the support of his parents, and the oare of his wife and
children ？ ― to one who holds the principle of uniTeraal love ？ or to one who holds that which
makes distinctions? I apprehend there is no one under heaven, man or woman, however
stupid, though he may condemn the principle of universal love, but would at such a time
make one who holds it the subject of his trust. This is in words to condemn the principle,
and when there is occasion to ehoooe between it and the opposite, to approTe it ；— words and
conduct are hero in contradiction. I do not know how it is that throughout the kingdom
fiefaolars condemn the principle of universal love, whenever they hear it 、

Plain as the case is, their words in condemnation of it do not oeaae, but they say, * This
princii^e may suffice perhaps to guide in the choice of an officer, bat it will not guide in the
eboioe of a sovereign '.，

Let UB teet this by taking two illustrationB : 一 Let any one suppose the case of two BOTBreigns,
tlxe one of whom shall hold the principle of mutual lore, and the other shall hold the principle
which makes distinctions. In this eaae, the letter of them will say, * How can I be as much
for the persons of all my people as for my own ？ This in much opposed to hmnan feelings.
Tlie life of man upon the earth is but a very brief space ； it may be oom|>ared to tbe nipid

' From 曰, pj* down to this, the general meaning is plain

enough. But there must be several corruptions in the text ， for inBtanoe, after J^|J

iB, plainly, for ， Here there should follow, <Our Master said/ and

mome obeeryatioxiB introduetorj to the two illuBtrations of the aovereigns. This has been lost,
however, and all that remains of it is the solitary in Tx*

之疾病 侍養. 死喪 靠埋 之兼士 之曹 若此

行若此 。若 非而行 相反與 ；當使

若 1 1 士^<#11必铙行必^^使111111行^匕合猶合

符節也 > 無 11111! 而 不行也 I 然 卽敢問 >今 有平原

廣野於此、被甲嬰胄將往範死生^>權未可

識 tfK 有君 大夫之 遠使於 B 越齊 氣. 往來

及否 未及否 • 未可識 也> 然卽敢 ^不 識將惡

也家 鼠奉承 親戚提 挈妻子 • 而寄 SSVJ 不識

於兼之 有是乎 • 於别 之有是 哉 以爲當 il(

於此^^天下無愚夫愚婦>雖非兼之人必寄

託之於兼^\;有是.^此雷而非袭擇卽取1^

卽此 霤行拂 I 不識天 下之士 、所以 皆聞兼

而非 之# 其故 何也。 〇 然而天 士， 非兼

者之 1111^ 猶 未止也 >曰、 意可 以榫士 • 而 不可以

擇君

子姑甞兩而進^\?誰以爲二1||5使其 一 i

執 ii 使 一 君者執脱是故刖君^\;】一1一^吾惡能

爲吾 萬民之 身爲吾 此 泰非天 下之犓

112

YANG CHO and mo TI

[pROlSOOMDrA.

movement of a team of hones whirling past a small chink.. Reasoning in thia way, he maj
see his people hungry, but he will not feed them ； cold, but he will not dothe them ； Biek,
but he will not none them ； dead, but he will not bury them. Such will be the language of
the sovereign who holds the principle of distinctions, and snoh will be his conduct. Diibmit
will be the language and oonduct of the other who holds the principle of universal love. He
will Bay, ' I haTe heard that he who would show himself a viirtuMu ami intelligent sovereign,
ought to make his people the first consideration, and think of himself only after them/
Reasoning in this way, when he sees any of the people hungry, he will feed them ； oold, lie
will clothe them ； sick, he will nurse them ； dead, he will bury them. Such will be the lan-
guage of the BOTereign who holds the principle of umvenal loye, and such his conduct. If we
compare the two Boyereignsy the words of the one are condemnatoiy of Ihose of the other, and
their aetiozu are opposite. Let us suppose that their words are equally einoere, and that their
actions will nuke them good, 一 that their words and actions will oorreBpond like the parte
of a token, every word being carried into effect ； and let ug proceed to put the following
questions on the case : ― Here is a year when a pestilence walks abroad among the people ；
many of them saffer from oold and famine ； multitudes die in the ditches and water-ohannels.
If at such a time they might make an election between the two BOTereigna whom we have
supposed, which would they prefer? I apprehend there is no one under heayen, howeTer
stupid, though he may condemii the principle of universal loTe, but would at such a time
prefer to be under the sovereign who holds it This is in words to oondemn the principle^
and, when there is occasion to choose between it and the opposite, to approve it ； words ftnd
oonduot are here in contradiction. I do not know how it is that throu^out the kingdom
Bcholan oondemn the principle of univeiBal loye, whenever they hear it.

Fl&in M the ease is, their words in oondemnation of it do not oeaae ； but they say, * This
imiyeraal mukuU Voice is benevolent and righteous. That we grant, bat how can it be pnotiaed ？
The impracticability of it is like that of taking up the T*Ai mountain, and leaping with it
over th« Chiang or Uie Ho. We do, indeed, desire this universal loTe, but it is an impractic-
able thing I •

Our Master aaid, , To take up the T*&i mountain, and leap with it over the Chiang or the

死喪不葬埋刖*«^|曹若此行若此兼眷.？一专不然

行亦不 ^rf 吾聞爲 明吞 於天 5^ 必先 萬民. NM^

民飢卽食之寒卽衣之疾病侍養之死喪韩埋^！兼

君之言 $19 此、 行若此 • 然卽交 Isy; 二君者 >1 相非

行相反3^常使若 二君#w必像行必a_^使lls!:^^-

合猶合 符節也 ^無言 而不行 也> 然卽敢 間，今 歲有媒

疫萬 多有 勤苦凍 餒轉 死溝塾 旣 已衆 41^ 不

識 将擇之 1 1 君#將 何從也 。我以 爲當其 於此也 ^天

下無愚夫愚婦*雠非兼*^必從兼1|«是1曹而非：《^

擇卽取 此曹行 拂也。 不識天 K 所以 皆聞 兼而非

$ 也曰兼 卽仁矣 義矣— 雖 然豈可 爲銳吾

Kr 可爲也 • 蠖挈泰 山以超 河也 ，故 兼者直

子爵子 In^lsh 泰山 以超红 自 古之及 民 而

CH. III. SBCT. II.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO TI

113

Ho, is a thing which never has been done, from the highest antiquity to the present time,
ainoe men were ； but the exercise of mutual love and the interchange of mutual benefits, 一
this was practised by the ancient sages and six kings.'

How do yon know that the ancient sages and the six kings practised this ？
Our Master said, * I was not of the same age and time with them, so that I could myself
have heard their voices, or seen their liaces ； but I know what I say from what they have
trmnsmitted to posterity, written on bamboo or cloth, cut in metal or stone, or engraTen on
their vessels.'

* It is said in " The Great Declaration," — " King W&n was like the sun or like the moon ；
suddenly did his brightness shine through the four quarters of the western re^on

'According to these words, king W&n exercised the principle of universal love on a vast
scale. He is compared to the sun or moon which shines on all, without partial favour to any
spot under the heavens ； 一 soeh was the universal love of king W&n.' What our Master insisted
on was thus exemplified in him.

* Again, not only does " The Great Declaration " speak thus ； >~ we find the same thing in * * The
I>ec]juration of Yft." Yu said, * * Ye multitudes, listen all to my words. It is not only I who dare
to say a word in fiiYour of war ； ~> against this stupid prince of MiAo we must execute the
ponishment appointed by Heaven. I am therefore leading your hosts, and go before you all
to ponish the prince of Mi&o '•"

* Thus Yfl punished the prince of MiAo, not to increase his own riches and nobility, nor to
obtain happiness and emolument, nor to gratify his ears and eyes ； ~~ he did it, seeking io
promote what was advantageous to the kingdom, and to take away what was injurious to it.
It appears from this, that YG held the principle of universal love.' What our Master iuaisted
on may be found in him.

* And not only may Yfl thus be appealed to ； 一 we have " The words of T'ang " to the same
effect. TaDg said, " I， the child LI， presume to use a dark-coloured rictim, and announce to
Tliee, O supreme Heavenly Sovereign : 一 Now there is a great drought, and it is right I should

1 See *The Great Declaration/ III. 6. The language is somewhat different from the citation,
a 'The Declaration of Yu* is what is called *The Counsels of Yii/ In the twentieth
paragraph we find tbe passage here quoted, or rather we find something like it.

VOL. n. I

來^1<甞有1今若41^兼相巧|^交相利|此自先聖

六王^1^親行之〇何知先聖六王之親行^^

0子墨子1^吾非與之並世同^^親間其戴見

其色. ^以其 所書於 竹帛， 鏤於金 於鹅 ffi .

傳 遠後世 子孫者 iMsi 泰誓 nf 文王若 日若見

乍 照光於 四方於 西土。 卽此乾 文王之 兼愛天

下之傅4<:5^、譬之日月兼1^天下^^^有私1

〇 卽此文 王兼. 雖子墨 子之所 謂兼者 ，於文

王 取法 Hlllo 且 不惟 泰誓爲 5^ 雖 禹誓卽 亦猶

是.^ 禹 nf 濟 濟有歡 咸聽朕 非惟小 敢行

稱 III 兹有 用天之 亂若予 旣率爾 邕對諸

羣以 征有苗 。禹之 征有苗 也>非 以求以 重富釓

千福 tlil^ 耳目也 ，以 求 典天下 之观除 天下之

iiD 卽 1禹兼：3^雖子墨子之所謂兼^1^於禹

求 且不惟 禹瞀爲 5^. 雖湯 ^isle 亦猶是 I

湯曰， 惟予小 子貌敢 用元牝 告於上 天\^1^今

天大 旱 > 卽當朕 身，屐 宋知 得 罪于上 有善不

敢 有罪 一.^ 敢 氣簡在 5^>5, 萬方有 «!J 郎富肤

114

YANG CHU AND MO t!

[PBOLEOOMKHA.

be held responsible for it I do not know but that I haye offended against the Powers above
and below. Bat the good I dare not keep in obscurity, and the sinner I dare not pardon. The
examination of this is with Thy mind, O God* If the people throughout the kingdom commit
offenoes, it is to be required of me. If I commit offences, it does not concern the people
From these words we perceive that T*ang, possessing the dignity of sovereign, and the wealth
of the kingdom, did not shrink from offering himself as a sacrifice which might be accept-
able to Grod and other spiritual beings.' It appears from this that Tang held the principle
of universal love. What our Master insisted on was exemplified in T'ang.

And not only may we appeal in this way to the * Declarations,' * Charges/ and 'Words of
Tang;' 一 we find the same thing in *The Poems of Ch&u V One of those poems says,

' Wide and long is the Royal way,
Without deflection, without injustice.
The Boyal way is plain, and level,
Without injustice, without deflection.

Ifc is straight as an arrow,
It is smooth as a whetstone.
The officers tread it ；
The lower people it/

Is not this speaking of the Boyal way in accordance with our style'? Anciently, W&n and
Wa, acting with exact justice and impartiality, rewarded the worthy and punished the
oppressive, allowing no favouritism to influence them towards tJieir own relatiyes. It appears
from this that W&n and Wft held the principle of universal love. What our Master insisted on
was exemplified in them. 一 How is it that the scholars throughout the kingdom oondemn this
universal love, whenever they hear of it ？ Plain as the oase is, the words of those who oondemn
the principle of universal love do not cease. They say, * It is not advantageous to the entire
devotion to parents which is required ； 一 it is injurious to filial piety*/ Our Master said,
' Let lis bring this objection to the test : » A filial son, having the happiness qf his parents at heart,
considers how it is to be secured. Now, does he, so considering, wish men to love and benefit
his parents? or does he wish them to hate and injure his parents?' On this yiew of the
question, it must be evident that he wishes men to love and benefit his parents. And what

1 See 'The Announcement of Tang* (湯 告) in various places. Compare also more
particularly the Analects, XX i. 3. « In the quotation which is immediately subjoi
first four lines are from a rhythmical passage of the Shii-ching, V. iv. 13. The remaii
are in the Shih-ching, II. v. Ode ix. at i. » Such I suppose to be the meaning of

2l i§ *tfc , if it were amended. * The sentence is not dear,—
S 利 而害爲 孝乎.

I have done what I could with it. The
the whole paragraph is sufficiently plain. The Jg, farther on, is supposed to be for 偶.

朕身有 sf 無 及萬方 e 此一 Ins 湯貴

爲天 1+^ 富有天 然 且不憚 以身爲

犧拄 以祠 說于 上帝鬼 1 盹 〇卽此>湯

兼.^ 雖子 墨子. 所謂 於湯 取

法 且不惟 is.i 與湯說 ^爲 ^周

詩卽 亦猶& t 周詩 nf 王直 蕩齓不

偏不 〔鼠 王道平 1^ 不黨 不氤 其直若

先其 易若底 • 君子之 所既小 人之所

1^ 若吾香 非語 道之謂 t 古者 文武

爲正均 分*賞 賢鬍暴 勿有親 戚兄弟

之 所阿。 〇 卽此 文武兼 I 雖 子墨子

^>所謅兼^1^於文武取法焉>^識天

下之人，所以皆聞兼而非之^1<?其故

何. 然而天 下之 ^Jt 兼者之曹猶 未

化I3^意K:忠親^^;刹而B_§孝t〇

子墨子II^姑甞本原^SJ孝子之^親

度*^ 吾不 識孝子 之爲 親度暮 亦欲

人愛 利其親 Mli 人之惡 賊其親

CH. in. SHOT, il]

THE OPINIONS OF MO TI

115

must he himself first do in order to gain this object ？ If I first address myself to love and
benefit men's parents, will they for that return love and benefit to my parents? or if I first
address myself to hate mens parents, will they for that return love and benefit to my parents ？
It is clear that I must first address myself to love and benefit men's parents, and they will
return to me loye and benefit to my parents. The oonolusion is that a filial son has no
alternative. 一 He must address himself in the first place to love and do good to the parents of
others. If it be supposed that this is an accidental course, to be followed on emei^ncy by
a filial son, and not sufficient to be regarded as a general rule, let us bring it to the test of
what we find in the Books of the ancient kings. 一 It is said in the Tft YA,

These words show that he who loves others will be loved, and that he who hates others
will be hated. How is it that the scholars throughout the kingdom condemn this principle
of universal love, when they hear it ？

Is it that they deem it so difficult as to be impracticable ？ But there have been more
difficult things, which yet have been done. For instance, king Ling of Ghing was fond of small
waists. In his time, the officers of Cbing restricted themselves to a handful of rice, till they
required a stick to raise themselves, and in walking had to hold themselves up by the wall.
Now, it is a difficult thing to restrict one's self in food, but they were able to do H, because it
would please king Ling. 一 It needs not more than a generation to change the manners of the
people, such is their desire to move after the pattern of their superiors.

Agaxn, KAu-chien, the king of TUeh, was fond of bravery. He spent three yean in training
his officers to be brave ； and then, not knowing fully whether they were bo, he set fire to the
sliip where they were, and urged them forward by a drum into the flames. They advanced,
one rank over the bodies of another, till an immense number perished in the water or the
flames ； and it was not till he oeased to beat the drum, that they retired. Those officers of
Yueh might be pronounced to be fall of reverenoe. To sacrifice one's life in the flames is
a difficult thing, but they were able to do it, because it would please their king. 一 It needed not

Every word finds its answer ；
Every action its recompense.

He threw me a peach ；
I returned him a plum.

116

YANG CHU AND MO TI

[PBOUBOOMSSA.

more than a generation to change the manners of the people, such is their desire to moye after
the pattern of their saperiora. Once morv, duke W&n of Tain was fond of garments of coane
flax. In his time, the officers of Tsin wore wide clothes of that fiibric, with rams' fors, leathern
swordMtSy and ooarae canvas sandals. Thus attired, they went in to the dake,s levee, and
went out and walked through the court. It is a difficult thing to wear such clothes, but
they were able to do it, because it would please duke W&n. 一 It needs but a generation to
change the manners of the people, such is their desire to move after the pattern of their
superiors.

Now, little food, a burning ship, and coarse clothes, 一 these are among the most difficult
things to endure ； but because the sovereign would be pleased with the enduring them, they
were able in those cases to do it. It needed no more than a generation to change the manners of
the people. Why? Because such ia their desire to move after the pattern of their saperiora.
And now, as to universal mutual love \ it is an advantageous thing and easily practisedf 一
beyond all calculation. The only reason why it is not practised is, in my opinion, because
superiors do not take pleasure in ii. If superiors were to take pleasure in it, stimulating men
to it by rewards and praise, and awing them from opposition to it by punishments and fines,
they would, in my opinion, move to it, 一 the practice of universal mutual loye, and the inter-
change of mutual benefits, 一 as fire rises upwards, and as water flows downwards : 一 nothing
would be able to check them. This universal love was the way of the sage kings ； it is the
principle to aecare peace for kings, dukes, and great men ； it is the means to secure plenty of
food and clothes for the myriads of the people. The best course for the superior man is to well
understand the principle of universal love, and to exert himeelf to practise ii. It requires the
sovereign to be gracious, and the minister to be loyal ； the father to be kindf and the
son to be filial ； the elder brother to be Mendly, and the younger to be obedient. Therefore
the superior man, — with whom the chief desire is to see gracious sovereigns and loyal
ministers ； kind fathers and filial sons ； friendly elder brothers and obedient younger ones, 一
ought to insist on the indispensableness of the practice of universal love. It was the way of
the sage kings ； it would be the most advantageous thing for the myriads of the people.

^?未偷於^而民可移也、卽求以鄉上也。昔者

晉文公好苴1當文1:^之時>晉國之士>大布之

^^胖羊之^^1^練帛^\^威且苴之緣^<見文.<^"出

以踐. N> 跳故苴 服爲其 難爲也 、然 後爲而 文.^

誠 .N5 未脇於 世而民 可移也 • 卽求以 鮮其上 I

是故約 食焚舟 苴服此 天下之 至難爲 也> 然後

爲而 上誠. nJ 未。 踰於世 而民可 移也。 何故 1 卽

求以 11 其上也 。今若 夫兼 相风此 其有利 且&^

爲血不 可勝計 么我以 爲則無 有上認 iV 者而

已 矣>苟有上 誠^v^l^ 勘之 以 賞幾 S 威之 以 刑齓

我以爲人之於就兼相愛交相利也>^^猶火

^\>就上水.\>就下^不可防止於天下。故兼者

聖王之 道也 王.^ 大人 之所以 安也， 萬 民衣食

之所 以足也 ，故§ 莫 若審兼 而務行 之爲人

翁 必鼠爲 人臣必 4 爲人 < 乂必卒 i 人子 必^

爲 人兄必 4^ 爲 人弟必 慨故吞 子莫若 欲爲惠

君> 忠臣 慈父孝 子友兄 悌氣當 若兼之 不 可不

行1此聖王^\;道而萬民之大利也。

F。r 兼相利 we Bhould read 兼相愛

cH. m. SBcr. II.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO Ht.

117

2. Notwithstanding the mutilations and corruptions in the text
of the preceding Essay, its general scope is clearly discernible, and
we obtain from it a sufficient account of Mo's doctrine on the subject
of * Universal Love.' We have now to consider the opposition offered
to this doctrine by Mencius. He was not the first, however, to be
startled and offended by it. The Essay shows that it was resented
Bs an outrage on the system of orthodox belief during all the life-
time of Mo and his immediate disciples. Men of learning did not
cease to be clamorous against it. From the allusions made by
Mencius to its prevalence in his days, it would appear that it had
overcome much of the hostility which it at first encountered. He
stepped forward to do battle with it, and though he had no new
arguments to ply, such was the effect of his onset, that ' Universal
Love , has ever since been considered, save by some eccentric thinkers,
as belonging to the Limbo of Chinese vanities, among other things
• abortive, monstrous, or unkindly mixed/

We may approach the question conveniently by observing that
Mo's attempts to defend his principle were in several points far from
the best that could be made. His references to the examples of Ytl,
Tang, and the kings W&n and WA, are of this nature. Those
worthies well performed the work of their generation. They
punished the oppressor, and delivered the oppressed. Earnest
sentiments of justice and benevolence animated their breasts and
directed their course. But they never laid down the doctrine of
' Universal Love/ as the rule for themselves or others.

When he insists, again, that the people might easily be brought
to appreciate and practise his doctrine, if their rulers would only set
them the example, he shows the same overweening idea of the
influence of superiors, and the same ignorance of human nature,
which I have had occasion to point out in both Confucius and
Mencius. His references to duke Wan of Tsin, duke Ling of Ch'A,
and E&u-chien of Yiieh, and his argument from what they are said
to have effected, only move us to smile. And when he teaches that
men are to be awed to love one another * hy punishmenta and fines,'
we feel that he is not understanding fully what he says nor whereof
he affirms.

Still, he has broadly and distinctly laid it down, that if men
would, only universally love one another, the evils which disturb
and embitter human society would disappear. I do not say that he
has taught the duty of universal love. His argument is conducted

118

YANG CHU AND MO t1

[PBOIAXVMSNA.

on the ground of expediency ^ Whether he had in his own mind
a truer, nobler foundation for his principle, does not immediately
appear. Be that as it may, his doctrine was that men were to be
exhorted to love one another, ~ to love one another as themselves.
According to him, * princes should be as much for the States of
others as for their own. One prince should be for every other as for
himself/ So it ought to be also with the Heads of clans, with
ministers, with parents, and with men generally.

Here it was that Mencius joined issue with him. He affirmed
that ' to love all equally did not acknowledge the peculiar affection
due to a parent/ It is to be observed that Mo himself nowhere
says that his principle was that of loving all equally. His disciples
drew this conclusion from it In the third Book of Mencius s Works,
we find one of them, t Chih, contending that the expression in the
ShA-ching, about the ancient kings acting towards the people, ' as if
they were watching over an infant/ sounded to him as if love were
to be without difference of degree, the manifestation of it simply
commencing with our parents ^ To this Mencius replied conclusively
by asking, ' Does 1 really think that a man's affection for the child
of his brother is merely like his affection for the child of his neigh-
bour?* With still more force might he have asked, 'Is a man's
affection for his father merely like his affection for the father of his
neighbour V Such a question, and the necessary reply to it, are
implied in his condemnation of Mo's system, as being * without
father,' that is, denying the peculiar affection due to a father. If
Mo had really maintained that a man's father was to be no more
to him than the father of any other body, or if his system had
necessitated such a consequence, Mencius would only have done his
duty to his country in denouncing him, and exposing the fallacy of
bis reasonings. As the case is, he would have done better if be had
shown that no such conclusion necessarily flows from thfe doctrine
of * Universal Love,' or its preceptive form that we are to love our
neighbour as ourselves.

Of course it belonged to Mo himself to defend his views from the
imputation. But what he has said on the point is not satisfactorjr.
In reply to the charge that his principle was injurious to filial piety,
lie endeavoured to show, that, by acting on it, a man would best

1 This and seyeral other points are well put by the Rev. Dr. EdkinB, in his £88ay,~refeiTed
to on p. 133. See Journal of the Noith-ChioA Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. II,
May, 1859. » See Bk. III. Pt I. v. 3.

CH. m. sicr. II.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO TI

119

secure the happiness of his parents : 一 as he addressed himself in the
first place to love, and do good to, the parents of others, they would
recompense to him the love of, and good-doing to, his parents. It
might be so, or it might not. The reply exhibits strikingly in what
manner Mo was conducted to the inculcation of universal love, and
that really it had in his mind no deeper basis than its expediency.
This is his weak point; and if Mencius, whose view of the coDstitution
of human nature, and the binding force of the virtues, apart from
all consideration of consequences, waa more comprehensive and
correct than that of Mo， had founded his opposition on this ground,
we could in a measure have sympathised with him. But while Mo
appeared to lose sight of the other sentiments of the human mind
too much, in his exclusive contemplation of the power of love, he
did not doubt but his principle would make sons more filial, and
ministers more devoted, and subjects more loyal. The passage
which I have just referred to, moreover, does not contain the
admission that the love was to be without any difference of degree.
The fact is, that he hardly seems to have realised the objection with

If he did do so, he blinked the difficulty, not seeing his way to give
a full and precise reply to it.

This seems to be the exact state of the case between the two
philosophers. Mo stumbled on a truth, which, based on a right
foundation, is one of the noblest which can animate the human
breast, and affords the surest remedy for the ills of society. There
is that in it, however, which is startling, and liable to misrepreserita-
tioD and abuse. Mencius saw the difficulty attaching to it, and
unable to sympathise with the generosity of it, set himself to meet
it with a most vehement opposition. Nothing, certainly, could be
more absurd than his classing Tang ChA and Mo Tl together, as
equally the enemies of benevolence and righteousness. When he
tries to ridicule Mo, and talks contemptuously about him, how, if
he could have benefited the kingdom, by toiling till he rubbed off
every bair of his body, he would have done it^ — this only raises up
a barrier between himself and us. It reminds us of the hardness of
nature which I have elsewhere charged against him.

3. Confucius, I think, might have dealt more fairly and generously
with Mo. In writing of him, I called attention to his repeated

1 Bk. VII. Pt. I. xxvi.

120

YANG CHtj AND MO Tl

[PBOLBOOMEKA,

enunciation of * the golden rule ， in a negative form, 一 * What you
do not wish done to yourself, do not do to others V In one place,
indeed, he rises for a moment to the full apprehension of it, and
recognises the duty of taking the initiative, 一 of behaving to others
in the first instance as he would that they should behave to him*.
Now, what is this but the practical exercise of the principle of
universal love ？ * All things whatsoever ye would that men should
do to you, do ye even so to them :' — this is simply the manifestation
of the requirement, * Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself/
Confucius might have conceded, therefore, to Mo, that the rule of
conduct which he laid down was the very best that could be
propounded. If he had gone on to remove it from the basis of
expediency, and place it on a better foundation, he would have
done the greatest service to his countrymen, and entitled himself
to a place among the sages of the world.

On this matter I am happy to find myself in agreement with the
* Prince of Literature/ Han YiP. * Our literati/ says he, * find fault
with Mo because of what he has said on " The Estimation to be
attached to Concord*/' on " Universal Love," on " The Estimation to
be given to Men of Worth*/' on " The Acknowledging of Spiritual
Beings V' and on " The Awe in which Confucius stood of Great Men,

1 Vol. i. prolog, p. 109. ， See prolog, on the * Doctrine of the Me&n,' pp. 48, 49, voL i.
» See the Works of Han W&n-kung, 十 ~ • 卷, 讀 墨 子 篇.

• This IB the title of one of Ho's Essays, the 尚 同， forming the third Book of hia Works.

Generalising after his fauhion, he traoes all evils up to a want of oonoord, or agreement of
opinion ； and goes on to assert that the sovereign must be recognised as the * Infallible Head/

to lay down the rule of truth and right, saying 天 之 -^, ^ 之, «^

非, 非 'What the sovereign approves, all must approve ； what the

Bovereign oondemnB, all muat condemn. ' It is an unguarded utterance ； and taken absolutely,
itpart ft'om its oonnezion, may be represented very much to Mo's disadvantage. See * Supple-
mental ObsenrationB on the Four Books,' on Mencius, Book 1. art lix. The coincidence
between this saying and the language of Hobbes is remarkable. 一 * Quod legialator praeoeperit|
id pro bono, quod yetuerit, id pro malo habendum esse.' (De Cive, cap. xii i.)

• This is another of Mo's pieoe8y»r 尙 賢, the second Book of his Worke. He finds a

care for the ills of the nation in princes' honouring and employing only men of worth, without
paying regard to their relatives. This is contrary to the third of ConAicius's nine standard
roles for the government of the nation, set forth in his conversation with duke Ai, as related
in the * Doctrine of the Mean,, ch. xx. But Mo would only disooontenanoe negpoHsm, where it
ought to be diAcountenanoed.

• Thia is found in the eighth Book of Mo. The first and second parts of the essay, however,
are unfortunately lost. In the third he tells several queer ghost stories, and adduces other
proofs^ to show the real existenoe of spiritual beings, and Umt they take acoount of men's
actions to reward or to punish them. He found another panacea for the ills of the kingdom
in this truth. His doctrine here, however, is held to be inconsistent with Confucius's reply to

CH. in. SSCT. 11.]

THE OPINIONS OF MO xt

121

and, when he resided in any State, did blame its Great Officers V,
But when the Ch'un Ch'iA finds fault with arrogant ministers, is not
this attaching a similar value to concord ？ When Confucius speaks
of " overflowing in love to all, and cultivating the friendship of the
good," and of how " the extensive conferring of benefits constitutes
a sage/' does he not teach universal love 1 When he advises " the
esteem of the worthy ；" when he arranged his disciples into " the
four classes," so stimulating and commendiDg them ； when he says
that " the superior man dislikes the thought of his name not being
mentioned after death : " ~ does not this show the estimation be
gave to men of worth? When "he sacrificed as if the spiritual
beings were present," and condemned " those who sacrificed as if
they were not really sacrificing*;" when he said, " When I sacrifice,
I shall receive blessing:" ~ was not this acknowledging spiritual
beings? The literati and Mo equally approve of Y4o and Shun,
and equally condemn Chieh and Ch&u; they equally teach the
cultivation of the person, and the rectifying of the heart, reaching
.on to the good government of the nation, with all its States and
Families : 一 why should they be so hostile to each other ？ In my
opinion, the discussions which we hear are the work of their
followers, vaunting on each side the sayings of their Teacher ； there
IB no such contrariety between the real doctrines of the two
Teachers. Confucius would have made use of Mo's views ； and
Mo would have made use of those of Confucius. If they would
not have made use of each other's sentiments, they could not have
been K'ung and Mo/

4. It seems proper, in closing this discussion of Mo's views, to
notice the manner in which the subject of * universal love ， appears
in Christianity. Its whole law is comprehended in the one word 一
Love; but how wide is the scope of the term compared with all
which it ever entered into the mind of Chinese sage or philosopher
to conceive ！

Fan Oh'ih, Analects, VI. xx, that wisdom consists in respecting spiritual beings, but at the
same time keeping aloof from them. Bat as between Confticius and Mo, on this point we
would agree rather with the latter. He holds an important truth, mingled with superstition ；
the sage would seem to be sceptical.

1 Han ayoids aaying anything on this point The author of * Supplemental Observations ,
is eqiially silent.

， Han is here quoting Analects, III. xii, a, fl^^ ^^， which he

points and interprets after a way of his own. He does not read but in the sense of
* to grant to,' * to approve of.'

122

YANG CHt AND MO Xf

[PBOLBOOMSHA.

It:is most authoritative where the teachers of China are altogether
silent, and commands : 一 * Thou shalt love the Lord, thy God, with
all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all tby strength,
and with all thy mind/ For the Divine Being Christianity
thus demands from all men supreme love ； 一 the love of all that is
majestic, awing the soul ； the love of all that is beautiful, wooing
the heart ； the love of all that is good, possessing and mastering
the entire nature. Such a love, existing, would necessitate obedience
to every law, natural or revealed. Chrifltianity, however, goes on
to specify the duties which every mau owes, as the complement of
love to God, to his fellow-men : ― * Owe no man anything, but to
love one another, for he that loveth another hath fulfilled the law.
For this —" Thou shalt not commit adultery," " Thou shalt not kill,"
" Thou shalt not steal," " Thou shalt not bear false witness," " Thou
shalt not covet ；，, and if there be any other commandment : 一 the
whole is briefly comprehended in this saying, " Thou shalt love thy
neighbour as thyself," ， This commandment is ' like to , the other,
differing from it only in not requiring the supreme love which is .
due to God alone. The rule which it prescribes, ~ such love to
others as we feel for ourselves, 一 is much more definitely and intel-
ligibly expressed than anything we find in Mo, and is not liable to
the cavils with which his doctrine was assailed. Such a love to
men, existing, would necessitate the performance of every relative
and social duty ； we could not help doing to others as we would
that they should do to us.

Mos universal love was to find its scope and consummation in
the good government of China. He had not the idea of man as
man, any more than Confucius or Mencius. How can that idea be
fully realised, indeed, where there is not the right knowledge of one
living and true God, the creator and common parent of all ? The
love which Christianity inculcates is a law of humanity ； paramount
to all selfish, personal feelings ； paramount to all relative, local,
national attachments ； paramount to all distinctions of race or of
religion. Apprehended in the spirit of Christ, it will go forth even
to the love of enemies ； it will energize in a determination to be
always increasing the sum of others' happiness, limited only by the
means of doing so.

But I stop. These prolegomena are not the place for disquisition ；
but I deemed it right to say thus much here of that true, universal
love, which at once gives glory to God and effects peace on earth.

CH. nr.]

WORKS CONSULTED

123

CHAPTER IV.

WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSULTED IN THE
PREPARATION OF THIS VOLUME.

The Works which have been consulted are mostly the same as
those used in the preparation of the first volume, of which a list is
there given. I have only to add to that : 一

[• 一 OF CHINESE WOEKS.

子十 五卷, 百一 卷,' The Philosopher Mo, in fifteen Books,
with one Book on the Titles of his Essays.' This Work was edited
and annotated in the forty-eighth year of Ch'ien-lung (a.d. i 784), by

PI Yiian (畢 fjxi)y lieutenant-governor of Shen-hsl. From the notes
appended to Mo'e Essay on * Universal Love , in the last chapter, it
will be seen that the task of editing has been very imperfectly
executed, I suppose it is vain to express a wish that some foreign
scholar would take it in hand.

$百 家註音 辯韓昌 黎先生 全集， 'The Collected
Writings of Han Ch'ang-11, with the Verbal and Critical Notes of
five hundred Scholars/ Ch*ang-ll is a local designation for Han

Yii, styled TTAi-chih (退 之), and canonized as Wan-kung (文 ^),
or ' Prince of Literature/ I have said, p. 1 2, that he was a scholar
of the eighth century, but he extended on into the ninth, dying
A.D. 824. He stands out as perhaps the most distinguished scholar
of the long space between the Han and Sung dynasties. The
edition of his Works which I have, with such a collation of com-
mentators, was first published by a Hsu T&o-chl (許 道 基), in the
twenty-eighth year of Ch'ien-lung (a.d. 1761).

II. 一 OF TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER WOEKS.

Mekq Tseu, vel Mencium, inter Sinenses Philosophos, Ingenio,
Doctrina, Nominisque Claritate, Confucio proximum, edidit, Latina
interpretatione, ad interpretationem Tartaricam utramque recensita,
instruxit, et perpetuo commentario, e Sinicis deprompto, illustravit
Stanislaus Julien. Paris, 1824 — 1829.

PT, I. CH. I.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUI?

289

勝繩, 目 者眉行 。以之 法聞,

用 以力未 章、 詩 s:gj 道於面

也、 爲焉 、之 遵云, 脱也。 後虔
旣方

有先： r 、徒故 MH:;r;
竭員 之也。 王 法, 曰 1 者、 被

耳 平以聖 S 之 7； 7； 徒 7； 其

力 it 規 人法忘 1 能善、 行澤,

蒸: r 、知 旣而 率以: T 、先 7；
繼可 準竭過 g 自足 王可

reputation for benevolence, while yet the people do not receive any
benefits from them, nor will they leave any example to future a^es ；
― all because they do not put into practice the ways of the ancient
kings.

3. ' Hence we have the saying : 一 " Virtue alone is not snfiiciemt
for the exercise of government ； mws alone cannot carry themselves
into practice."

4. 'It is said in the Book of Poetiy,

" Without transgresfiion, without forgetfulness.
Following the ancient statutes."
Never has any one fallen into error, who followed the laws of the
ancient kings.

5. 'When the sages had used the vigour of their eyes, they
called in to their aid. the compass, the square, the level, and the
line, to -make things square, round, level, and straight : ― the use of
the instruments is inexnaustible. When they had used their power

finding its embodiment, » the right art of
gOTernment, having the same relation to it

as the oompMS to oirclea, Ac a. ^H, 一 4ih

tone. Obmire the oorrelation of and
the last oUuse iwrfgning the reason of what i 露
mid in ihe preceding ones, yh jg,

一 here, and below, the most be taken
diiferaitiy from its application in the last
pangnph, and -the 4^ jEjj^ of thai. The

oommentator refers to king HsOan of Ch'i

(Bk. L Pi. I. vii) as an instance of the princes
who haye 禽 benevolent heart, and to the first
emperor of the laang dynasty (a. d. 509-556),

VOL. n. U

whose Buddhistic serapalosity about taking
life made him have 禽 benevoient reputation.
Yet the heart of the one did not adyantage
the State, nor the reputation of the other the

empire. 3. 善, 一 here < simply being

good,' i.e. virtue without laws, and
laws without yirtae, the yirtae, however, being
understood of the < benevolent heart.' 4.
the Shib-chlng, Pt. IIL it Ode V. at. 9. s

S 一 literally, < continued it with/

line must be undentood of the nlumb-line, as

well as of the marking-line. Vffi ia rightly

translated, 一 'tiie level/ but I have not been
able to msoerUm its original form in China.

290

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV

道是 在謂爲

之勝之

智耽 丘天 以用以

"ir tt=^ ^ iL _L.

仗乎 $:r; 陵 > I、 7^
是 ^ 因 爲 夹。 忍

仁 以先下 >敌^ 竭

旣 律 i

铷

法衆而 惟
守也。 g 仁之 _

也、 上 S 高 者、 道 JII 高 、而 焉、 ：！；
朝無位 > 宜可澤 > 必仁

of hearing to the utmost, they called in the pitch-tubes to their aid
to determine the five notes : ~ the use of those t'uAm is inexhaustible.
When they had exerted to the utmost the thoughts of their hearts,
they called in to their aid a government that could not endure to
witness the sufferings of men : ~ and their benevolence overspread
the kingdom.

6. 'Hence we have the saying : ― "To raise a thing high, we
must begin from the top of a mound or a hill ； to dig to a grecU
depth, we must commence in the hw ground of a stream or
a marsh." Can he be pronounced wise, who, in the exercise of

fovernment^ does not proceed according to the ways of the former
ingsl

7. * Therefore only the benevolent ought to be in high stations.
When a man destitute of benevolence is in a high station, he
thereby disseminates his wickedness among all hdow him.

8. * When the prince has no principles by which he examines
his administration^ and his ministers nave no laws by which they

In the 前 漢書, 本志, Bk« we read : -

' Prom the a^jus^ent of weights and things

sprang the lever (J^^ The lever revolvixig

produced the dirde. The circle produced the
9g[uar», The square produced the line. The
line produced the level,' On the last sentenoe

]^ sayB : ~ 'They set up the level to look
at the line, using water as the equaliser.' yj^
可 勝 (the isfc tone) 用, 一 see Bk. L Ft I.
iiL 3. The subject of 可 is the whole of what

不忍人 ，《«Bk^II.

i'fff, 《 to conform to,' L e«.

precedes from
Pt. L vL I. 6.

here, to take advantage of. The saying is found
in the Li Chi, VIII. iL 10. 8. This pangraph
is an expansion of the last cUuae of the pre-
ceding, illustrating how the wiokednesB flows

downwards, with its consequenoes. I* , 一 * the

higiheBty' i. e. the prince. "|\, the next * below,*

hU ministers. ~ eh*do, the and tone, ' the

court/ and T*. , as opposed to it, the yariona
officers, as having their *work' to da 3*

PT 攀 I. CH. I.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

291

進泄、 天賊么 野甲幸 小道、

返猶之 民害： r;^ 也。 人工

無沓 方與、 4 ^碌 多;
鼷沓 覼喪上 1 悲曰冽 >信
^ 也。 無 無 無財國 城國度 >

事 i 機 日 鼸：^之郭^君

非君 泄夹。 下聚災

郛:^ 百
不所于

keep themselves in the discharge of their duties, then in the court
obeaienoe is not paid to principle, and in the office obedience is
not paid to rule. Superiors violate the laws of righteousness, and
inferioiB violate the penal laws* It is only by a fortuDate chance
that a State in such a case is preserved.

9. ' Therefore it is said, " It is not the exterior and interior walla
being incomplete, and the supply of weapons offensive and defen-
sive not being lar^, which constitutes the calamity of a kingdom.
It is not the cultivable area not beii^ extended, and stores and
\eealth not being accumulated, which occasions the ruin of a
State." When superiors do not observe the rules of propriety, and
inferiors do not learn, then seditious people spring up, and that
State will i>eriBh in no time.

10. • It is said in the Book of Poetry,

" When such an overthrow of Chdu is being produced by Heaven,
Be not ye 80 much at your ease 1 "

11. ' " At your ease ； " ~ that is, dilatory.

12. 'And 80 dilatory may ihose officers be deemed, who serve
their prince without righteousness, who take office and retire from

and >J> , ~ with reference to Btfttion. The

Jfy. at the end of the two oUnses ahowB that

they are both equally issertiye, though the
goyemed and goyeniing by principles
1688, will be a law to his ministers.

,~seeBlLlLPtILi.fl. 辟 -間，
jw in Bk. L PL I. tIL z6. 田 降, JfiekU
and wilds.' , 一 4ih tone, i a See the Shih-

U

chmg,IILiiOdeX.a. ||[,-read *u«i, the 4th

toiiB. lIUl^,— 4, 4th tone. 一 From this paragraph

it ia the ministers of 禽 prince who are contem-
plated by Menciua. They have their duty to
perform, in order that the benevolent goyem-

ment may be realised. 11. im

we are to nndentand that this pj
eommonly uaed in Menoius's time with this

acceptation. ^a. 非, 一 need as a verb, *to
2

292

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. IV.

4

敬以二 君>*&^ 曙
甚舜者 • 盡聖盖 i
着之皆 君>;^> 予

者所法 道、 人 曰、

以、 堯而臣 > 军: J

堯事 盡也。 員
之君、 夹、 臣欲 5 之

所 道 \ 爲至

it without regard to propriety, and who in their words disown the
ways of the ancient kings. •

1 3. • Therefore it is said, " To urge one's sovereign to difficult
achievemeDts may be called showing respect for him. To set before
him what is good and repress his perversities may be called showing
reverence fornim. He who does not do these things^ saying to himsd/l
一 My sovereign is incompetent to this, may be said to play the
thief with him." ,

Chap. II. i. Mendus said, ' The compass and square produce
perfect circles and squares. By the sages, the human relations are
perfectly exhibited. •

2. *He who as a sovereign would perfectly discharge the duties
of a sovereign, and he who as a minister would perfectly discharge
the duties of a minister, have only to imitate 一 the one Y&o, and the
other Shun. He who does not serve his sovereign as Shun served
Y&o, does not respect his sovereign ； and he who does not rule his
people as Y4o ruled his, injures his people.

之閉曰 、先

賊。 邪責王
謂難: i
之於道

敬、 君者 1

五

君之沓
7； 恭廇
能陳也 $

謂善故 i

Blander/ or 《 disown/ 13. Compare Bk. IL Pt
II.ii.4. We are obliged to supply considerably
in the tranBlatioD, to bring out the meaning of

the last Bentenoe. may be taken as a yerb

— *to iig'ure,' or as I haye taken it.

2. A OOBTIKUATIOH OV TBX LAST CHAFTEB ； 一

T^T Ylo AKj> Shun abk the psBraar modbui of
iovKBXiaire AHD wanmsaa, Ain> thb coitsbqubiiobs
OF NOT iMXTATiHO THBM. I. 'The compass and
square are the perfection of squares and
drolef;'— bat we must understand the mean-

ing as in the translation. So with the and
olanae. 人 倫， 一 see Bk. III. Pt. L iv. 8.

* 二 者 -'these two' things, putting the
above claiues tJwtraotly, but we cannot do that
BO well in English. The force of Jfj^^ 已,

according to the is *to show that there

is no other way for the sovereign and minister
to pursue.' 一 Of Hhe human relatiooB, only that
of sovereign and minister is here adduced,
because Mencius was speaking with reference

PT, I. CH. III.]

THB WOEKS OF MENCIUS.

293^

it 圍在

以 孟 1

仁于

后
之

改 属、

其

失 三世'
天代此
下之之

也> 得 ，

以天也
7；

遠、 世

3. * Confucius said, " There are but two courses, which can be
pursued, that of virtue and ite opposite,"

4. *A ruler who carries the oppression of his people to the
highest pitch, will himself be slain, and his kinffdom will perish. If
one stop short of the highest pitch, his life will notwithstanding be
in danger, and his kingdom will be weakened. He will be styled
" The Dark," or " The Cruel," and though he may have filial sods
and affectionate grandsons, tbey will not be able in a hundred
generations to change the designation.

5. * This is what is intended in the words of the Book of Poetry,

" The beacon of Tin is not remote,
It is in the time of the (last) sovereign of HsiA." '
Chap. III. i • Mencius said, * It was by benevolence that the
three dynasties gained the throne, and by not being benevolent
that they lost it.

to the xnlen of his time. 3. If the remark

were Mencins's own, we should traiiBlate

by * benevolenoo.' The term in Confticius
rather denotes * perfect virtue.' By the coone
of Tirtne is intended the imitation of TAo and
Shun ； by its opponito, the negleot of them as
models. 4. By soTereignB, who carry their op-
preasion to the highest pitch, Meneitu intencLB,
as his ezamplee, Ohieh and ChA% the last
kings of the HsiA and Yin dynasties. By 'Hie
Dark' and *The Cruel/ he intends the twelfth
^.G. 781) and tenth (b.o. 878) kings of the
ChAu dynasty, "who reoeiyed those pof^umous

indelible desigiuitions. I take "^jj in the sense
of * weakened , (dictionaiy which it else-

where has in Mencius. 5. See the Shih-ching,
ILL iii. Ode I. st. 8; an ode of the time of the

monarch LI (JSY intended for his warning.

The BOTereign ^HsiA is the tyrant Chieh, and
by Yin is intended the tyrant GhAu, by whose
fate, though he neglected the lesson ftumished
him by that of Chieh, it is saggeeted that li
should be admonished.

8. ThB aEFOBTAHGB TO ALL, AlTD 8FBGIALLT TO
BULEBS, OF EXEBCiaiHG BSKEYOLKIIOE. I. < The

dynasties ' are the HsU, the Shang, and
一 iftu. It is a bold utteranoe, leeing the
dynasty was still existing in the time of
Menoius, though he regarded it as old and ready
to yaniflh away. He has a reference, according
to Cha Hai, to the Boverei^pui Lt and TCk, men-

294

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[bk.

慈死 % 亡 仁。—

j 醉亡、 仁、: r 、保保 f、

子 而而： T 、保胜 四亦之
i& 曰 眉樂保 $ 稷 然。 所

人愛 酒。: r 、四 i> 卿諸天

7； 人 仁 > 體。 士大 侯于廢

、冶 jr、 是今 S 庶夫； r、:r、 與
反親 猶 惡人: r 、仁 仁存

2. * It is by the eame means that the decaying and flourishing,
the preservation and perishing, of States are determined.

3. *If the sovereign be not benevolent, he cannot preserve the
throne from passing from Mm. If the Head of a State be not
benevolent, he cannot preserve his rule. If a high noble or great
officer be not benevolent, he cannot preserve his ancestral temple.
If a scholar or common man be not benevolent, he cannot preserve
his four limbe. •

4« • Now they hate death and ruin, and yet delight in being not
benevolent ； ― this is like hating to be drunk^ and yet being s&ong
to drink wine/

Chap. IV. i. Mencius said, 'If a man love others, and do
responsive attachment is shown to him, let him turn inwards and
examine his own benevolence. If he is trying to rule others, and
his government is unsuccessful, let him turn inwards and examine
his wisdom. If he treats others politely, and they do not return his

tioned in the last chapter. 3. OU 一 ' the

four seas/ i.e. all with them, as sabjc^t to the
sovereign's juiisdiotion. There is a special refer-
enoe, however, to the sovereign's right to offer all
saciifloes : ~~ those peculiar to himaelf^ and those

open to othen. Jtfj ^SL 一 * the spirits of the

land and the gram,' i. e. the Bpirita aeouring the
stability and prosperity of a particular State,
which it was the prerogatiTB of the ruler to
sacrifioe to. Hence the expression is here used
figuratively. See the Lt Chi, Bk. III. iii. 6. 4.

夷, 一 the verb, in 4th tone, 'to hate, dislike.'

(in and tone) 一 like the Hebrew idiom,

" aa. This is spoken with reference to the
princes of MenoiiiB's time.
4. With what xxabubs a max miteb rr will

BE MKA8UUD TO HIM AOAIV, ABD OOSBEQUKHTLT

BEVO&B ▲ MAH DSAZB WITH OTRSBS, glPMCTIUtt
THEM TO BB AmOTBD BT HU, HI SHOULD RBflT

DKAL WITH HTMBKT.F. The Sentiment is exproued
quite generally, bat a partioalar raferanee is
to be understood to the prinoes of Meneioa's
time. z. is uBed in a manner common in

« *to turn back from the ooorae being
and then to tarn inwarcU to the work
ination and correction/ In the next
phy we have it followed by another yerb.

In *^ is in and tone, <to

regulate/ <to tzy to rule;' in 'jj^
in 4ih tone, * to be regulated,' the
being effeotiye. The olauaes—
are very oonoue. The
'g' thuB expands :

PT. I. CH. VI.]

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS.

295

■ ic 在曰、 圜福。 詩 i 已行

'其 有智 I

孟在國 、天孟

于身

政
了、

下于

之國曰 >
木家 '人

在天有

身^

之太習

正 I 得人
配而者
命、 天皆答
自 下反反
求 歸求其

多之。 諸敬

politeness, let him turn inwards and examine his own feeling of
respect.

2. * When we do not, by what we do, realise what we desire, we
must turn inwards, and examine ourselves in every point. When
a man's person is correct, the whole kiDgdom will turn to him with
recognition and submission.

3. ' It is said in the Book of Poetry,

" Be always studious to be in harmony with the ordinances of God,
And you will obtain much happiness/' '

Chap. V, Meucius said, * People have this common saying, 一
" The kingdom, the State, the family." The root of the kingdom
is in the State. The root of the State is in the family. The root
of the family is in the person of its Head'

Chap. Vl. Mencius said, * The administration of government is
not difficult ； 一 it lies in not offending the great families. He whom

eooDnrrLUBXcB. Compare 'The Superior Learn-
ing/ text of Confdcius, par. 4. The common
saying repeated by all probably means : 一 the
kingdom is made up of its component States,
and of their component families ; — i.e. the
fiunilies of the fpMt offioers. But Mencius
takes its meaning more generally, and carries
it out a stop farther.

6. Thi zkpobtahcb to ▲ buiiEE of SBOUBnro

He who administers government

lies beneTolenoe to love men, and it is to
" men will love him. Should he
id howeyer that they do not, he must turn
in and examine his benevolence, lest it should

be imperfect,' &c. 9. j&

j^ff^^^f 'does not get what he wishes/

—'all,' with referenoe to the general form of
the preceding clause. 3. See Bk. II. Pt. L ir. 6.

5. PknO 夏 AL CHABAOnEB IB KBCBHABT TO ALL

AMD BXJBlOaSIOH OF THB GBSAT H0I7BB&

The <not offending, is to be taken in a moral
sense ； ― the ruler's doing nothing but what
will oommand the admiring approbation of
the old and great families in the State. In
illustration of the sentiment, a story is related
from IdtL Hsiang of the duke Hwan of Ch'L
Lighting, one day in hunting^ on an old man

296

iTHE WORKS OF MBNCIU8

[bk. IV

旣存 >强> 天德 g 教慕, 慕>得
逆 斯下役 溢天

能天

無大 于乎下

於

会、 者者、 道、 德> 曰、 四慕慕 巨
又亡。 天小小 天海。 之 之灃,

7； 齊 5 也、 役賢下 故一巨

受景 順大、 役有
命、 公天弱 大道、

是曰、 者投賢 Jj、

2 之之
德所所

the great families affect, will be affected by the whole State ； and he
whom any one State affects, will be affected by the whole kingdoiXL
When this is the case, such an one's virtue and teachings will
spread over all within the four seas like the rush of water/

Chap. VII. i. Mencius said, * When right government prevails
in the kingdom, princes of little virtue are submissive to tJum of
great, and those of little worth to those of great. When bad
government prevails in the kingdom, princes of small power are
submissive to those of great, and the weak to the strong, ^th these
cases are the rule of Heaven. They who accord witn Heaven are
preserved, and they who rebel against Heaven perish.

2. * The duke Ghing of Ch'l said, " Not to oe able to command
others, and at the same time to refuse to receive their commands,
is to cut one's self off from all intercourse with others." His tears

of eighty-three, the duke sought his blessing, for them.' jSir Sl, 一 'whom ihey aifect,' not
that he might attain a like longevity. The 匸 丄 , iju

old man then prayed, 'May my raler enjoy what Obseire the force of 砍.

■ 7. How

and gold, and
duke's request
he might not
his u^erion,
ier not offend

great longevity, despising ^
making men hiB jewels I ' At
he prayed a teoond time,
be Ashamed to learn ev«n

and a third time, 'May my

against his ministers and the people 1' This
answer offended the duke. 'A son,' he said,
^m»y offend agaiuBt hU faUier, and a miniBter
• ist his ruler. But how can a raler offend
i8t his miniaten ？' The old man replied,
Ending son may get forgivenesB through
iteroeaaioiiB of aiints and unolea. An
ing minister may be forgiven by the
Ion of the ruler'a favourites and
ita. Bat when Chieh offended against
and ChAu offendwl against WCl ；— thooe
一 * ^ in point There was no forgiveneai

BUBnonoH OP okb Statb to

▲HOTHXB IB DETS8MUIED AT DIFnOUDTT TIMB8. A
PBOffOS'S OHLT SBOUUTT VOB BAFBTT AHO FBOS-

PKBTTY IB nr BKiKo BBRXTOUDiT. I, Many i

mentato" say th^t by 大镰 and 大

reference is made to the sovereign, but
declaratioiiB may as well b« taken gem

二者夭 也， 一' Heaven/ it Ib said,

braoes here the ideas of what must be in
reason, and the diiferent powers of the eon-

traste^ States (兼 理 ^^).' ThU i. irne,

but why aink the idea of a IVoyidential gOTei

ment which is implied in 'Heaven?' a.

,^^,—866 AxkAleots, XIL XL ^jf^ ijjjjlji

、

PT. I. CH.VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

297

命 f; 天小 王> 也。 于而晃

侯其下 國師^ s 而恥 f 物

于舅夹 。七文 恥恥受 I 也、

侯 上商^ 國若於 是師而

服帝^ 政 罢飾先 猫大女

于 旣孫於 年文師 弟匦於

flowed forth while he gave his daughter to be married to the prince
o/WA-

3. * Now the small States imitate the large, and yet are ashamed
to receive their commands. This is like a scholar's being ashamed
to receive the commands of his master.

4. *For a prince who is ashamed of this, the best plan is to
imitate king Wan. Let one imitate king Win, and in five years, if
his State be large, or in seven years, if it be small, he will be sure
to give 】a" to tLe kingdom.

5» * It is said in the Book of Poetry,

"The descendants of the sovereigns of the Shang dynasty,
Are in number more than hundreds of thousands,
But, God having passed His decree,
They are all submissive to Gh&u»
They are submissive to Chkxx,
Because the decree of Heaven is not unchanging.
The officers of Yin, admirable and alert.
Pour out the libations, and assist in the capital of Chdu."

18 taken aa vaedfor^^, 'men,' but the phraae
eontracted one, ind 細 1f^^

18

'separated from other men,' or JSh may be
taken actively, whieh I prefer, and aimiUrly
Bupplemented. -xT,— in 4th tonei 'to give a

daughter in marriage.' WC^ oorreBpoiiding to
the northern part of the present Gheh-ehiang,
and the south of Chiang-sA, was in Confucius'B
timestill reckoned abarbarous territory, and the
piinoes of the Middle Kingdom were ashamed
to enter into relations with it. The duke Ghing,
howeTer, yielded to the force of circumstances
and 80 flayed himself. The daughter so married
soon died. She pined away for her father and
her native Ch% and was followed to the graye by

her huBband. . The old king of Wft, barbarian
as he was, showed much sympathy for his

young daughter-in-law. 3. 0jR, 一 'to imitate/

*to make a master of.' Mencius's meaning is
that the smaller States followed the example
of the larger ones in what was evil, and yet did

not like to submit to them. 一 'a youth,'

here, s a pupil. 4. jj^, 一 *be ezercisiog
goTemmenty' « giving law to. 5. See the Shih-
ohing, IIL i. Ode I. stt 4,5. 不植 -不止
'not hundreds of thousands only.'
爾 jJK & ftn inversion for jj[
• ^1 is here an introductory particle.

^98

THE WOBKS OF MENGIUS

[BK*. IV

能猶
執執

熱 * 藝

逝 而

卵

濯 。濯 而

%

夫于周 》

君

好

仁

天

下

4t

化

孔

于

曰>

仁

天

%、

殷
十

以 it 爲 橡、

云 I 仁 1 勺、 籠 M 驟
譁是也 > 也 將

"傲

Confucius said, "-4« against so benevolent a sovereign, they could
not be deemed a multitude." Thus, if the prince of a State love
benevolence, he will have no opponent in all the kingdom.

6. ' Now they wish to have no opponent in all the kingdom, but
they do not seek to attain this by being benevolent. TEis is like
a man laying hold of a heated substance, and not having first
dipped it in water. It is said in the Book of Poetry,

"Who can take up a heated substance,
Without first dipping it (in water)?,,.

Chap, VIII. i. Mendus said, 'How is it possible to speak
with those princes who are not benevolent ？ Their perils they
count safety, their calamities they count profitable,- ana they have
pleasure in the things by which they perish. If it were possible
to talk with them who bo iriolate benevolence, how could we have
Buch destruction of States and ruin of Families ？

仁不 可爲衆 istobe under.

Slb a remark of Confooius on reading the
don of the Shih-ohing just quoted ； 一 'ai
meyolent prince, like kingW&n, the
of the adherents of Shang ceased to be myrl
They would not act agakist him.' The

sioninthe 曰 >■ < numerous as the adherents

S 人是衆

•' 6.SeeiheShih-

of Shang were, lA
不可爲 (-以

)

ohing, IIL iii. Ode IIL st s The ode is referred
to the time of the sovereign Lt, when the kingdom
was hastening to ruin, and in the lines quoted,
the author deplores that there was no resort

to proper measures. ^[ is taken as a mere

puiiole of transition.

8. That a pbincb n trs Aonrr of his owv

BTJIV BY HIB TIGZ0U8 WATB AHD BXTUBIHO TO BB

O0U1I8BLLED. I. Strew mast be laid always oa
the '^jR in ^\ Th« expreaaion does not

PT. 1. CH. IX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

299

氣人 而自斯 于浪浪
；自 伐後偽 >濯 a 芩芩欺
于 作之。 人然足 4、 水 1 家
曰 > 鼙太 S 毁後矣 、子 濁淸^

樂了、
紂可

自聽化 化有。
侮 取之、 可可有 5

失此作 自家也 。斯濯 ，于

天^ 氧伐、 必夫 權我 i 歌

下寧猶 而声 。徵曰 •

iLiL 可後穀 > 必濁、 孔瑜涂

2. ^ There was a boy Singing,

"When the water of the Ts'ang-Iang is dear.
It does to wash the strings of my cap ；
When the water of the Ts'ang-lang is muddy.
It does to wash my feet."

3. * Confucius said, " Hear what he sings, my children. When
dear, then he will wash his capnatrings ； and when muddy, he will
wash his feet with it. This different aj^lication is brought by the
footer on itself."

4. * A man must first despise himself, and then others will
despise him. A family must first destroy itself, and then others
will destroy it. A State must first smite itself, and then others
will smite it.

5. * This is illustrated in the passage of the T'Ai Chi&, " When
Heaven sends down calamities, it is still possible to escape them.
When we occasion the calamities ourselves, it is not possible any
loDger to live." ,

Chap. IX. i. Mendus said, ' Chieh and Ch&u's losing the

denote merely the want of benoTolenoe, but the

oppoAite of it "^藝 "^， « to give faithful

advieeio/ a. The name Ta'ang-laiig (in and tone)
is found applied to different streams in differ-
ent places. That in the text was probably in

ShAn-tang. 3. 之， 一之 refening to the

words of the song, ttr, 纖 * this,' intensiTe, or

w6 may take it adverbially :— *io*«h clear, then
it serres to waah the cap-Btrings, Blc' 4, 5. See
Bk. IL Pt. I. iv. 4-6.

9. OVLY BT BBIHO BEHBYOLKIIT GAH ▲ PKIHOB
RAISE HmWCT'T TO BK SOVSBEIGH. OB KVSN AVOID

BUZV.

X> BK SOVSBEIGH, OB KVSN AVOID

:2 聚 :S，- 與 之-贫

300 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [bk. iv.

有民: ^走之 與斯天 ifea 失
好者, 叢續 歸之得 下得其

仁榮 歐也。 仁聚民 夹天民
者、 與爵 f§tL 之、 秦> 得下 ife^
則紂者 i 猶所得 其有失
諸也。 鶄瀰 水竊 > 其民 道. 其

侯今 3也> 歐之勿 4、^ 措民

道 > 其

皆天 爲魚就 施有道 > 其教

爲 下湯者 ~KW 道 > 得民失
之武獺 獸也。 所 其斯其
君, 歐也, 之民 5 欲乂、 得心

throne, arose from their losing the people, and to lose the people
means to lose their hearts. There is a way to get the kingdom : 一
get the people, and the kingdom is got. There is a way to get the
people : ― get their hearts, and the people are got There is a way
to get their hearts : 一 it is simply to collect for them what they
like, and not to lay on them what they dislike.

2. * The people turn to a benevolent rule as water flows down-
wards^ and as wild beasts fly to the wildernees.

3. * Accordingly, as the otter aids the deep waters, driving the
fish into them, and the hawk aids the thickets, driving the Utile
birds to them, 80 Ghieh and Chkn aided T'ang and WA, driving the
people to them.

4. ' If among the present rulers of the kingdom, there were one
who loved benevolence, all the other princes would aid him, by

ChAo Ch'l interprets it| 一聚 其 所
taking in the sense of

* to give,' but this does not appear to be admis-
sible here. To collect for the people what they
like, is to govern in such a way that they shall
enjoy their lives. One has illustrated the

m 細 ing W H (ChAo) 港, of the Han

dynasty, who did servioe in the recovery of the
ancient books, thus : 一 * Men like long life, and
the founders of the three dynasties oheriflhed
men's lives and kept them from harm : men
love wealth, sad those kings enriohed them,

and kept them from straits, ftc. ftc' a. It is best
to take ^2 here in the concrete. as it is

marked, is in the 4th tone. The dictioi
it in the same in Bk. L Pi L iii a.

in 4th tone. 歐翻職 角淵載
一 * he or that which driyeethe fiahlbr the deep
waters.' The is the otter. Foracurions parti-
cular about it, see theUChl, IV. (B 令) Sect

i. L8. is given in the dictionary as <^
* the name of a bird.' Chii Hat takes it, how^

PT. I. CH. X.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

301

季有 g 也。 何憂身 三之夹
也 、言 1* 能辱, 年欲雖

言也汙
非自

淑 以得, 之王

1

我

曰>

棄 自

"者 、暴

謂 7 者 >

載陷苟 艾者、

胥於： Tiit 猶主 I
及死 志苟七 7i
溺, 亡, 於 爲年可

之 ：25\終 畜 k 病 >£^0

謂其身 終求今 S

自與可
暴有與

driving the people io him. Although he wished Dot to become
sovereign, he could not avoid becoming so.

5. * The case of one of the present princes wishing to become
sovereign is like the having to seek for mugwort three years old, to
cure a seven years' sickness. If it have not been kept in store, the
patient may all his life not get it. If the princes ao not set their
wills on benevolence, all their days will be m sorrow and disgrace,
and they will be involved in death and ruin.

6. * This is illustrated by what is said in the Book of Poetry,

"How otherwise can you improve the kingdom f
You will onljjr with it go to ruin," '
Chap. X. i. Mencius said, * With those who do violence to
themselves, it is impossible to speak. With those who throw them-
selves away, it is impossible to do anything. To disown in his
conversation propriety and righteousness, is what we mean by doing
violence to one's self. To say 一 " I am not able to dwell in bene-

purposei of cautery. The older the plant, the
better. 6. The quotation from the Shih-ching
is of the two lines immediately following the

last quotation in chap. vii. SB, 一 ft partide, 嶋
跡 W

10. AWABNIirO TO TBI TIOUDfTLT BYILy ABB THK
WXAKLT EVIL. Z. 自 * thOBO who UTB

cruel to themselyes/ i.e. those who deny, and
act contrary to their own natun^ verb,

< to disown,' * to condemn/ >^ ^

erery as = a general name for small birds.
4. 一 in 4ih tone, and in next paragraph

5^ 苟食 不音， 終 身不得

is by most oommentaton interpreied: 一 * If you
now, feeling its want, begin to ooUect it, it may
be available for the cure. You can hold on tiU
it is 80. If you do not at once set about it, yoi

case is hopeless.' Perhaps the ^st and

should determine in fimmr of this view,
Ch*t inteiprota as in the traiiBlation. The down
of the mugwort, burnt on the skin, is used for

i it, yonr
md 不
r. ChAo

302

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

[BK. IV

於於 園裁遠 >园：5 義之 in

上上 其 51；^ 人皇 f

有民、 予藝, 5 予舍 之棄身

道、； 5 BM 曰、 正 正 也。

僧 得下長 1 求在 而也。 人居
邀 ff# 而諸氣

友 I 洽 而 天 難而

弗 4^：^ 下人 求哀宅 宅義、
藿獲 獲平。 人諸哉 。而也 、謂

volence or pursue the path of righteousness," is what we mean by
throwing ones self away.

2. ( Benevolence is the tranquil habitation of man, and right-
eousness is his straight path.

3. * Alas for them, who leave the tranquil dwelling empty and
do not reside in it, and who abandon the right path and do not
pursue it % ,

Chap. XT. Meocius said, *The path of duly lies in what is near,
and men seek for it in what is remote. The work of duty lies in
\¥hat is easy, and men seek for it in what is difficult. If each man
would love his parents and show the due respect to his elders, the
whole land would enjoy tranquillity/

Chap. XII. i. Mencius said, * When those occupying inferior
BituatioDB do not obtain the confidence of the sovereign, they cannot
succeed in governing the people. There is a way to obtain the
confidence of the sovereign :— if one is not trusted by his friends,
he will not obtain the confidence of his sovereign. There is a way

一' to have oonvenation (words), to hare

action (doing) with them.' 3. for ； in

3rd tone. The lamentatioii is to be undersi

as for the 自暴者 and the 自 秦

一 It is observed that 'this chapter shows t:

what is right and trae (道) do really belong

to nutn, but he extirpates them himBeH Pro-
found is the admonition, and learners should
giye most earnest heed to it/

IL ThB TRiJrQUIL FBOePSBITT OF THB nVODOM
DIPKH{8 OH TBS DMCgABOg OF 1HS OCOOIOH BXLA-

TiovB OF un. which it was

anciently interchanged, •j^, in 3rd tone,

oomprehendfl elders and superiors, ，一
as in the Chung Yung, L z.

12. Thb obeat wobk of nor should bb to
STBiTS TO ATTAiir FuumoT 8IHOKBI1T. See the
GhungYungy xx. pan. 17, x8, which are here sub*
stantially quoted. As the twentieth chapter of

FT. I. CH. XIII.]

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

303

來. 之曙有 之故麓 身悦、 於

吾溪 也 r 道誡 T^T 、弗上

朋 5

簡簡于 ^也。 者 > 明誡、 信夹 I

西 文 B.M^i^ 乎 7 於信

伯王伯 _ ― _

I 夷有 而道： 於矣, 友

能: T 、也 j 成 裁悅有
老曰 動動思 其夹裁 道>

者》盖 居

i 身 誡有事

太歸： ft 也 > 未者, 夹, 身道、 栽

^乎餘 之人 ■ 有反弗

of being trusted by one's friends : 一 if one do not serve his parents
60 as to make them pleased, he will Dot be trusted by his friends.
There is a wb,j to make one's parents pleased : ~ if one, on turning
his thoughts inwards, finds a want of sincerity, he will not give
pleasure to his parents. There is a way to the attainment of sin-
cerity in one's self: 一 if a man do not understand what is good, he
will not attain sincerity in himself.

2. ' Therefore, sincerity is the way of Heaven. To think how
to be sincere is the way of man.

3. * Never has there been one possessed of complete sincerity,
who did not move others. Never nas there been one who had not
sincerity who was able to move others.'

Chap. XTTL i . Mencius said, * Po-1, that he might avoid Ch&u,
was dwelling on the coast of the northern sea. When he heard
of the rise of king Wto, he roused himself, and said, " Why should
I not go and follow him ？ I have heard that the chief of the West
knows well how to nourish the old." r&i-kung, that he might

He was deeoended from one of Yfl's Mdstants
in the regalation of the waters^ and on his first
rencontre with king Wiln, when he appeared

to be only a fisherman, W&n said

望 子 久 矣, t My grandfather looked for
700 long ago.' This led to his being styled
^tf -、 or ' Grandfather's Hope.' See the

Tung, however, Ib found also in the
lyings,' MeneiuB may have had that,
lentftiy memorabiiia of Oonfucius,
it 18 compiled, before him, and not
Yung.

rLUBHCB or GOYERHMEirr Lm TBAT

OF KivG Wlv. X. Po-I, eee Analeots, V.
a aL T&i-kmig was LQ Shang (呂
groftt oonnaeUor of the kingSi W&n apd

304

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. XV.

II

政王之 、之

改于天政 51
於 曰、 下者、 焉之 鑫惠

其 求夹。 七往。 ^!^面#

% 4> 年 諸 ^ 天
面 %

1

1^

賦季
粟氏
倍

之侯 下之、 老

爲 文歸下 下西王

avoid ChAn, was dwelling on the coast of the eastern sea. When
he heard of the rise of king Win, he roused himself, and said, "Why
should I not go and follow him? I have heard that the chief of
the West knows well how to nourish the old." •

2. ' Those two old men were the greatest old men of the kingdom*
When they came to follow king Wan, it was the fathers of the
kingdom coming to follow him. When the fathers of the kingdom
joined him, how could the sons go to any other f •

3. ' Were any of the princes to practise the government of king
Wan, within seven years he would be sure to be giving laws to the
kingdom/

Chap. XIV. i • Mencius said, ' Ch'iA acted as chief officer to the
head of the CM family, whose evil ways he was unable to change,

< Historical Records/ Bk. XXXII, 齊太么 Still the 决 is somewhat embarrassing, a. ―

i&I 家, " 仏 e beginning. Though Po-i and
T'&i-kimg were led in the same way to follow
king W&n, their subsequent courses were very
different 辟 -逾. W&n was appointed by

Ch&u chief or baron (伯 ), ^ Tioeroy in the

West, to be leader of all the princes in thai; part
of the kingdom. The oommentatora say this is

nferrod to in 文 王 I should rather in-
terpret of W&n's • movements/ style of ad-
ministration. With 善 養 老 者, compare
the account of king W&n's government in Bk. I.

3^ 室鼸乎 來-盍 歸來乎 •

like the expanaion of this paragraph in the
日 ： _ « Moreover, these two old men were

not ordinaiy men. Distinguished alike hj age
and viitae, they were the greatest old men of
the kingdom. Fit to be so named, the hopes
of all looked to them, and the hearts of all wore
bound to them. All looked up to them as
fathers, and felt as their ohildren, so that when
they were moved by the government of king
W&n, and came from the coasts of the sea to
him, how oould the children leave their &thera

and go to any others ？ ' 3. "jB JE^, 一 as in

chap. vii. 4. Compare Analects, XIIL x-xii,
where Conftioius thinks he oould have accom-
plished a similar result in shorter time.
14. ▲GAunn THS imnsTiBS or bu this who

PT. I. CH. XIV.]

THE WORKS OF HENCIUS

306

刑、 容率以 地者政 、也 4a 他
連於 王驄、 以也, 而由

此于孔

諸死。 地 殺蹶况
侯故^ 而人 殺於之 ―
者, 善食 盈人爲 1：；^

嘩于

辟服葬 所争甄 孔行之

草上: r 、謂 城爭于 仁可徒

while he exacted from the people double the grain formerly paid.
Confucius said, " He is no disciple of mine. Little children, beat
the drum and assail him."

2. * Looking at the subject from this case, we perceive thai when
a prince was not practising benevolent governnaent, all his ministers
-wno enriched him were rejected by Confucius : ~ how much more
ttould he have rejected those who are vehement to fight for their
jprince ！ When contentions about territory are the ground on which
they fight, they slaughter men till the fields are filled with them.
When some struggle for a city is the ground on which they fight,
they (daughter men till the city is filled with them. This is what
is called " leading on the land to devour human flesh." Death is
not enough for such a crime.

3. * Therefore, those who are skilful to fight should suffer the
highest punishment. Next to them should he punished those who
unite soToe princes in leagues against others ； and next to them.

yVUaVKD TBXtR WABLKB AKD OTHER BOHEMXSy
BBOABDLE8B OF THE HAPnUM OF THB PEOPLE.

See Analects, XL xtL Here is a plain in-
fltanee of used in a bad sense, a.

in 4th tone. I take as in

tono, and the phrase Sc after

the analogy of jj^, chap, iii. 4. ChtL Hsi

and others take $ 里 in the and tone, and make
the phrase 讓 'who fight trusting in the power-
fnlnefls of weapons and strength (f^^ 力

i& tjn Sc V The proposed interpre-
tation seems muoh prefemble. With the whole

vol- n.

AnaleotSy
, it seem 8

phrase compare

XI. xvi. The force of the

to me, must be to make the whole equal to
the rendering of Noel, which Julien con-
demns ― ^qui mum pnncipem ad arma adsHmulant.*
To be strong to fight for his prince, is a
minister's duty. But to enooorage a warlike
spirit in him, is injurious to the country.

其罪大 ，死刑

hiB orime is bo great

that even capital punishment is not sufficient
to contain it.' 3. Here we haye three olaaaes
of adTenturera who were rife in Mencius's time,
and who recommended themselves to the

X

306

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV.

君 > 儉 i

It 者置

1 其良

7 A 響萊 •
^ 於

恐 2 于 SI 中 W'bI 于 4^
奪曰, 哉。 言^ 中于、 曰 I 地

4^正 正 存 I

則則 予乎次

眸眸: T 、人 之。

、富 f

•rr* >^、

得人侮 蹄子于 能者、

爲之人 于、 晚暸掩

those who take in grassy commons^ imposing the cultivation of the
ground on the people*

Chap. XV. i . Mencius said, ' Of all the parts of a man's body
there is none more excellent than the pupil of the eye. The pupil
cannot he used to hide a man 8 wickedness. If within the breast
all be correct, the pupil is bright. If within the breast all be not
correct, the pupil is dull.

2. * Listen to a man's words and look at the pupil of his eye.
How can a man conceal his character ？ '

Chap. XVI. Mencius said, 'The respectful do not despise
others. The economical do not plunder others. The prince who
treats men with despite and plunaers them, is only afraia that they
may not prove obedient to him : 一 how can he be regarded as

prince in the ways described, pursuing their
own ends, regardlees of the people. Some ad-
Tmnoed themselves by their skill in war ； some
by their talents for intrigue ； and some by plans
to make the most of the ground, taming eveiy
bit of it to aooount, but for the good of the ruler,

not of the people. 一 U. 萊, 一 < a kind
of creeper,' 〜eed8,' 隱 fleldii lying fallow or un-
cultivated. 任士地 ，一 the 土地 iswluit

had been oeenpied by the B Chd HA

expands the phnse thus : * ft^-Hjfc means,

—to diTide this land and give it to the people,
making them undertake the chaige of oolti-
Tating it,

16. Trs pufil of thb btb the nrDsz or thb

HEART. I 存乎 人者， 一存- 在,' the

things that are in man,' Le.m his body. The

exoellenoe of the pupil ia from its tniihftiluess
as an index of the heart The whole is to be
understood as spoken by Mencius for the use of
thoBe who thought they had only to hear men's
words to judge of them. s. Com]>are AnaleotSi
II. X.

16. Deeds, hot wobm ob

TO FBOVJS MXHTAL QUALITDBS.

though I haye translated them generally, are

yet spoken with a reference to the ^* that

follows. The princes of Menoius's time made
great pretensions, of which their aotions proved

the inBinoerity. and yj^ are to be

understood of the cUapoaition : ~ * not wiah to

contemn, Ac' jS, directly governing , is

remarkable. jgC - or

* to be regarded/ * to be styled.' Hie

PT. I. CH. XVII,]

THE WORKS OF MENCIXJ8

307

援于者 嫩栽 >P 貌恭
之 之櫂親 棱眉鱧 f«« 爲儉,
以 ^ 也。 禮 是 拨 與。 于 哉。 恭

儉,

道 、援 、曰 PC 射之 孟覺

嫂 今嫂猥 以于曰
溺, 也。 天溺 也> 手 曰>男
接 曰 f 下 援 男 乎。 鱧 女

可
以

之天溺 之:^ 曰 、也。 授
以下夹 以授嫂 曰>受

手 >溺> 夫手受 溺嫂：

respectful or economical 1 How can respectfulness and economy be
made out of tones of the voice, and a smiling manner ？ ,

Chap. XVII. i. Shun-yll KVftn said, 'Is it the rule that
males and females shall not allow their bands to touch in giving
or receiving anything? ' Mencius replied, 'It is the rule/ K'wdn
asked, * If a man's sister-in-law be drowning, shall he rescue her with
his hand ？ ， Mencius said, ' He who would not so rescue the drowning
woman is a wolf. For males and females not to allow their hands to
touch in giving and receiving is the general rule ； when a sister-in-
law is drowning, to rescue her with the hand is a peculiar exigency/

2. E^wdn said, * The whole kingdom is drowning. How strange
it is that you will not rescue it ！ '

3. Mencius answered, ' A drowning kingdom must be rescued with
right principles, as a drowning sister-in-law has to be rescued with
the hand. Do you wish me to rescue the kingdom with my hand ？ ,

and in the passive, * to be

, tones words.
17. Help — KFTEcruAL help^— can bi oiysn to

THS WORLD OHLT IV HAIUIONT WITH BIOHT AND

PBOPRnxT. X. Shun-yfl K'w&n was a native of
Ch% a famous Bophist, and otherwise a man of
note in his day ； see the ' Historical Records/

Bk. CXXVI, 列 傳, IxvL He here tries to

entrap Mencius into a confession that he did
not well in maintainiiig his dignity of reaerre.
For the rule of propriety referred to, see the Li

Chi, I. Sect. I. iii. 31. 不親" ：；^ 以手

4S ^Si ~ see Analects, IX. zxix ；
XVIII. viii 一 ilt 1^ may be taken together

asss'a wolf.' The names belong to different
animals of the same species. See on Bk. VI. Pt.

I. xiv. 4. a. -5^- is complimentary, as

K'w&n was not a disciple of Mencius. 3. Chfk
Hs! expands here : 一 * The drowning kingdom can
be rescued only by right principles ；— the case
is different from that of a drowning siBter-in-
law who can be rescued by the hand. Now yon^
wishing to rescue the kingdom, would have me,
in violation of right principles, seek alliance
with the princes, and bo begin by losing the

X 2

808

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

[bk. rv

而相則 以怒、 行 教圈于

教夷、 是正 jjnfi 也 、于、

之。 則 ^夫反

欲

教 何孫手

贫 S 惡于 于夷之 者也。 丑援

夹。 相未^ 以必 孟泊、 天
古§ 夷出 夫怒、 以于君

間者>^&^於于繼正曰>于乎。

^易夂 正教之 以勢之
責于于 我 以正： r 、；^

Chap, XVIII. i. Kung-sun Ch'fi,u said, 'Why is it that the
superior man does not himself teach his son 1 ,

2. Mencius replied, *The circumstances of the case forbid its
being done. The teacher must inculcate what is correct. When
he inculcates what is correct, and his lessons are not practised, he
follows them up with being angry. When he follows tnem up with
being angry, tnen, contrary to what should be, he is offended with
his sou. At the same time, the pupil says, " My master inculcates on
me what is correct, and he himself does not proceed in a correct
path." The result of this is, that &tlier and son are offended with
each other. When father and son come to be offended with each
other, the case is eviL

3. *The ancients exchanged sons, and one taught the son of
another.

4. ' Between father and son, there should be no reproving ad-

meana wherewith to reseue it. Do you wish to
make me save the kingdom with my hand ？ ' I
hardly see the point of the last question.

18. How A FATHER MAY HOT HIXSELF TSACH

Hm SON. I. This proposition is not to be taken
in all its generality. Confucius taught his son,
and so did other famous men their sons. We
are to understand the first clause of the second

paragraph, 一 as referring to

the case of a stupid or perverse child. As to
what is said in the third paragraph of the cus-
tom of the ancients, I have seen no other proof

adduced of it a. 一 * contrary/ i. e. to the
affeption which should rule between father and
son. 夷， 一 in the sense of which, how-
ever, we muflt take paaeively; not * to wound/

but * to be wounded/ that is, to be offended.
We might take it actively in the first instance ；
一 * oontraiy to what should be, he wounds <~ i e.

beats hiflson.' But below, in -T* -jj^ ,

we cannot give it such an active signifloation
AS to suppose that the son will prooMd to beat

his father. ^BL may well be taken pMsiyely,
as in the oommon saying, Q 民 ^|^.

夫子 教我， 云 云一 is to be
understood as the reaentfol marmuring of the
8011, whose feeling is strongly Indicated by the

use of -Hp, *my master,, as applied to his

father. 3. The commentators all say, that this
only means that the anoients sent out their
sons to be t&ught away from home by masten.

PT. !• CH. XIX.]

* 之

THE W0BK8 OF MENCIUS.

泉其 :k、

309

失身、 守孟 i 責

4。 ， 〜 ―
#%、 簡其 而孰于
于 i 也。 身、 能 爲曰、
奏 孰 S 而事 大, 事

^爲； 能 其守孰

f> 守、 爲事 裁身爲
i^f、守事、其者>爲大、

有身 栽吾允 J

酒守親 者> 闢了、 裁
肉、 之事吾 之失爲

monitions to what is good. Such reproofs lead to alienation, and
than alienation there is nothing more inauspicious..

Chap. XIX. i • Mencius said^ ' Of services, which is the greatest ？
The service of parents is the greatest. Of charges, which is the
greatest? The charge of one's self is the greatest. That those
who do not fail to keep themselves are able to serve their parents
is what I have heard. ！ But I have never heard of any, who, having
failed to keep themselves, were able notwithstanding to serve their
parents.

2. ' There are many services, but the service of parents is the
root of all others. There are many charges, but the charge of one's
self is the root of all others.

3, * The philosopher Tsftng, in nourishiDg Ts&ng Hsi, was always
sure to have wine and flesh provided. And when they were being

all that 18 contrary to righteousneBB. a

t 一 * what is not a seirioe ？ ' the

services a man has to perform are many.

一 in the senseof 'root/ according to the Chini
way of developing all other services from filial

piety; see the Hsi&o-chiiig ("^^ jj^)， P^^^
There is more truth in the second part of the
paragraph. 3. Hal was Ts&ng Sh&n's father ； see

Analects, XL xxv. 一 in 4th tone. * Nour-
ishing the will,' ie. gratifying and carrying

But this is explaining away the 4.

赛-以 善 實之 使行， 《 laying what

is good on ihem, and causing them to do it.,
19. Thb biobt MAjnrsB of BSBToro pakerts,

AMJ> THE IMFOBTANOB OF WATCHIHO OTBB OHE'B
SELF, XH OEDBB 10 DO 80. Z. j& ^f^，

literally, *of services ~ i.e. duties of service
whieh a nuui has to pay to others 一 which is

great?' 一 ohaiges, what a man has to
guard and keep. Tha keeping one's aeU from

310

THE WORKS OF MKNCIU8

[BK. IV.

国也。 志者 復與、 必有,

一" &

V

JL、

也。 也進問 有_

事 S 若 也、有 酒 皙

裁 曾此螽 死
g 于, 所曰、 將曾

醫則 謂亡亂 ^

I

=W n s 圭 奋

imam
可養體 以所于 I

能政 S

格: r 、于
君足曰 1
『通人
之 iL:^
非? It 足
君大與
>f= ；人 > 適

removed, he would ask respectfully to whom he should give what
was left. If hia father asked whether there was anything left, he
was sure to say, " There is." After the death of Ts&ng Hsi, when
Tsftng Yuan came to nourish Tsftng-tsze, he was always sure to
have wine and flesh provided. But when the things were being
removed, he did not ask to whom he should give what was lefi,
and if his father asked whether there was anyUiing left» he would
answer " No ； " ~ in tending to bring them in again. This was what
is called ~ " nourishing the mouth and body." We may call Tstog-
tsze's practice 一 " nourishing the will."

4. * To serve one's parents as TsSng-tsze served his, may be
accepted as filial pidy! •

Chap. XX. Mencius said, 'It is not enough to remonstrate
with a sovereign on account of the mat-employment of ministers, nor
to blame errors of government. It is only the great man who can
rectify what is wrong in the sovereign's mind. Let the prince be

out the faiher^B wishes. 4. The plj at the

end occasions some diffloultr. Chii Hsl quotes
from one of the brothers Ch &ng these wo^ia : 一
'To Berve one's parents as Ta&ng Sh&n did his,
may be called the height of filial piety, and yet
Hendiu only says that it might be accepted as

rooh 一 pfj -lb. : did he really think that there

was flomethiiig supererogatory in Tseng's ser-
Tioe?' Possibly, Mencius may have been
referring to Ts&ng^B diaoUimer of beixig deemed
a model of filial piety. See the LI Chi, XXI

ii xo^ where he aays :— <What the

superior man calls fllial piety, is to anticipate
the wishes, and carry out the mind of his

parents, always leading them on in what is
right and true. I am only one who nourishes
his parents. How can I be deemed filial ？ '

20. A TBULT QBXAT MUlBl'Mt WILL BB 8BBir HT
HIS DIBBOmrO HIB SFFOBTB, KOT TO THB OOBBBCnOlT
OF MATTEB8 ZH DSTAIL, BUT OF THE BOVEEEIOir's

CHABAC7TEB. lead cMA, « gn, * to repre*

hend.' 閒 , ehien^ in 4th tone. and
to be tiJcen as in the objeetive goiyemed by
and 閱 , and ^^J^ as used impenonally.

= ^% 'with the soYereignu' Chfto Chi

introduoeB before 閱 as welL He aeema

PT. I. CH. XXIV,]

THE WOBKS OF MENCIU&

311

定

: 求孟夹
E 師。 于責 于全于

予
從

予

曰 》 耳 曰 i 之 0|

人 夹。 人 穀。 有

之

患"

在
好

之

其

之

ffn 我、

君

benevolent, and all hia acts will be benevolent. Let die prince be
righteous, and all his acts will be righteous Let the prince be cor-
rect, and everything will be cotrect. Once rectify tne ruler, and
the kingdom will be firmly settled.'

Chap. XXI. Mencius said, * There are cases of praise which
could not be expected, and of reproach when the parties have been

seeking to be perfect/
Chap. XXIL

Mencius said, * Men's being ready with their
tongues arises simply from their not having been reproved.'

Chap. XXIII. Mencius said* ' The evil of men is that they
like to be teachers of others/

Chap. XXIV. i. The disciple Yo-chSng went in the train of
Tsze-fto to Ch'l

to interpret differently, from the translation,
making ( = >J\ , < little men') the sub-

jeet of J^: ― < little men are not fit to

ramonrtnte with their Bovereign.' This is
plainly wrong, beoanse we cannot carry it on

to the next claufle. <to correct/ —

The fleniiinent of the chapter is illuBtrated by
an inddent related of Mencius by the philo-
sopher (about B.a 350) : » <Ab Henoins thrice

▼iflited Ch% without speaking to the king
禽 boot the emn of his government, his dis-
ciples were surprised, but he simply said, I
nmriftnt comd hia evQ heart*

31. PlLUBB AJn> BLAHS ABM HOT ALWATB AO-

the sense of

OOXDIHO TO DBSXBT.

BLAXS ABM W

flP. 廣, 一 in
J^， *to calculate/ 'to measure.' For in

the sense here, |^ is often used in modem
language.

22. Thx BSMxnr or bbpboof. 一 read i,

in 4th tone, 'easy.' ChtL Hat supposes that
this remark was spoken with some

referenoe. This would aoooont for the

'aimply.'

23. Bb hot maht MA8TBB8. Commentators
suppose that Henciua's lesson was that such
a Uking indioated a 8elf*saiBcienoy which put
an end to self-improvements

24. How MsxoiuB bkfboyed To-chXhg roR

ASBOdATINO WITH AH UHWOBTHT FBB80K, AIID
BEIBG BXM18B IH WAIIIKG ON HIIISELF. I. Yo-

eh&ng ，一 see Bk. L Pt. IL xvi. 2. Tsze-Ao was
the desiimBtion of Wang Hwan, mentioned in
Bk. IL Pt II. vi. From that chapter we may
understand that Mencius would be pleased
with one of his diaciplM associating with such

312

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV.

子於 I
學子 i

古敖于

乎。 之亦者 di^lS^S

來樂

且

乎。 昔 也。 見

之來 > 謂有館 曰、 者、 我 f

罪。 喜噇塱 S 乎。 &

然 傲我來

以寧于 後未 出攀先 f

镚 4、 曰、

缀我于

求 定。 此 日 生
見曰 > 言夹。 f 于

長于 ife^ 曰、 爲

者

lU 于

2. He came to eee Mencius, who said to him, * Are you also
come to see me ？ , Yo-chilng replied, * Master, why do you speak
8uch words ？ , * How many days nave you been here ？ , asked Ifen-
cius. *I came yesterday/ * Yesterday I Is it not with reason
then that I thus speak 1 ， ' My lodging-house was not arranged/
' Have you heard tnat a scholars lodging-house must be arranged
before he visit his elder 1 ,

3. Yo-chdng said, * I have done wrong/

Chap. XXV. Mencius, addressing the disciple Yo-chftng, said to
him, * Your coming here in the train of Tsze-Ao was only because
of the food and the drink* I could not have thought that you,
having learned the doctrine of the ancients, would have acted with
a view to eating and drinking/

息 person. 一 the vwb, «： , a. The name

is repeated at the beginning of this paragraph,
th« former being narrative, and introductory

merely. ^jjC, <~ the , <alBo，' is directed
dnst Taze-flo. Cht Hst explains 昔 者 by
， iFdiioh, in common parlance, means
ij before yesterday.* But I do not see
that it should hare that meaning here. =^

properly means * formerly,' and may extend
to the remotest antiquity. It ia used also for

yesterday, the time separated from the present
by one rest — • , as if the same sound of

the two characters /^、) determined the
meaning. (in 3rd tone) is used before
by MenoiuB of himself— Bk. II. Pt II. xL 4.

25. A FUBTHEB AKD MORB DIRBOT BEPBOOF OF

To-CHliro. gM mi are both contemptuous
terms, 一 our application of * the loaves and

而以雠 哦-而 以餹银

爲也 •

PT. I. CH， XXVII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

313

_着4^ 亜^ 孝_

、，吿 君娶、 ic 。有孟 i

予 &手爲 舜彺

® 拔 吿後不

、于

2^ 從是仁

Chap. XXVL i. Mencius said, * There are three things which
are unfilial, and to have no posterity is the greatest of them.

2. 'Shun married without informing his parents because of this, —
lest he should have no posterity. Superior men consider that his
doing 80 was the same as if he had informed them/

Chap. XXVII. i. Mencius said, * The richest fruit of bene-
volence is this, — the service of one's parents. The richest fruit of
righteousness is this, ~ the obeying one's elder brothers.

2. ' The richest fruit of wisdom is this, 一 the knowing those two

26. Shot's xxisaobdihabt way of oovnuor-

nr« MABBIAGB JUBimSD BT THE MOnYB. z. The

other two things whieh are unfilial are, accord-
ing to GhAo Ch% first, by a flatteiiDg assent
to enooonge parents in unrighteoasneeB ； and
seeondly, not to succour their poverty and old
age by engaging in official service. To be with-
out posterity IB greater than those faults, because
it IB an offence against the whole line of ances-
tors, and terminates the sacrifices to them. 一
In Pt. IL zzx, MenciuB specifies five things
which were commonly deemed unfiluJ, and
not one of theee throe is among them. It is to

be ondentood that here ^\ is

spoken from the point of view of the superior
man, and, moreover, that the first paragraph
simply lays down the ground for the yindioa-

tion of Shun. a. 食 無 後, 一 爲 ， in 4th

tone. implies getting the parents' permis-

sion, as weH as informing them. Bat Shim's
parents were so eyil^ and hated him so much,
that they would have prevented his nukiriage
lutd they been told of it.

27. FiUAL Fisrr ajkd fratkbhal obediknox nr

TUJUU BXLA,n01f TO BERKVOIXNGEy BIG:
WXBDOKy PBOFRDETT, AJfD XUSIO. I

VSBKBBy

ia some-
times opposed to Jj^f ' what ia solid to what

is empty, shadowy;' sometimes to ' what

real to what is nominal ； ， and sometimes to

what is substantial to what ia oma-

lentaly* 'fruit to flower.' In the text it is
1 in the last way, and I cannot express it

better than by the * richest fruit.' «|^ is

emphatic ；— * the fruit of benevolence is the

service of parents ； U it/ So in the other in*
stanoea. Beneyolenoe, righteousness, ftc" are
the principles of thoae, the capabilities of Uiem
in human nature, which may have endless
manifestations, bat are chiefly and primarily
to be seen in the two virtues spoken of. ~~ "What
Btrikes us as strange is the subject of mudo.
The diffioolty has not escaped native coi

tatoiB. The author of the

„ 註本
jj^ Bays, in loc: » 'Beneyolenoe, righteouaness,

propriety, and knowledge are the four virtuesy
but this chapter proceeds to speak of music.
For the principles of music are really a branch
of propriety, and when the ordering and adorn*
ing which belong to that are perfect, then
harmony and pleasure spring up as a matter
of course. In this way we have propriety
mentioned first, and then music. Moreoyer,
the feirenoy of benevolence, the exaotneas of
righteousness, the dearnees of knowledge, and
the finnneas of maintenance, must all have
their d^th manifested in mtuie. If the chap-
ter had not spoken of music, we should not
have seen the whole amount of achierement.'
The reader may try to conceive the ezaot mean-
ing of this writer, who also points out another
peculiarity in the chapter, which many have

overlooked. Instead of -j^ after

as at the end of the other olaiues, we

have 榮則 生矣, 云 云, 'allowing,'
Bays he, ' most vividly how his admiration was
Btured. It is aa if from every sentence there

floated up a -]^ upon the paper, so true ia

it that perfect filial piety and fintemal duty
reach to spiritiud beings, and shed a light oyer

314

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV

% 生

>知 則

之

蹈

^1

可斯文

^K 、

實 * 知

節 斯

之 * 也、 者、

手 惡
之

則 是

新 者>

弗

者, 去

曰

是

之

Pi

生 也、 也、

則 兔 樂 f

things, and not departing from them. The richest fruit ofpropriety
is this, 一 the ordering and adorning those two things. Tne richest
fruit of music is this, — the rejoicing in those two things. When they
are rejoiced in, they grow. Growing, how can they be repressed 1
When they come to una state that they cannot be repressed, then
unconsciously the feet begin to dance and the hands to move/

Chap. XaVIII. i. Mencius said, * Suppose the case of the
whole kingdom turning in great delight to an individual to submit to
him. 一 To regard the whole kingdom thus turning to him in great
delight but as a bundle of grass ； 一 only Shun was capable of this.
He considered that if one could not get the hearts of his parents
he could not be considered a man, and that if be could not get
to an entire accord with his parents, he could not be considered

a son.

the world, and then do we know that in the
greateet music there is a harmony with heaven

and earth.' a. Jtdien translates ■ j^ by aJtjieere.
To haye that meaning, it must have been in the
3rd tone, which it is not The first is yd,

* music ； ' the other two are 20, *to enjoy.'
yj^ IB used absolutely, = ' unconaciouBly/

though we might make personal also, —

* we do not know.' ^ 一 < the

feet's stamping it.' So the next clause.

28. How Shw yalusd ah b kximpufixd mixL
mrr, i. The first sentence is to be taken

generally, and not with reference to Shim
simply. It is incomplete. The conclasion would
be something like 一 'this would be aooounted

the greatest happiness and glory.' J^K is pro-
perly * the mustard plant,' but it is 8ometim<
as here, only synonymoua with |^:. yj^

■j^ — "1 this is the reasoning of Shan's

mincL 不 得 乎, 一 like 不 蔡於， in

chap. 19. JE, * not to obey,' * not to aooord

with,' but ChtL Hsl and others Ubour hard to
make it out to mean, — * to bring the parents to
aooord with what is right, so as to be able then

PT. I. CH. XXVIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

315

大 f 下睡 而豫,

孝。 定 I 之底天

此
之

P

父

于天

舜 a

'乂、

rni

可
1卜1
以

挑

醫

拳

艘

裁

底

于

a

2. *By Shuns completely fulfilling everything by which
parent could be served, E^-s&u was brought to find delight in what
was good. When E^-sdu was brought to find that delight, the
whole kingdom was transformed. When Ktl-s&u was brought to
find that delight, all fathers and sons in the kingdom were established
in their respective duties. This is called great filial piety/

fully to accord with them/ a. Shan's father
is known by the name of Kft-a&ii, but both the
cliaraotQn denote * blind/ and he was so styled,
it ifl said, because of his mental blindneas and

opposition to all that was good, in the

■ense of *to be pleased,' *joyftil,' understood

here with a moral applieation. *A11 fathers
and sons, &c.,' 一 i.e. all sons were made to see,
that, whatever might be the characters of their
parents, they had only to imitate Shun, and
fathera, eren though they might be like Kii-
akXLj were Bluuned to reformation.

316

THE WORKS OF MENCITJS

[BK. IV

Ll Liu. PART 11.

相千^fe/^畢生夷夏、gi
後有地 嘟,: J 戆

也, &之西 岐人於 1、于 婁

； t 、之也 > 人於 王東負 4 下

Chapter I. i. Mencius said, ' Shun was bom in Chii-f^ng,
removed to F^t-hfii^, and died in Ming-fi&o ； ~ a man near the wild
tribes on the east

2. * King Wan was bom in CMu by mount Ch*l, and died in
Pl-ying ； ~ a man near the wild tribes on the west.

3. * Those regions were distant from one another more than a
thousand It, and the age of the one 8<we was posterior to that of the
other more than a thousand years. But when they got their wish,

1. The aobeexert or saosb hot affscibd bt
FLAGS OB ms. I. The common view derived
from the 'Historical Records,' Book I, is, that
Shun was a native of Chl-oh&u, corresponding
to the modern Shan-hsl, to which all the places
in the text are aocordingly referred. Some,

however, and especially TB&ng Tsze-kii

-3^ 固)， of the Sung dynasty, find his birth-
place in Cht-nan in Shan-tang, and this would
seem to be supported by Menoius in this passage.
There is considerable difficulty with Ming-t'iAo,
as we read in the 'Historical Records,' that in
the thirty-ninth year of his reign, Shun died,
while on a tour of inspeetion to the south,

in the wilderness of Ts'ang-wfi ^f^)，

and was buried on the Chiii-1 (九 hills

in Chiang-nan, whioh are in Ling-ling

1^). The discujBsions on the point are very

numerouB. See the and 四

inloc; Bee also on the Shik-ching, Pt.
No doubt, MenoioB was not speaking with-
out book. ^[ 夷 ^ 人, literally, <a man
of the eastern t, or barbariauB,' but the meaning

can only be what I have given in the translaiion.

SopQ 9. Ch&Uy the original seat

of the House of ChAo, was in the preBent depart-
ment of Fimg-ts'iang, in Shen-hsl. Pl-ying is
to be distinguiahed from Ting whioh was the
capital of Ch*% and with which the panphnsi
of ChAo Ch'i strangely oonfoands it. Chfk

Bays it was near to F&ng and H&o (！

the Bucoeflsive capitals of king Wii. The former

jP[)， and the UO^ter

> both in the depart*
was in the distriet
of the same depart*
ive of king WA, or the

was in Hii-hsien (！

in Hsien-yang (
ment of Hsl-an.
of Hsien-ning (j
ment, and there i£e
place of it, is atill pointed out 3. ^»

中 園， 一 'when they got their wishes

carried out in the Middle Kingdom.' We aro
to understand that their aim was to oarty oat

their principles, not to get the throne.

should be called a tally or token perhAps, rai
than * a seal.' Anciently , the sovereign deliye
as the token of inyestitore, one half of a t
of wood or some precious stone, naenring
other half in his own keeping. Itwuoat

er

16

PT. II. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8,

317

未脱翁 J* 。以 圜揆合

祷十整 。韋 s J

涉 二 歲 乘
也。 月

君 S 輿 - ―
于梁 S 面入

其民 如瀠聰

and carried their principles into practice throughout the Middle
Kingdom, it was like uniting the two halves of a seal.

4. * When we examine those sages, both the earlier and the later,
their principles are found to be the saiiie/

Chap, IL i. When Tsze-ch'an was chief minister of the State
of Ch&ng, he would convey people across the Ch&n and Wei in his
own carriage.

2. Mencius said, 'It was kind, but showed that he did not
tinderstand the practice of government.

3. 'When in the eleventh month of the year the foot-bridges
are completed, and the carriage-bridges in the twelfth month, the
people have not the trouble oiwading.

4. * Let a governor conduct bis rule on principles of equal justice,

tluoagh a line of ebAneter^ indicating the nan province. BB jKr^ 一 'waa hearing the
eommlimion, and their halves fitting each other , , .

when oocMion required, was the test of truth government, i.e. was chief minister.

and identity. Originally as we see from the
fomaUoa of the eh«r»oter (^|^), 也 e tally must

have been of bamboa 4.

先聖 後聖—
to be undentood generally, and not of Shun

mnd W&n merely. JJ^ — ~ is taken

as a verb = lgp_^ *to reckon,' <to estimate,' and

Ifl nndeniood of the mental exercises of the

BMgoB. tsL ， —'their mindings,' the prin-

oiples whieh they cherished.

2. Good ootkbhiieiit lub nr bqual kxasubbb

irOB THB OBVXRAL OOOD, KOT IX ACTS OF PATOUB

iHDiYiDUAiA. I. Tuge-ch*an, ~> eee Analects,
The GhAn and Wei were two rivers of
said io have their rise in the MA-ling

【) hills, and to meet at ft certain point,

which the common stream seems to have
the name of both the feeders. They are

4 th tone. Ghft Hat explains

by 以 其所乗 舆， but

in and tone. He bo expands, however, probably
fh>m remembering a conversation on Taze-
oh'an between Confucius and Taze-jH, related
in the Chid^, Bk. IV. iv, near the end, and to
whi«h Meneius has reference. The sage held
that TBxe-eh'uk was kind, but only as a mother,
loving but not teaching the people, and, in
illustration of hia view, aajn that TBze^ch'ao,

以所 乗之車 = ^涉，

carriage in which he rode to convey oyer thoee
who were wading through the water in the
winter.' a. The subject here is the action, not
the man. The practice of goyemment is to be
seen not in acU of individual kindness and
small fayoura, but in the administration of just
and beneficent laws. 3. The eleventh and
twelfth months here oomspond to the ninth

to tha department of Ho-nan in Ho- j and tenth of the pxeaent ealencUur, which follows

318

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

[BK. IV.

斯

如 臣腹視

悅而 政>

^ Bl.± JEl iu\ 臣 孟 i 之 r 演 行
g 鼷芥, 君君如 f 日 之。 辟

服 量 則 如之 手吿亦 故 V、
夹。 《 臣 國視足 、齊 ：？； 爲可

曰， 君視 人臣則 宣足政 4^

諫有君 君如臣 王夬。 者>厂

行 服如 之犬視 曰> 每

1 何宼視 鳳君君

如 *

臣 i 如 之

and, when he goes abroad, he may cause people to be removed out
of his path. But how can he convey everybody across the rivers ？

5. * It follows that if a governor will try to please everybody,
he will find the days not sunicieDt for his work'

Chap. III. i . Mencius said to the king Hsiian of Ch*l, ' When
the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers
regard their prince as their belly and heart ； when he regards them
as his dogs and horses, they regard him as any other man ； whea
he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as
a robber and an enemy.' •

2. The king said, ' According to the rules of propriety, a min-
ister wears mourning when he has left the service of a prince.
How must a prince behave that his old ministers may thus go into
mourning 1 ,

3. Mencius replied, * The admonitions of a minister having been

the HaiA division of the year; 一 see Analects,
XV. X. Mencius refers to a rale for the repair
of the bridgesy on the termination of agri-
cultural labours. 4. = |^ 者,

<A chief minister/ J^^readasH|. Bemoving

people from the way, when the prince went
forth, was likewise a rule of the Oh&u dynasty ；
and not only did it extend to the prince, but
to many officers and women. See the GhAu-l!,
Pt. I. vii. 39. 5. *The days not sufficient,' 一
i.e. he will not have time for all he has to do.

8. What ntSAnnaiT sovsbeioivs oiye to theib
XDnsrsBS will be bbtubnsd to them by a cob-
BBBFOHDmo BBHATXOUR. I. * As his hands and
feet,' i.e. with kindness and attention. 'As

their belly and heart,' 一 i.e. with watchAilneaa
and honour. *Aa his dogs and hones,' 一 i.e.
without respect, but feeding them. 'As any
other man/ 一 literally, 'as a man of the king-
dom,' i. e. without any distinction or reverence.
*A s ground or as grass,' 一 i. e. trampling on them,
cutting them off. a. The lA here referred to
is mentioned in the * Ritual Usages ；' ~~ see Bk.

X 《卷 一 十 — ),68; et al. The passage,

however, is obscure, 一 * for an old

prince,' Le. a prinoe whose servic© he has left.
The king falls back on this rule, thinking that
Menoius had expressed himself too strongly.

3. 一 't&t and moistening influenoea/

PT. II. CH. III.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

319

有。 琴 g 故言 之此 去人潷
^^著而則服之三奪！^

甯 fJJj 蘊今 S 三； f; 出民

室 g 薰也 1 反眉 1^
J*$l 澤爲醴 然又故

寇 日、 臣、 焉 I 後先而

2 ^卞 諫如收 於去,
g§ 又於 則此、 其其則
服其 極民、 7； 則 田所君

followed, and his advice listened to, so that blessings have descended
on the people, if for some cause he leaves the country, the prince
sends an escort to conduct him beyond the boundaries. He also
anticipates vrUk recommendatory intimations his arrival in the country
to which he is proceeding. When he has been gone three years
and does not return, only then at length does he take back his fields
and residence. This treatment is what is called a " thrice-repeated
display of consideration." When a prince acts thus, mourning will
be worn on leaving his service.

4. ' Now-a-days, the remonstrances of a minister are not followed,
and his advice is not listened to, so that no blessings descend on
the people. When for any cause he leaves the country, the prince
tries to seize him and hold him a prisoner. He also pushes him to
extremity in the country to which he has gone, and on the verj
day of his departure, takes back his fields and residence. This
treatment shows him to be what we call " a robber and an enemy."
What mourning can be worn for a robber and an enemy ？ ,

plementedby 稱揚契 会， 欲 其收用

JP^, < mentions and oommendB his worth,

wishing him to be received and uflecL' 田 , 一

'fields/ 画 emohunentB. 甲 ， <~ used for an in-
diridnftl residence. We have not had the

oharaeter in this sense before. The * thrioe-
repeated display of oonsideration , refers, first,
to the esoort as a protection from d Anger ；
seoondly, to the anticipatory recommendations ；
and thirdly, to the long-continued emoluments,
in expectation of the minister's return. 4. Here

and above, >^ is not to be taken as
jlj^, in Bk. IIL Pt. I. ii. x. We must under-

320

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK, IV

■ , 疆 *

石

》l 〜― 戮則蒙

i)t 也>孟 t 置 義 * 孟 民、 木 毒

党養 于義, 于莫予 則夫于

4.^ 曰、 大 曰

JUUL.

玩-才冲 >^非義。靈3拦^

仁 P Svffi
莫^。 無而

中故也 、弗禮

也 A 養 爲。 之

藥樂: r、
卞有中 >

非

7i
仁

昴殺
而士

Chap. IV. Menclus said, 'When scholars are put to death
without any crime, the great officers may 】eave the country. When
the people are slaughtered without any crime, the scholars may
remove.' •

Chap. V. Mencius said, *If the sovereign be benevolent, all
will be benevolent. If the sovereign be righteous, all will be
righteous/

Chap. VL Mencius said, ' Acts of propriety which are not really
proper, and acts of righteousness whicn are not really righteous, the
great man does not do/

Chap. VII. Mencius said, * Those who keep the Mean, train
up those who do not, and those who have abilities, train up those
who have not, and hence men rejoice in having fathers and elder
brothers who are possessed of virtue and talent. If they who keep

stand * wishes to,' or * tries to,' before

for if the minister were really imprisoned,
he could not go to another kingdom.

4. FttOMPT ACnOH IS HBOESSABY AT THB BIGHT

TiMB. pj j/J, * may/ ― it id time to. If the

opportunity be not taken, while the injustice of
the ruler is exercised on those below them, it
will soon oome to themselves, and it will be

too late to escape. The 日 concludes its

paraphrase thus : ~ ( We may see how the ruler
should prize virtue, and be alow to punish ； and
hofw he should be cautious in execution of the
laws, ever trying to practise benevolence. If
he can indeed embody the mind of God, who
loves all living things, and make the compas-
sion of the ancient sages his rule, then both
officers and people will be grateful to him as to

Heaven, and long repose and protracted good
order will be the result.'

5. The nrrLUEarcE of the buleb's ezampul
See Pt. I. XX, where the same words are found,
but their application is to stimulate ministers
to do their duty in adyising, or remonstrating
with, their sovereign.

6. The great man makes ho mErrAKsa ni

XATtEBS OF PBOPBISTT AlTD BIGHTBOUBIISBS. 非

If S 隨， 非拳 S 義, eipresBionsin
themselves contradictory, must be taken with
some latitude. * Respect/ it is said, * belongs
to propriety, but it may be carried so &r as to
degenerate into flattery/ kc, &o.

7. What dutieb are dub fbom, and must bb
bbhdebed by, the tibtuous altd taxsrted to

THB YOURO ASV IGHOBART. 中 jj^, ^T*

FT. II. CH. XI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

321

圔而 国寸。 肖中,
孟後盂
後 于可于

曰，
有人

人 爲。 有

之

4.

the Mean spurn those who do not, and they who have abilities spurn
those who nave not, then the space between them 一 those so gifted
and the un gifted 一 will not admit an inch/

Chap. VIIL Mencius said, 'Men must be decided on what
they will not do, and then they are able to act with vigour in what
they ought to do:

Chap. IX. Mencius said, * What future misery have they and
ought they to endure, who talk of what is not good in others ！，

Chap. X, Mencius said, ' Chung-nl did not do extraordinary
things.*

Chap. XI. Mencius said, ' The great man does not think before-

― * given the Mean/ ' given abilities.' 中 ， 一
the Mean, the rightly ordered course of con-
duct. Both it and must be taken here in

the concrete. 兄， 一 aa in Bk. III. Pt. I. ii. 3.

如 中 也， 云 云， 一 by neglecting their
duty, the one olass bring themselyes to the
level of the other. embraces both the 中

and the above, -^j, 一 see the Doctrine

of the Mean, iy. |^ Tp, 一 'with an inch/
Le. be measured with an inch.

8. CUBAB DlSCBDIIKATIOir OF WHAT 18 WBOHO
AJID BIGHT XTTSr FBBCKDB YIGOSOUS BIOHT-DOING.

laterally, 'men have the not-do, and after-
wards they can have the do.' implies

▼igoiir in the action. OhAo Ch'i's commentary
is : ~~ * If a man will not condescend to take in
any irregular way, he will be found able to
yield a thouBand chariots/

9. Etxl sPBAKnro is su&s to brhto with it

EVIL coFBBQUEKCES. The fi^ here, followed by

"f^， ci*eate8 a difficulty. Chii Hs! supposes

the remark was made with some peculiar refer-
ence. If we knew that, the difficulty would
vanish. The original implies, I think, all that
I have expressed in the translation.

10. That Confitoius kept the xsah. 已 .MI

一 i. e. * excessive things/ but ' extraordin-

, rather approaches the meaning. It may
strike the student that the meaning is 一 * Con-
facius's inaction (讓 slowness to act) was ez<

sive,' but in that case we should have had

and not ^^， at the end. We may compare

with the sentiment the Doctrine of the Mean,
xi， xiii ； Analects, YIL xz， " ak

11. What is bioht la ths supbems pubsutt
OF THE OBRAT MAN. Compare Analects, IV. x«

X\ 一 * does not must; , he is beyond the
habit of caring for that ^fp 在， 一

VOL. II.

Y

322

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[bk. IV

Ifea 之 e 可足 圍失

所必

JiSSHS 孟 s 孟在。 信、

赞壤、 于當當 于赤予 》"

^ggJt 大 a

US? 事。 亊肩
居自于

之得深

|| 生 j(k 、人
送 者、 者 者、

安之造 死 7i 也。^

hand of his words that they may be sincere, nor of his actions that
they may be resolute ； -" he simply speaks and does what is right.'

Chap. XII. Mencius said, * The great man is he who does not
lose his cbild's-heart/

Ohap. XIIL Mencius said, ' The nourishment of parents when
living is not sufficient to be accounted the great thing. It is only
in the performing their obsequies when dead that we have what
can be considered the great thing/

Chap, XIV. MenciuB said, *The superior man makes his
advances in what he is learning with deep earnestness and by the
proper course, wishing to get hold of it as in himself. Having got

* only that in which righteoumeu is ；' that only
is his oonoern. In fkct he can haidly be said
to be cmcBmed about this. It is natural to him
to panae the right.

12. A MAjr IB OBIAT BBCAT7SB HB 18 CHILDLIKE.

CbAo Ch'l makes 'the great man' to be 'a

sovereign,' and H 'lus children/

L e. his people, and the sentiment is that the
true sovereign is he who does not lose his
people's hearts. I mention this interpretation,
M showinff how learned men have varied and
may vanr in fixing the meaning of these books.
It is suinoiently absurd, and has been entirely
dkpUtoed by the interpretation which is given
in the yenion. The Bentiment may suggest the
Sariour's words, 一 * Except ye be oonyerted, And
become as little children, ye ahall not enter into
the kingdom of heaven.' But Christ speaks of
the child's-heart as a thing io be regained ；
Menoiufl speaks of it m a thing not to be lost.
With ChriBt, to become aa children is to display
oertain characteristics of children. With Meo-
cius, * the child' ，- heart , is the ideal moral con-
dition of humanity. ChO Hst says : 一 *The mind
of the great man oomprehend« all changes of
phenomena, and the mind of the child is
nothing but a pure simplicity, free from all
hypocrisy. Yet the great man is the great man,
just M he is not led astray by external things,

but keeps his original simplieity and freedom
from hypocrisy. Canyijig ihiB oat, he be-
comes omniscient and omnipotent, great in the
highest degree.' We need not suppose that
Mencius would himself haye expanded hia
thought in this way.

18. Filial pirt skdi nr tbb obbbquzbb of
PABEBia 養生者 ，-者 字裙養
节， ― * the character refers to the
ways by which the living may be nouriahed.'
It belongs to the phrase and not to

alone, g 纖 jS, 一 * to be considered,' ' io

coDBtitute.' Mr, ~ literally, *to aooom*

panythe dead,' but denoting all the last duties

to them. It«^^ ]|^， Analeots, I. ix. The

sentiment needs a good deal of expUining and
guarding. The obsequies are done, it is said,
once for all. If done wrong, the fault cannot
be remedied. Fkobably the ramark had a

peculiar reference • The 曰 supposes it was

spoken against the Mohist practice of burying
parents with a spare simplicity ； 一 see III.
Pt. I. V.

14. The value or lbabhiro thobouohlt nr-

PT. II. CH. XVI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

323

天 以者、 a 覿攀得 2? ^居
下、 善未 i 之 >i 之原/ 潔>之

曰

天 養有于

下 人 能 曰、

然服 以反賴
心後人 善說學
服能者 服約而

于 也。 故 則 安、

君 取 則

于；^ 賓

欲左^

其 有潔、

而服也 人也。 詳 自逢資

hold of it ia himself he abides in it calmly and firmly. Abiding in
it calmly and firmly, he reposes a deep reliance on it. ！ Reposing
a deep reliance on it, he seizes it on the left and right, meeting
everywhere with it as a fountain from which things flow. It is on
this account that the superior man wishes to get hold of what he
is learning as in himself/

Chap. aV. Mencius said, * In learning extensively and discussing
minutely what is learned, the object of the superior man is that he
may be able to go back and set forth in brief what is essential/

Chap. XVI. Mencius said, * Never has he who would by his
excellence subdue men been able to stlbdue them. Let a prince seek
by his excellence to nourish men, and he will be able to subdue the
whole kingctpm. It is impossible that any one should become ruler of
the people to whom they nave not yielded the subjection of the heart/

WBOUOHT mSO THE WLSJ>, 一

read ts*ao, 4ih tone, * to arrive at ； ， must

refer to the or principles of the subject

which is being learnL |^ is understood
of the proper ooone or order, the sucoeasiyeste
。f atady,» 俅着 次^. 其 自

giveB the key to the chapter ； 一 'his self-getting/
ie. his getting hold of the subject so that his
" lowledce of it becomes a kind of intuition.

' to rely on.' The sabjeot so appre-
hended in its principles is capable of indefinite
application. 'He seizes it on the right and
left,' ~~ i. e. he no longer needs his early efforts
to apprehend it. It underlies numberless phe-
nomena, in all which he at once detects it, just
as water below the earth is foond easily and
anywhere, on digging the surface. ~ One may
read scores of pages in the Chinese oommenta-
torsy and yet not get a clear idea in his own

mind of the teaching of Mendus in thia chapter.
ChAo Ch'l giTes a more substantive mean-
ing than in the translation ； thus : ― < The reason
why the superior m&n pursues with eamefiineas

to arrive at the depth and mystery of , i3

from a wish to get hold for himself of its souroe
and root, as Bomething belonging to his own
nature.* Most critics unders^md the aubjeot
studied to be man's own self, not things ex-
ternal to him. We miut leave the subjeet in
its own mist.

16. Chii HbI says, apparently with reason,
that this is a continuation of the last chapter,
showing that the object of the superior man
in the extensive studies which he pursaes, is
not yain-gloiy, but to get to the Bubstanoe and

essence of things. 翁 conveys the two ideas

of condensation and importance.

16. The object of this chapter, say oom-
mentaiors, is to stimulate rulers to do good in
sincerity, with a view, that is, to the good of

Y 2

THE WOKES OF MENCIU8.

[BK. IV.

有科 杲取於 @ 當祥, 騸罢

本而 於水. >
者後 ， 水曰, 子
如 進,； 也。 水 曰 1
是. 数 舍 孟 5 哉 仲
是乎 畫予漆 g
之 四夜曰 >哉> 齑
取海, 盈 原何稱

'Z.r^ 孟 者 I
鲜于未
之 g, 之

實 》s 有

蔽 無也。

Chap. XVII. Mencius said, Words which are not true are
inauspicious, and the words which are most truly obnoxious to the
name of inauspiciouB, are those which throw into the shade men of
talents and virtue.'

Chap. XVIII. i. The disciple SbU said, ' Chunff-nl often
praised water, saying, " water 1 water I " What didlie find in
water io praise f •

3. HeDcius replied, * There is a spring of water ； how it gushes
out I It rests not day nor night. It fills up eveiy hole, and then
advances, flowing on to the four seaa. Such is water naving a spring I
It was this wYaai he found in it to praise.

regarded u really inampidana whidi throw
Into,' &«. He mja be la niuible to decide
betweai Uw two liit«rpMt«tl<«4 and thinks
the test may be mntilatsd. 者 bMntsniMe
to »nd not to 人, to ' words,' not to

18. How Hnroius ■kpi.uxkd Conruoim's
E^Aint or «m u read cM, the and

tone, 'often.' ^ (IntlMaenM of <to pntiM')
於 水 '—於 muklng tlM objeeUTB ooae,
or ， found Mmething to pnia» in water.
See Annlacta, IX, tvi, though w« hftre not
there the exact words of this putago,
科 [坎' pit,' L «. every hollow in ite
contws 是之取 爾, 'it wu Jiut the
selling of this.' One commentator brings out

th« 是 以是 s 故

而取 $ 爾' 3- Here, again, tlMmonUia
.» tboM of ChlH) Mm^pondiug t« Um pMwnt

the mind on iwding tat this b dulwd witb
1^ its being luaiBtod on that i^^^ 善 has
BO rafeMUOB to tbe nomlahiDg men's bodiei,
bnt U tlw bringiDg than to the nourisher'B
own moral «ioelleiio& Chio Ch'I Ukea tbe
flnt SS u meaning 力'' mi^aBty and
■trength.' But this i« inadmisaible. The
pdnt of the ohfiptor is evideutly to be found
In th« eontrftst of and

17. The tnnBlatioD takes 無 實 u an
a^jeotfve qualifying ^ , and there is , play
on the term la the lueof ia the two parts.
ChQ Hal mentioiu mnother view making
寅 »n kdverb joined to 'lli«re ue

no worda tMJlj inaiu^oat;' i.s, SMtnaUj
•pMklag, 'Mily thoM are olunxiouB to be

PT. II. CH. XIX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

325

待盈之 荀§

于予 間爲
曰、 恥 故涸雨

察 存希, 以

M 之。 庶 異
人 釋 * 民 於

債 > 明去， _ -, 仏-
由於么 獸人之 。聲也 、集:

^ 3 -b
過 立 尺

名、

義物、 于 i 所

3. ' But suppose that the water has no spring. ― In the seventh
and eighth months when the rain falls abundantly, the channels in
the fields are all filled, but their being dried up again may be
expected in a short time. So a superior man is ashamed of a
reputation beyond his merits/

Chap. XIX. i. Mencius said, *That whereby man differs from
the lower animals is but small. The mass of people cast it away,
while superior men preserve it.

2. ' Shun clearly understood the multitude of things, and closely
observed the relations of hiimamty. He walked along the path of
benevolence and righteousness ； ne did not need to pursue bene-
volence and righteousness.'

third and sixth. * the rains are col-

lected.' 2^ were channels belonging to
the irrigation of the lands divided on the nine-
Bqiiares system. 可立而 待，— we might
translate as-*' one may stand and wait till
they are dry,' but ~ff is often used = * quickly.'

• ^^， as in the Great Leiimiiig, Commen-
'， chap. iv.

19, Whebebt sageb axe DnrrnraviSHZD fboh

OTHEB MES ； >~ XLLUSTTBiLTED 1， ShUH. I. Itifltobe

wished that MenciuB had said distinctly what

the small the ist tone, ) point dis-

tmgQiBhmg men from birds and beasts was.
Aeeording to Chd Hst, men and creatures have

the 3^ (intelleotiial and moral principle) of

Heaven and Earth to form their nature^ and

the (matter) of Heaven and Earth to form

their bodies, only men's is more correct than

that of beasts, so that they are able to fill up
the capacity of their nature. This denies any
essential diiference between men and animals,
and what difference it allows is oorporeal or

material. OhAo Chi : —幾希

，^ 義與 不知義 S 問耳，

I ^cr means not much. It is simply the

interval between the knowledge of righteous-
ness, and the want of thai knowledge.' This
is BO far correct, but the difference which it
indicates cannot be said to be *not great.' 一
But it is not the object of Mencius to indicate
the character of that which differences men

and animals, and not its amount ？ «=

is something minute. One oommentator refers

us to the expression in the Shfl-ohing,—

心 惟危道 A!L 、惟微 (ii ii i5);"*、s

forming a key to the passage. In that,

is the mind prone to err, in distinction from the

j^^, * the mind of reason/ which it is said

is minute, a. Shun preserying and cultivating
this distinctive endowment was led to the
character and achievements which are here

briefly described. The phrase ffl* jfiftt, it is

«*id ，蓼 得廣， 凡天地 1^ 事,
' covers a wide extent of meaning,
bracing all matters and things in heaven
and earth.' The 日 refers to it all the

326

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV

思 事 > 公王傲

賢

而

行 I

$1著 思 7i 望 無好孟 i 非
农 有兼泄 道方。 善子行

[rtl 文 S 言。 曰 、仨

未 王 1 黾 m i

見 ofe 中

武 S 如 立

Chap. XX i. Mencius said, *Yti hated the pleasant wine, and
loved good words.

2. ' T'ftng held fast the Mean, and employed men of talents and
virtue without regard to where they came from.

3. * King Wftn looked on the people as he would on a man who
was wounded, and he looked towards the right path as if he could
not see it.

4. 'King WA did not slight the near, and did not forget the
distant.

5. ' The duke of Ch&u desired to unite in himself the virtues of
those kings, those founders of the three dynasties, that he might dis-
play in his practice the four things which they did. If he saw any-
thing in them not suited to his time, he looked up and thought about
it, from daytime into the night, and when he was fortunate enough
to master the difficulty, he sat waiting for the morning.'

oompaasionate tendemeeB. 而 is to be read
as mjy with which, according to Chd Hal,

j^yemmental achievements of Shun related
in the ShCL-ching.

20. Ths bamm subject ；— xllubhutsd nr Yif,
TIXBf Win, W^, AMD ChIu-kxtho. z. In the

Chan Kwo Tb'6 (戰 國 策), which fills up

in a measure the space between the period of
the Ch'un Ch'ift and the Han dynasty, Part VI,
Artide 11, we read that anciently a daughter of
the Tl (prdbably TAo or Shun) caused t-tl to make
wine C? spirits), and presented it to Ytt, who
drank some of it, and pronounced it to be pleas-
ant Then, howeyer, he frowned on t-t!， and
forbade the use of the pleasant liquor, saying,
* In future ages, rulers will through this liquor
rain their States.' Yfl's love of good words is
commemorated in the Shd-ohingi IL ii. ai.

a. flE ~jr mfty be understood with reference

to d«88 or pUce compare the ShA-ehing, IV.
ii. 5, 8. 3. 'Ab he would on one who was
wounded,' i.e. he regarded the people with

it was anciently interchanged. See the Shii-
ohing, V. xvL 11, la, for illuatrations of W4n'a
care of the people, and the ShO-ching, IIL i.
Ode VI, for illustration of the other character-

istio. 4. jj^f read hsieh (as ||^)， and defined

by Chao Ch*i as meaning ^ffiS, <to alight. '
Hie adjectives are to be underBiood both of
persons and things. 5. — _ ^C, 一 ie. Yil,

T&ng, and the kings Wikn and W<l, who are
often classed together as the one founder of
the Oh&u dynasty. ' The four things ' are what
have been stated in the preceding

其

has for its antecedent

* apprehended it,' anderstood the matter in its
principles, so as to be able to bring into his
own pnctioe the spirit of those anoient aagea.

PT. II. CH. XXII.]

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

827

S 面 1 得

春 曰" 詩 孟 * 之 I

秋、 21

也。 楚
其昌之

Chap. XXL i . Mencius said, * The traces of sovereign rule were
extinguished, and the royal odes ceased to be made. When those
odes ceased to be made, then the Ch'un Ch'iA was produced.

2. • The Sh&ng of Tsin, the T&o-wH of Ch'A/and the Ch'un Oh'iA
of LA were books of the same character.

3. ' The subject of the Ch'un Ch'iA was the affairs of Hwan of
Ch'l and Win of Tsin, and its style was the historical. Confucius
said, " Its righteous decisions I ventured to make." ,

Chap. XXII. i. Mencius said, *The influence of a sovereign
sage terminates in the fifth generation. The influence of a mere
sage does the same.

21. Trb baxe subject ； ~> nxTTBrnLLiSD nr Coh-
FvoiUB. I. The eztinction of the true royal
rale of ChAa dates from the transference of
the capital from FAng and H&o to Lo by the
sovereign Ping, b.o. 769. From that time, the
sovereigns of ChAa had the name without the
rale. By the is intended, not the Book

of Poems, but the Yl, ) portion of them,

desoriptiye of the royal role of Ch&n, and to

be used on great occasions, t't' does not mean

that the Yk were lost, but that no additions
-were made to them, and they degenerated into
mere records of the past^ and were no longer
descriptions of the present. Gonfaciua edited
the aimals of lA to supply the place of the Y&.
See Bk. in. Pt IL ix. 8. a. Each State had
its annals. Those of Tsm were compiled under
the name of Shdng (4th tone), * The Carriage;'
those of Ch'fl under that of Ta<hto(ly which is
explained as the name of a ferocious animal,
and more anciently as the denomination of a
Tile and lawless man. The annals of LCl had

the name of ' Spring and Autumn/ two seasons

for the whole. 3. h refers only to the annals

of LOl They did not contain only the affidrs
of Hwan and W&n, but these occupied an early

and prominent place in them. jBt, eee Bk.

IL Pt. L iL aa makes the expression

still more humble, as if Confdcms had 'taken'
the judgments from the historians, and not
made them himself.

22. ThS SAIIB 8UBJXOT ； ~ ILLTTBTEATBD IH Ml

画 miisiLF. I. Here^^-^^
>^ ^j", *the sage and worthy, who has posi-
tion/ i. e. who occupies the throne, and yj、

聖 賢無位 者， 《the sage and worthy,

who has no position.' We might suppose that
the influence of the former would be more
permanent, but Menoius is pleased to say their

influence lasts the same time. is to be

taken as— 'influence/ it being ondentood to

328

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV

亦己 > 之圜 可以無 曙也、 而

弊 於道、 i— «以 無取、 f 予斬
有是思 蒙無與 、取 予私予
罪殺天 學死, 與傷曰 > 淑未

下射死 憲廉、 可寧得
孟愤 於傷惠 、可 以人爲
明于弹 1^ 勇。 可以取 1 也。 孔

儀 曰 > 爲盡

以

霍 ， B

曰、 是愈弹 死、 可以

2. * Although I could not be a disciple of Confucius himself,
I have endeavoured to cultivate my virtue by means of others
who were'

CflAP. XXIIL Mencius said, * When it appears proper to take
a thing, and afterwards not proper, to take it is contrary to moder-
ation. When it appears proper to give a thing and ajlerwards
not proper, to give it is contrary to kindness. When it appears
proper to sacrifice one's life, and afterwards not proper, to sacrifice
it is contrary to bravery/

Chap. XXlV. i. Fang MSng learned archery of 1 When lie
had acquired completely all the science of 1, he thought that in all
the kingdom only t was superior to himself, and so he slew him.
Mencius said, * In this case t also was to blame. Kung-ming t
indeed said, " It would appear as if he were not to be blamed," but

be of a beneficial character, a. From the death
of Confucius to the birth of Mencius there would
be nearly a hundred years, bo that, though
Mencius could not learn his doctrines from the
eage himself, he did so from his grandson Taze-

sze, or some of his disciples, ya^ = fflE in last
chapter, 一 taken actively, ^g^^ =

ihe referring to Tsze-sze and his

Bchool. This and the three preceding chapters
should be considered as one, whose purpose is
much the same as Bk. III. Pt. II. ix, lowing us
that Mencius considered himself the saccesaor
of GonfdciuB in the line of sages.

28. FlBST JXTDOXSHTB ABE 50T ALWAYS OORBEOT.

IxFuimB Muarr be wbiohsd m the BitLAHcz of

BBA80H, AND WHAT BEA80H DICTATES MUST BE FOL-
LOWED. Such is the meaning of this chapter,
in translating the separate clauses of which,

we must supplement them by introducing
'afterwardfl/

24. ThX ntPOBTAKOB OF BBTirO OABSFUIr OF

WHOX WE MAKE FKiZKDS. The Sentiment is
good, but MenciuB could surely have found
better illustrations of it than the second one
which he selected, x. Oft, see Analects, XIV.

xiy. (P*ang, aa formed with 牵, not 条)
蒙 iB said both by Ch&o Ch'i and ChU Hal to

refer to i's servants ^it)* but one man is

evidently denoted by the name. Pa seryants
did indeed make themaelvee parties to his
murder, but Fang MAng is ihe same, I sup]

with Han Tsfi, the principal in it

Bk. II. Pt. II. ii. 4, and Analects, VII. xviii.

薄 乎 云 爾， < saying, (meaning to say),

PT. II. CH. XXIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

329

鹿夫射 夫夹。 者 可斯鄭 S 宜

公 尹於予 其誰以 追人若
^ 公尹 g 、僕也 。執 之、 使無
斯之公 吾曰、 冥弓、 子于葬

、他 之生、 庚 僕吾濯 濯焉、

曰, 端艇何 公曰、 死薦 糯曰、

夫> ^尹謂 之庾夹 于于薄
子也、 公也。 斯、 公夫、 曰、 侵乎
何其 之曰、 衞之問 今衞、 云
爲取 她庾之 斯其日

：？； 亥 擧公善 也。 僕 我 使
執必財 之射曰 、曰、 疾庾

弓。 端 斯 、者吾 追作、 公

曰、 矣。 我 > 學也、 生我: r 、之 罪。

he thereby only meant that bis blame was slight. How can he be
held without any blame ？ ，

2. * The people of Ch&ng sent Teze-cho Tti to make a stealthy
attack on Wei, which sent YU-kung Sze to pursue him. Tsze-cho
Yii said, " To-day I feel unwell, so that I cannot hold my bow. I am
a dead man I " At the same time he asked his driver, " Who is it that
is pursuing me ？ ，， The driver said, " It is Yii-kung Sze," on which he
exclaimed, " I shall live." The driver said, " Yil-kung Sze is the best
archer of Wei, what do you mean by saying -I shaU live?," Yu
replied, " YU-kuDg Sze learned archery from lin-kung T'o, who again
learned it from me. Now, Yin-kung T'o is an upright man, and the
friends of his selection must be upright also" When Yii-kung Sze
came up, be said, " Master, why are you not holding your bow 1 ，,

name— 庾^ 之 渐 and 尹^ 坨,
are mere vocal particles. 4jn , 一 read fo. The
name is elsewhere found In the

^ under the fourteenth year of duke

It was slighter than • • • simply.' 2. tkFi *to
attaek stealthily.' An incursion made with
music, and the pomp of war， is called and
one without these, . The in the

330

THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV

_拿* 我予 1^ 尹曰、 今

g 皆 f^iTJ 雖 忍公小 日
^掩？ 乘 敢然, 以 之么我

^鼻曰 > 矢廢。 今夫 她皐疾

溶 > 而西 而抽 日 于 學射作 I

則過于 後矢之 之射於

可之。 蒙 反 >事> 道 JF^ 尹可

\君 反夫公 W

f 于 、之執

»夫 我他弓

以雖 s:fi

m 有潔
上 惡 則

Ytl answered him, " To-day I am feeling unwell, and cannot hold
my bow." On this 8ze said, " I learned archery from Yin-kung T'o,
who again learned it from you. I cannot bear to injure you with
your own science. The business of to-d^, however, is the prince's
business, which I dare not neglect." He then took his arrows,
knocked off their steel points against the carriage-wheel, discharged
four of them, and returned.'

Chap. XXV. i. Mencius said, *If the lady Hsi had been
covered with a filthy head-dress, all people would nave stopped their
noses in passing her.

2. * Though a man may be wicked, yet if he adjust his thoughts,
fast, and batne, he may sacrifice to God/

, we have a narrative bearing some like-
to thiB account of Mencius, and in which
尹么伐 and 庚 figure as famous
archers ofWei. It is hardly possible, however,
to suppose that the two aooounis are of the
same thing. ^Et, 4th tone, 'a team of four

hones,' here used for a set of four arrows.

26. It a ovly moral bkautt that ib tbult
BZoxUiBrr Ajm aoczftabli. i. Hsi-tsze, or
ly,' was a poor girl of Yfleh, named

> of surpassing beauty, pre-

le king of YQeh to his enemy the
king of WtLf who became devotedly attached
to her, and neglected all the duties of his
gorernment. She web contemporaiy with
Confucius. The common aooount is that she
WM called 'The weatem lady/ beoaiiae §h» lived

< Western
Shiht (
Bented by

in stream. If

•^p, however,

a that Boholar
n a oelebrated
hundred years

on the western bank of a oe;

we may receive the works of

as haying really proceeded
and statesman, there had
beauty named Hst-tsze, two

before the one of Ttleh. In translating

不 潔, I have followed ChAo Ch'I. a.

both by Chko Oh'! and ChU Hat, is takeiTin
the sense of * ugly,* in opposition to the beauty
of the lady Hsi. I cannot but think Mencius
intended it in the sense of ' wicked,, and that
his object was to encourage men to repentuioe

and well-doing. jfflL 一 read ehdi. See Analeota^

VII. Tii^ et al. By the laws of China, it wtm
competent for the Bovereign only to aaerifioe
to God. The language of Mencius, in con-
nexion with this ftAj very strikingly shows tbm
virtue he attached to penitent pmifieaiion.

FT. II. CH. XXVI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

381

高無事 禹行其 利也、 國帝。

也、 事、 也、 之水鑿 爲則孟 5
星則如 行也、 也、 本。 故于
辰智智 水 則 如 所 5 而 曰 1

E 天
夹、 1

之亦 者也、 無智
逸

也、 夹。?

若 智故之

禹 者、 者

求之 所無夹 之爲以 ft'

Chap. XXVI. i. Mencius said, 'All who speak about the
natures of things^ have in fact only their phenomena to reason from,
and the value of a phenomenon is in its being natural.

2. * What I dislike in your wise men is their boring out their
condfisions. If those wise men would only act as Ytt did when he
conveyed away the waters, there would be nothing to dislike in
their wisdom. The manner in which Ytt conveyed away the waters
was by doing what gave him no trouble. If your wise men would
also do that which gave them no trouble, their knowledge would
also be great.

3. * There is heaven so high ； there are the stars so distant. If

jnnetion, and is to be taken in dose connexion
with the 而 c 已 ； ChAo Oh'l ezphdnf^ 則

Up 已, * can only do so by the jfej^.'
d phenomena, tobeyaluable, mnst be natural.
S, 'following eaedly/ < unconBtrainecL'

IB the would-be wiae«'your wise

\tl' U . IK , * their ohiselling/ or * boring/
L e. their Ibrcing things, instead of * waiting ,
for them, which is a ^fj' * doing

thAt in which they haye many affidrsy or much
to do.' Yft is said rather than,

according to the eommon phraseology about
hia labours, Vj^ beoause ifnT more appro-
priately represents the mode of his dealing with
the waters, according to their nature, and not

by a system of force. 3. 之 日 至 ,

according to modem scholars, refers to the
winter Bolstioe, from the midnight of which, it

26. How XHOWLEDGB OUORT TO BB FUHHUJU) BY
THB OABKFTTL BHTDT OV PHXROXEHA. MenciUS

here points oat.oorrectlythepath to knowle<
The nile which he lays down is quite in
mony with that of Bacon. It is to be regrei
that in China, more perhaps than in any other
part of the world, it has been disregarded.

I. Ab IB here to be taken quite generally.

Julien finds fkult with Noel for translating it
by nrum nahmit which appears to be quite oor-

TwL ChftHstmakesit- 人物 所得以

if2 than which nothing oonld be

more generaL Possibly Mencius may have had
in view the disputes about the nature of man
which were rife in hia time, but the referenoes
to Yft's labours with the waters, and to the
sindiefl of astronomen, show that the term is

Qaed in its moet general signification. 舰 oar

* phenomenon/ the nature in its development.
le character is often used as Bynonymouswith
'faets.' 貝 a is more than a simple con-

a.

men.

332

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV

是 與言、 有言往

1^ •

7^

歴也。

蘇

而子獨

右 g 者、， >

言, 師 言有入

布有有

師進于

言 >曰> 雙苄有 雨 J 宽

:5 鼷言 、皆師 與師師

而

we have investigated their phenomena, we may, while sitting in
ourplaceSf go back to the solstice of a thousand years ago.'

Chap. XXVII, i . The officer Kung-hang having on hand the
funeral of one of his sons, the Master of the Kight went to condole
with him. When this noble entered the door, some called bim to them
and spoke with him, and some went to his place and spoke with him.

2. Mencius did not speak with him, so that he was displeased,
and said, * All the gentlemen have spoken with me. There is only
Mencius who does not speak to me, wiereby slighting me.'

3. Mencius having beard of this remark, said, * According to the
prescribed rules, in the court, individuals may not change their places
to speak with one another, nor may they pass from their ranks to

is supposed, the first calculation of time began ；
是 椎 而 得 之， 'wemay cal-

oulate up io and get it.' ChAo Ch*l, however,
makes the meaning to be simply : 一 * We may
sit and determine on what day the Bolstioe

irred a thousand years ago.' See the yO

where this view is approved.

27. How Mekcius would not ixitatb others

IK PATIMO OOUBT TO ▲ FAYOURITK. I. Kung-hang

(and tone, * a rank,' * a row ； ， various accounts
are given of the way in which the term passed

along with into a double surname) was an

officer of Ch*l, who * had the funeral of a son.'
Neither Chfto Ch'l nor Chil Hsi offers any
remark on the phrase, but some Boholars of the
Sung dynasty, subsequent to Chdi Hsl, explained

it as meaning, ^ -3^ * had the

funeral duty that devolves on a son,' i.e. was
occupied with the funeral of one of his parent
and nearly all commentaton have since foUoi

that view. The author of the [[U

^-， shows clearly howeyer, that it

is incorrect, and that the true interpretation is
the more natural one given in the translatioiL.
The Master of the Rig^t here was Wang Hwan
(see Bk. 11. Pt. II. vi), styled Tsze-&o. At the
royal court there were the high nobles, called

太 師 and 少 師, 'Grand Haster' and

* Junior Master.' In the courts of the princes,

the corresponding nobles were called jfj^ fijK

and 市， * Master of the Left , and * Master of

THE WORKS OF UEKCIUS.

物:^ 待人者 厶考, 團 踰

奚 霜我者 > 敬以 3 臺' m
宜必 以人人 ji 某于我 ®
至； 5 横极 存存曰 >爲#
哉。 仁逆 >i 人心乂 、君簡 >S

自!^ 君 人者 君所亦 f
反 無于人 恢愛于 以異,
而, 拿必 於愛人 異乎。 行
^：£自 此备 於 曝
夹. 此反 其敬 蠱 存人 芋

bow to one another. I was wishing to observe this rule, and Tsze-do
understands it that I was slighting him : ― is not this strange t*

supei
es in

ting htm

18 said, * That whereby the
man is distinguiBhed from other men is what he preaerv*
heart ； ― namely, benevolence and propriety.

2. ' The benevolent man loves others. The man of propriety
shows respect to others.

3. ' He who lovea others is conetantly loved by them. He who
respects others is constantly respected by the:

4. ' Here is a man, who treats me '
manner. The superior man in suet
himself ~ " I must have been wantiai

wanting in propriety; ~~ how should this hare happen
' He examineB himself, axiA is xpeeiaUy benevoWt.

ght/ 進 '-Mit

o be nnderatood I

ia the coiplanation of Meneitu'B conduct. ；

refers to the established asages of the court ；
Me the CUn U, Bk. lU. t. 65-67 ； Bk. IV. iv.
3-14：-- 1 搭.
for the ranks of

Im ataps leading ui

' atain,' but here
i"Jrf the offloen amuiged with
nferauM to Um ataps leading up t« tha lull.
38, How TBI simnMt mak a vamMamsaa>

round upon
[ must have
lenedtomeV
He turns

I TBI onmr ATKMr or wnu. noBLLSHca, Aim

存' Cl、。

miut not b« nnderalood 一
h0 preMrres his heftrb' The first deflnition of
''t in E'ang>liBrB didioiMUT is 在, 'to be in.*
is not so much an Active verb, ' to prwerve,'
u- 'to preserve in.' 4. :^(4tlitaiie)^pra-
■nppow the exerdae W lore «ud re^eov^UoIi

for 港" 《 '-

1 used for u <rften ebtirtieTe. it

334

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV.

則 於我, 患、 故獸此 而君自

可後 亦也。 君奚亦 忠于反
憂世、 人 乃于擇 妄矣, 必而

也、 我也、 若有哉 A 其自賓
憂 由舜所 終於也 横反禮

之未 爲憂, 身禽 逆 也> 矣.

如 免法則 之獸免 由我其
何、 爲於 有憂、 又如是 ^横

如鄕 天之, 無何 A 此 J 逆

難則 君忠。 由
而 可人 潮焉。 與于自 ^ 是

E 是傳也 、之是 ^ 禽 曰, 反也,

round upon himself, and is specially observant of propriety. The
perversity and unreasonableness of the other, however, are still
the same. The superior man will again turn round on himself ~
" I must have been foiling to do my utmost."

6. * He turns round upon himself, and proceeds to do his utmost,
but still the perversity and unreasonableness of the other are repeated.
On this the superior man says, " This is a man utterly lost indeed I
Since he conducts himself so, what is there to choose between him
and a brute 1 Why should I go to contend with a brute ？ ，'

7. * Thus it is that the superior man has a life-long anxiety and
not one morning's calamity. As to what is matter of anxiety to him,
that indeed he Has. ― He says, "Shun was a man, and I also am a man.
But Shun became an example to all the kingdom, and his conduct was
worthy to be handed down to after ages, while I am nothing better
than a villager." This indeed is the proper matter of anxiety to him.
And in what way is he anxious about it ？ Just that he may be like

the sense of p., < doing one's utmost'

6. Wb^ 4th tone, ->}Rf| < to compare with.' It
ifl explained in the dictionary, with reference
to this paaaagey by ^jfr, *to charge/ * to reproTe.'

7. ^^， 一 proceeding from within ； j^， 一

coming from without ― must

be understood from the expressions below : 一
There may be calamity, but the raperior man

ia superior to it. * but/ We most supply,

一 * He should be without anxiety, but he

anxiety/ 若夫, 一夫, and tone. 亡誰：

PT. II. CH. XXIX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

336

之道。 于 7；：^：^ 匿

也禹 s 賢堪 -

仁 夹

W _^ - A 萬 S 朝無 若'
稷思: ^。甚 陋孔稷 之爲^

思 天 孟一一 ―

1 菲于

由 已

其患也 1 亡

^ 門 免如 夹

已溺同 孔人世 >而 有非

Shun ： ~ then only will he stop. As to what the superior man would
feel to be a calamity, there is no such thing. He does nothing which
is not according to propriety. If there should befall him one morn-
ing's calamity, the superior man does not account it a calamity/

Chap. XXIX. i. Yii and Chi, in an age when the world was
being brought back to order, thrice passed their doors without
entering them. Confucius praised them.

2. The disciple Yen, in an age of disorder, dwelt in a mean narrow
lane, having his single bamboo-cup of rice, and his single gourd-dish
of water; other men could not have endured the distress, but he did
not allow his joy to be affected by it. Confucius praised him.

3. Mencius said, 'Yti, CM, and Yen HAi agreed in the principle
of their conduct.

4- * Yti thought that if any one in the kingdom were drowned,
it was aa if he drowned him. Chi thought that if any one in the
kingdom suffered hunger, it was as if he famished him. It was on
this account that they were so earnest.

- ' to praise.' a. See AxutleotSjYL is. 2p • jH*

and " jff* are (Sbntrasted, but a tranquil age

was not a characteristic of Ytl and Chfa
time. It was an age of iaranquillization. 3.

同 道- 寧-途 S 當 然， what was
proper in principle/ 4. tb, 一 used for

29. A BiooHoxixve pbisoifli wnx bs voxnrD

TO VMVBMLa THX 0X7TWXBDLY DIFFBBBST OOBBUOI

or esBAT Am) good msh ； ― nr honoub or Yxh

H dl. "WITH ▲ BBFEBKHCS TO MeROIUB HIMSELF.

X. See Bk. III. Pt. I. iv. 6, 7, 8. The thrice
puBing his door without entering it was proper
to Y% though it is here Attributed also to Cht

*, 一 used as a verb, * to pronounce a worthy,'

336

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. IV

•A

也 髮之, 救然。 也。 飢

可之、 今 ^ 禹

則 者、 而

都閉 冠也。 雖有 稷也、
于戶, 而鄕 * 被 同顏是
曰、 可往鄰 髮室于 、以

m 也。 救 有纓 之易如

之、 闞冠 人地是

惑被 救者、 啬

5. * If Ytt and Chi, and Yen-tsze, had exchanged places, each
would have done what the other did.

6. 'Here now in the same apartment with you are people
fighting : ~ you ought to part them. Though you part them with
your cap simply tied over your unbound hair, your conduct will be
allowable.

7. ' If the fighting be only in the village or neighbourhood, if
you go to put an end to it with your cap tied over your hair
unbound, you will be in error. Although you should shut your
door in such a case, your conduct would be allowable/

Chap. XXX* i. The disciple Kung-tA said, * Throughout the
whole kingdom everybody pronounces KVang Chang unfilial.
But you, Master, keep company with him, and moreover treat
him with politeness. I venture to ask why you do so/

5. 則 皆 然 ， literally, < then all so/ the mean-
ing being as in the translation. Yen Hfd, in the
oircumfltanoes of Yd and Chi, would have been

found labouring with as much energy and aelf-

as they showed; and

denial for the public

Yd and Chi, in the circumstano^ of H(d， would
have lived in obscurity, contented as he was,
and happy in the pursuit of the truth and in

cultivation of themselves. 6. read p'i，

and tone. The rales anciently prescribed for
dressing were very minute. Much had to be
done with the hair before the final act of

putting on the cap, and tying its strings

under the chin, could be performed. In the
case in the text, all this is neglected. The
urgency of the case, and the intimacy of the
individual with the parties quarrelling, justify

such neglect ]^， 一 literally, <to save

them,' i.e. to part them. This was the case of
Ya and Chi, in their relation to their tinu
while that in the next paragraph is snpi
to illustrate the case of Yen HAi in rcdation
his. But MenciuB'8 illustrations are generally
happier than these.

SO. How Menciub exflaived his fbikhdlt
nrrEBoouBSE with a man graboed with beivo
UNFILIAL. I. K'wang Chang was an officer of

Ch'i. His name, acoording to Bh| -f-*,

was Cluing, and designation Chang-tsze, so
that Kung-tCl calls him by his name, and
MenciuB by his designation. In opposition to

this, says that Eung-tQ merely

drops a part of tiie designation, just as when
Yen Hdi is called Yen Ydan, instead of Yen
Tsze-ytLan. But both these explanationB are
to be rejected. Chang was the name, and the

PT. II. CH. XXX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

387

於觉母 7i 財

相是^ 戮 > 孝"

遇乎。 像四也

養. 者椤
五 >也

_ ； 精孟 ■

了、 棍子、 ，孝 其于

" T 7^ 孝耳卞 樣 4^ 四 曰>

善 >于> 孝也、 目廣二 傳充世

朋于 i!L 好之 弈： r

-jt- 杏 ― - -
及乂单

之

于

徵 母孝好

以之 飮父謂

道％、有《^爲氮接酒1母$

也 > 而 一以父 三貨： r 、之孝

2. Mencius replied, 《 There are five things which axe pronounced in
the common usa^e of the age to be unfilim.. The first is laziness in
the use of one's four limbs, without attending to the nourishment of
his parents. The second is ^mbling and cness-playiDg, and being
fond of wine, without attending to the nourishment of nis parents.
The third is being fond of goods and money, and selfishly attached
to his wife and children, without attending to the nourishment of
his parents. The fourth is foUowing the desires of one's ears and
eyes, so as to bring his parents to disgrace. The fifth is being fond
of bravery, fighting and quarrelling so as to endanger his parents.
Is Chang guilty of any one of these things ？

3. * Now between Chang and his father there arose disagreement,
he, the boh, reproving bis father, to urge him to what was good.

4. ' To urge one another to what is good by reproofs is the way
of friends. But Buch urging between father and son is the greatest
injury to the kindness, which should prevail between them.

simply equivalent to our

ramble with him/ Le. as
commonly understood, 'allow him to come
about yonr gate, your school.' * and

»ver from that/ i.6. in addition to that.
^ ^-， may be taken together, simply =
* cheaB-playing,' or separately, as in the trans-

mo:

9.

Ution ； see Analects, XVII. xxii. jjj/^
VOL. TI.

'selfishly— i.e. partially putting them out of
their due place, above his parents, = loving
wife and children/ I cannot see why some

should give a sensual meaning to here.

The advance of meaning from to shows

that the former is to be taken in the lighter
sense of * disence' 3， 4. Compare Pt. I. xviii.

, — 3^ precedes here to

子夂

show that K'wang Chang had been the aggressor.

Z

338

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV

我室寇 S 則爲 屛哉/

牆毂至 盾^ 章 7； 于 、爲: i: 于

屋、 慯 盍于予 若終得 I、t
我 其去居 E 是、 身！^ 欲 g>

將 薪葡。 武良是 ，轤

則養^ 夫恩

萍 焉、 3 妻 ^

之其得 于:^
大設近 、母者

Td; jfi 無有
退、 退 1 寓垂
曾則 人焉、

予曰 J 々或 者、 迅 \出$ 麥 S

反、 脩我曰 I 是以 * .

5. * Moreover, did not Chang wish to have in his family the
relationships of husband and wire, child and mother ？ Bat because
he had offended his father, and was not permitted to approach him,
he sent away his wife, and drove forth his son, and all his life
receives no cherishing attention from them. He settled it in his
mind that if he did not act in this way, bis would be one of the
greatest of crimes. 一 Such and nothing more is the case of Chang/

Chap. XXXI. i. When the philosopher Tsang dwelt in WA-
ch'ftng, there came a band from Yueh to plunder it. Some one said to
him, 《 The plunderers are coming : 一 why not leave this ？ ， TsSng on
this left the dty, saying to the man in charge of the home, * Do not
lodge any persons in my house, lest they break and injure the plants
and trees/ When the plunderers withdrew, he sent word to him,
saying, * Bepair the walls of my house. I am about to return/

5. ffh.j 3rd tone. Readers not Chinese will
think that Chang's treatment of his wife and

son was more

his father,

nore criminal than his conduct to

是則罪 S 大者， -是，

'this,' embracing the two things, his giying
offence to his father, and still continuing to
enjoy the comforts of wife and son.
81. How Mercius bxflaurkd the diffbseht

OOHDVCT OF TbIhO-IBZB AUD OF TSZE-SZE IN SIMILAB

dBCUMOTAKOEB. I. W(i-ch*&ng, as in Analects,
VL zii. It appears below that Ts&ng had
opened a school or lecture-room in the place.
Many understand that he bad been invited to

do 80, ~- to be a ^^|^ 币, 《 guest and teacher,'—
by the commandant. Wii-ch'&ng is probably
to be referred to a place in the district of

jgk in the department of Yen-ch&u. It was

tkuB in the south of Shan-tang. South from
it, and coyering the present Chiangnsii and
part of Cheh-chiang, were the possessions of

，（吳 ） and Yaeh, all in Wjn^^'s time

subject to Tiieh. See in the 霍登,

a somewhat similar incident in Ts&ng's life
(probably a different version of the same), in

PT. II. CH. XXXI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8

339

思君至 、思 生昔, 沈 民且左
同 誰盍: &者沈 猶望、 敬冇

道 I 與去於 猶 行寇也 、曰、

曾守。 鼠衞、 十有曰 > 退、 寇待
f 孟 $ 有人賀 是則至 、先

gjli 于思 齊未翁 非反、 則生

曰, 曰、 寇 有之汝 殆先如

父曾 如或與 祗所於 去此、

When the plunderers retired, the philosopher Ts&ng returned
accordingly. His disciples said, ' Since our master was l^ated with
so much sincerity and respect, for him to be the first to go away
on the arrival of the plunderers, so as to be observed bv the people,
and then to return on their retiring, appears to us to be improper/
Ch*an-yA Hsing said, * You do not understand this matter. Formerly,
when Ch'fo-yii was exposed to the outbreak of the grass-carriers,
there were seventy disciples in our masters following, and none of
them took part in the. matter.,

2. When TdzeH3ze was living in Wei, there came a band from
Ch'i to plunder. Some one said to him, 'The plunderers are
coming ； ― why not leave this?, Tsze-sze said, * If I go away,
whom will the prince have to guard the State with ？ '

3. Mencius said, * The philosophers Ts&ng and Tsze-sze agreed in

Gh*&n- is pronounced as ； bo com.
monly; but the point is doubfcftd ； see the

which the plunderers are from LH, 曰，

-yp 一 the translation needs to be
ipplemented here considerably to bring out
Ihe meaning. ^Bf is explained in the K*ang-
hal Dietioxuury, with refBirenoe to this passage,
by |^:， 'gnuwy' or amall plants generally,

[ij 曰， ~ tliis 曰 must —'sent word to.'

', 一 we Bhould rather expect ；

bat perhaps has to be taken in the sense of
root' The two characters, however, « 'house.'
If be translated actively, we must supply
as a nominative 一 Hhe governor of the city/

gg, m loc) jtL Hsing is Buppoaed to haye

a disciple of Ts&ng, and a native of W6-eh'&Dg.
The Ch'&n-yii whom he mentions below waa
another person of the same suniame with whom

Ts&ng and his diaoiples (：^ ^j^^^t

above) were living. Perhaps he was the H<

of the Ch'&n-yii Family or Clan, fi^, 4th

tone. Ch'&n-yi]l Hsing adduces this other case,
as analogous to Ts&ng's loaying Wtt-oh'iliigy
intimating that he acted on a certain principle

which justified, his conduct, a. 'flj was Tsze-

aze's name. 'Was living in Wei,' i.e. was

Z 2

340

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. IV.

良人人

于

則 思

予皆臣

m

m

A> 妻人 有哉、 方》 曰 > 然。 也

微

間 出, 一堯人

害 ig^ 妻舜 ^>使
吿 與必一 與孟人

問良 則而室

一 in the place
~ in a meaner

4.

曾
予
于

m

易

the principle of their conduct. TsSng was a teacher ；
of a father or elder brother. Tsze-sze was a minister ；
place. If the philosophers TsSng and Tsze-sze had exchanged
places, the one would have done what the other did/

Chap. XXXII. The officer Ch'A said to Menciua, * Master, the
king sent persons to spy out whether you were really different from
other men.' Mencius said, * How should I be different from other
men 1 Y&o and Shun were just the same as other men/

Chap. XXXIII. i. A man of Ch'l had a wife and a concubine,
and lived together with them in his house. When their husband
went out, he would get himself well filled with wine and flesh, and
then return, and, on his wife's asking him with whom he ate and
drank, thej were sure to be all wealthy and honourable people.
The wife informed the concubine, saying, * When our good man
goes out, he is sure to come back having partaken plentifully of
wine and flesh. I asked with whom he ate and drank, and they are
all, it seems, wealthy and honourable people. And yet no people

liying and gostaining office. But the attack of
Wei by Ch*i is not easily verified. 3. The reader
can judge how far the defence of Ts&ng^s con-
duct is satisfactory.

82. SaOEB ABE JUBT XJKS OTHEB XEH. This

Ch'fl was a minister of Ch'l. We must suppose
that it was the private manners and way of
living of Mencius, which the king wanted to
spy out, unless the thing occurred on Mencins's

first arrival in Ch'l, and before he had any
interview with the king.
88. Thb dibobaosfui. xsahb wbzoh soke mr

TAKE TO SEEK FOB THEIB LIYINe, AlTD FOR WSALTU.

I. As CM Hs! obsenres, there ought to be, at the
beginning of the chapter, 5 & -? - FT, * Men-

oios said.' The phrase
is not easily ma;

(3rd tone)
in tranalaiiiig.

PT. II. CH. XXXIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

341

妾。 人妾者 、足 其立魁
由 訕 所之餘 談施者
君之其 仰道了 、者 > 從來跌
于印良 望也。 足 、卒 良吾食

也 I 人而其 又之人 將者,

之、 施而種 妻顧東 之贜褒
則施相 身歸而 所良 ■

之外於 今其他 JbI 徧 之也.

所來 、中若 妾此之 國所而

以 驕庭, 此. 曰, 其祭 中之夫

1^ 1^ dot

求其而 ：^>^

富妻 良其人

也> 晉

^ 有

of distinction ever come here. I will spy out where our good man
goes/ Accordingly^ she got up early in the morning, and privately
followed wherever her husband went. Throughout the whole city,
there was no one who stood or talked with him. At last, he came
to those who were sacrificing among the tombs beyond the outer
wall on the east, and begged what they had over. Not being
satisfied, he looked about, and went to another party ； ~ and this
was the way in which he got himself satiated. His wife returned,
and informed the concubine, saying, * It was to our husband that
we looked up Id hopeful contemplatioD, with whom our lot is cast
for life ； 一 and now these are his ways ！ , On this, along with the
concubine she reviled their husband, and they wept together in the
middle haJl. In the meantime the husbana, knowing nothing of
all this, came in with a jaunty air, carrying himself proudly to his
wife and concnbine.

2. In the view of a superior maD, as to the ways by which men

in the < having the duty of setting an

example to its members/ ^^， 一 corre-

sponding to the Scottish term of 'goodman' for
husband, 0^ 一 not *who

The subject of it is the 'man of Ch'l,' and not
'the wife and concubine.' It is descriptive of
him as living with them, and being the head

of a family, ― 开 J "^， as is said

842

THE .WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. V

希者相 而羞妾 1達_,

夹。 幾泣: fiiL^yi 妻者 >刺

seek for riches, honours, gain, and advancement, there are few of
their wives and concubines who wotdd not be ashamed and weep
together on account of them.

gaTe him to drink and eat,' as Jnlien makes for 'city/ 郭," fleeBk* IL Pt IL i. a. 之
所 S ，一：

^^， < went to another plaoe/ - 'another par^/
jfiy as in chap. xix. i, but it is here

it Mi' the verb, as also below,

""^^！！之：^^；^他' JUT 從， - J®

U, either and or 4ih tone. B plainly oaed

a.
an

(tiTe, 'few/

BOOK V.
WAN CHANG. PART I.

^而 忘, 母慕 泣旻往

乎。 7i 父 愛 也。 tiL 。无于

萬》萬

曰, 怨> 母之 >萬5 孟何田 、章 章

長然惡

章于 爲號問 I
息則之 、面 曰、 曰 > 其泣 曰、^

問 舜勞: r 、爻 怨號 于舜上

Chapter I. i . Wan Chang asked Mencitis, saying, ' When Shun
went into the fields, he cried out and wept towaras the pitying
heavens. Why did he cry out and weep ？ Mencius replied, 《 He
was dissatisfied, and full of earnest desire.'

2. Wan Chang said, ' When bis parents love him, a son rejoices
and forgets them not. When his parents hate him, though they
punish nim, he does not murmur. Was Shun then murmuring

This Book is named from the chief inter-
locutor in it, Wan Chang (see Bk. III. Pt II.
▼). The tnulition is that it WM in company
with Wan Chang's disciples, that Meneius,
baffled in his hopes of doing public service, and
having retired into priyacy, composed the seven
Books, whieh oonstitnte his Works. The first
part of this Book is oocnpied with discasaiozis
about Shan, and other ancient worthies.

1« Shuh*8 obeat filial PUTT!— how it gab-

BIBD mx IBTO THE IXELDB TO WEEP AlTD DEFLOBB
HIS IHABILIT7 TO BBOUBB TOM AFFBCnOH ASD

SYMPATHY OF HIS PAREifita. I. 9jff and tono,

*to cry out.' It has another signifioation in
the same tone, 一 *to wail,' which would answer
equally well. See the incident related in the
Sh<l-ehing, IL ii. ai, from which we learn that

PT. I. CH, I.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

343

二我 竭 于所知 于則於

太 f 考> 力之知 也、 妥吾公
g 凿。^ 耕心 >也。 公 无旣明

官帝 §母 田、 爲夫明 于得高

4 楚 之券: 高夂 聞曰,

羊 * 其 7> 爲

砻 于我于

廪九愛 、職 觝以非

儒、 男於 ifu^ 孝爾： r 、泣 &、

offainst his j^arents ？ , MenciuB answered, ' Ch'ang Hsi asked Kung-
ming K&o, saying, "As to Shun's going into the fields, I have re-
ceived your instructions, but I do not know about his weeping and
crying out to the pitying heavens and to his parents." Kung-ming
KAo answered him, " You do not understana that matter." Now,

Kung-ming E&o supposed that the heart of the filial son could not
be 8o free of sorrow. Shun would 8ay、 " I exert my strength to
cultivate the £elds, but I am thereby only discharging my office as a
son. What can there be in me that my parents do not love me ？ "
3. ( The Tl caused his own children, nine sons and two daughters,
the various officers, oxen and sheep, storehouses and granaries, all

saeh behaTioar was a eharaoteristio of his
earlier life, when he was * ploughing' at the

foot of the LI hilL ， ~ the name given

to the autamnal sky or heayens. Two meanings
hare been assigned to S. : * the variegated/

with reference to the beautiful tints

of matured nature ； and * the compassionate, '

as if it were Mft, with reference to the deoay

of nature* lliis latter is generally acquiesced
haye transUted -t^ by * towards,' bufc

Um paraphrase in the H is :— *He cried

out and called upon pitying Heaven, that
loTinglj oTerehadowB and compassionates this

lower world, weeping at the same time.'

J 一 simply, *he was murmuring and desir-

The murmuring was at himself, but this
purposely kept in the background, and
ig sappoaed that he was murmuring at

bis parents, a. . • • ^j^, 一 see

g HSI again to naye

吾旣得 聞+，

nanda; ' 一 'commands/

Analects, IV. zviiL Kung-ming KAo is gener*
ally understood to have been a disciple of
Ta&ng 8h&n， and Oh'ang Hsl aff&in to haye

been a disciple of KAo.

* I have received youromwnat
said deferentiAlly for Mnstructions,' as in Bk.

III. Pt I. V. s 于 义 毋 is also from the

Sh{k-ching, though omitted above in par. i.
mialating we xmust reyerae the order of

'he wept and cried out, to heaven,
to hiB parents.' ； ^ 非爾班 楚也， - Bee

Bk.IV. Pt 11. mi. I. 不若是 慰， （not

so without sorrow,' i.e. not so, bb oommoa
people would have it, and as Ch'ang Hsl
thought would haye been right, that he could

refrain from weeping and crying out.

•y^ -jr^ are the thoughts supposed to pasa

through Shun's mind. -= t ， the ist tone.

3, See the Shi!^-ching, I. par. la, but the various
incidents of the particular honours conferred

344

THE WORKS OF MBNCIUS

[BK. V.

之有 7； 色之人 遷士以
憂 天足 人所無 之多事

Afi> 下 凰就舜
悅貴 而解所 亂 爲之於

之、 爲:^ 憂/ 欲而天 s;r; 者、 献

好 天足富 、妻： 下 順帝畝

富而 解之之 以士^ 胥中,

憂、 所 二解悅 • ^天天

S 足 ivg 、太憂 、之 ,恕：1 下
足 以人富 而好人 窮面之

to be prepared, to serve Shun amid the channelled fields. Of the
scholars of the kingdom there were multitudes who flocked to him.
The sovereign designed that Shun should superintend the kingdom
along with him, and then to transfer it to him entirely. But
because his parents were not in aocord with him, he felt like a poor
man who has nowhere to turn to.

4. 'To be delighted in by all the scholars of the kingdom, is
what men desire, but it was not sufficient to remove the sorrow of
Shun. The possession of beauty is what men desire, and Shun had
for his wives the two daughters of the Tl, but this was not sufficient
to remove his sorrow. Kiches are what men desire, and the kiDgdom
was the rich property of Shun, but this was not sufficient to remove
his sorrow. Honours are what men desire, and Shun had the dignity
of being sovereign, but this was not sufficient to remove his sorrow.
The reason why the being the object of men s delight, with the

on Shun, and his influence, are to be collected
from the general history of him and YAo.
There is, however, an important discrepancy
between Mencius's account of Shtm, and that
in the Shfi-ching. There, when he is first
recommended to Y&o by the high offioersi they
baae their recommendation on the fiaot of his
having oyercome the evil that was in his
parents and brother, and brought them to self-
government. The Shd-ching, moreover, men-
tions only one son of Y&o, Tan Ghti (丹 朱),

and says nothing of the nine who are here
said to have been put under the command of

Y&o. They are mentioned, however, in the
< Historical Records/

以

,— see Bk. IV. Pt IL

一 is here = our 'a beauty/

in and tone, here as a verb,
* to wive,, ' to have for wi fla. , Observe the force

PT. I. CH. U.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

345

必章夹

宜之園 見母、 君慕 好以以

莫何、 霍 ^ 之五 則妻色 > 解解

而 中 > 仕' i A-#.

慕 大則少

之母、 詩 者 > 孝慕 艾則順
:j 信云， 予 終君, 有慕於

吿斯娶 於身； r; 妻^ 夂

而冒妻 大慕得 于母、 母

娶、 也如 舜父於 則知可

possession of beauty, riches, and honours were not sufficient to
remove his sorrow, was that it could be removed only by his getting
his parents to be in accord with him.

5. *The desire of the child is towards his father and mother.
When lie becomes conscious of the attractions of beauty, his desire
is towards young and beautiful women. When he comes to have
a wife and children, his desire is towards them. When he obtains
office, liis desire is towards his soverei^ : 一 if he cannot get the
regard of his sovereign, he bams within. But the man of great
filial piety, to the end of his life, has his desire towards his parents.
In the great Shun I see the case of one whose desire at fifty years
was towards them/

Chap. II. i • Wan Chang asked Mencius, saying, * It is said ia
the Book of Poetry,

"In marrying a wife, how ought a man to proceed ？
He must inform his parents."
If the rule be indeed as here expressed, no man ought to have illus-
trated it 60 well as Shun. How was it that Shun s marriage took
place without his informing his parents ？ , Mencius replied, ' If he
bad informed them, he would not have been able to marry. That

leading on to what follows as the

ption of the preceding droumatances.

、， 4th tone, * young,' 《 little. ， ^jjp ^ , 一

has a different acceptation from that
e preceding paragraph, though I haye

translated it in the same way. "XF, 一 in the
sense of ^^， < beautiful.'

2. DbFBNCE op ShXTN AOAIRST THB CHABOE8 OF

yioLATura the pbofbb bulb nr thb way of his

KABBTina, AHD OF HTPOOBIBY IN HIS OOWDUOT TO

HiB BBOTHSB. I， a. Compare IV. Part I. xxvi.
-y^, see the Shih-ching, L viii. Ode VI.

, 4th tone, as in Analects, IIL xvii.
, 'if indeed., 以黻 义毋， -

^6

THE WORKS OF MEKCIU&

[bk. v.

都後 使焉、 娶 >7； 廢女何

君先 g 則而

我從 棗得告

告人: 也

之 室、 孟
萬 呔人于

親而賴 妻何嚼 章偷. 之

牛撐階 > 也。 也。 聞 曰, 以大

羊;^

11*0.^

叩

舜 鷇偷則
章帝 夹之^ 也 、了、

母 得
是告卷

田

^象
母, 曰 、焚

舍謅廪

使

male and female should dwell together, is the greatest of human
relations. If Shun had ioformed his parents, he must have made
void this greatest of human relations, thereby incnrring their
resentment. On this account, he did not inform them/

2. Wan Chang said, 'As to Shuns marrying without informing
bis parents, I have heard your instructions ； but how was it that
the Tl Ydo gave him his daughters as wives without informing
Shun, 8 parents f ' Mencius said, *The Tl also knew that if he
informed them, he could not marry his daughters to him.'

3. Wan Chang said, * His parents set Shun to repair a granary,
to which, the ladaer having been removed, E^-sftu set fire. They
also made bim dig a well. He got out, but they, not knowing thai,
proceeded to cover him up. Hsiang said, " Of the scheme to cover up
the city-forming prince, the merit is all mine. Let my parents have
his oxen and sheep. Let them have his storehouses and granaries.

he had not married, then his parents would
hare had cause to be angry with him, for
allowing the line of the family to terminate,
lis seems to be the meaning of the phraae.

-as in the last chapter. . . .

here is understood asa' re-
quiring Shun to inform his parents.' 3. Shun's
half-brother is understood to have been the
instigator in the attempts on his life here men-
tioned. The incidents) however, are taken from
trftdiUon, and not from the ShO-ching. Shun

covered himself with two b8ml>oo screens, and
made his way through the fire. In the second
case, he found a hole or passage in the side of

the wall, and got away by means of it, 翻 J ^%

一 it is mentioned in the last chapter, how the
scholars of the kingdom flocked to Shun. They
say that if he lived in one place for a year, he

formed a Jg, or 《 aasemblage ; ， in two yean,

he formed a 邑, or ' town,* and in three, a 翁仁
or ' capital.' With reference to this, Hsiang

PT. I. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8,

347

薰核於

少、 人鄭喜

也> 知諸 象洽客
象臣 3>J^ 每,

别烹 者亦將 汝陶象
洋 與。 憂、 殺其思 往朕、

洋反 予曰、 象己于 君入琴
焉> 命產否 > 喜與。 予爾、 §朕>

攸!^ 、使昔 亦曰, 洽 官 >Sfl6

逝>盔 畜寧然 不舜曰 、牀嫂

于圉之 生则知 惟琴

His shield and spear shall be mine. His lute shall be mine. His
bow shall be mine. His two wives I shall make attend for me to
mj bed." Hsiang then went awa^ into Shuns palace, and there was
Snun on his couch playing on his lute. Hsiang said, " I am come
simply because I was thinking anxiously about you." At the same
time, he blushed deeply. Shun said to him, " There are all my
officers :— do you undertake the government of them for me." I do
not know whether Shun was ignorant of Hsiang's wishing to kiU
him.' Meneius answered, * How could he be ignorant of tiiat 1
But when Hsiang was sorrowful, he was bUbo sorrowful ； when
Hsiang was joyful, he was also joyful,

4« Chang said, 'In that case, then, did not Shun rejoice
hypocritically 1 , Meneius replied, * No. Formerly, some one sent
a present of a live fish to Tsze-ch'an of Ch&ng. Tsze-ch'an ordered
his pond-keeper to keep it in the pond, but that officer cooked
ity and reported the execution of his commlBsion, saying, " When

calls him J^， now confined to the

imperial wb, was anciently used by high and
low. ^jj^y * a carved bow,' said to hare been
given to Shim by TAo, as a token of his
eiating him with him on the throne. 一-

— literally, * the two sisters-in-law/ =

a bed,' or * eoach.'

= as a final particle^ ' only.' The ex-
pression literally is, 一 'with suppressed anxiety
thinking of you only.* 4. (read hsido, 4th
tone) iB taken by ail the commentators as

34S

THE WORKS OF MESC ITS.

r

也。 爲圖之 • 愛其得 g 核產

孟氣翼 兄 JiJl^g,
于立^ 藝 gW 出得

" 來 w 故之、 孰所

故非君 P> 謂！ t

誠其于 得子得

信道、 可其產 *

IB:
>^、

-天日 >
之 于 * 象

曰之、 殺 銜彼欺 |f 攀 |f
放何舜 喜以 以哉、 予哉 >

I first let it go, it appeared embarra£Bed. In a little wlule, it seemed to
be somewhat at ease, and then it swam away joyfully/^ T8S5e-di*ML

The pond'keeper then went out and said, " Who calls Tsze-ch^aa a wise
man ？ After I had cooked and eaten the fish, he says, " It had got
into its element ！ It had got into its element !" Thus a superior man
may be imposed on by what seems to be as it ought to oe, but he
be entrapped hy what is contrary to right principle. Hsiang
in the way in which the love of his elder brother would have
him come; therefore Shun sincerely believed him, and re-
joicea. What hypocrisy was there ？, • •

Chap, III. i. Wan Chang said, ' Hsiang made it his daily busi-
ness to slay Shun. When Shun was made sovereign, how was it
that he only banished him 1 , Mencius said, * He raised him to be
a prince. »ome suppoBed that it was banishing him? ,

Ml fS 分】、 * * Mnall officer oyer the
pond 塞,' but I do not know that this meuiing of
the phrMe U found elsewhere.

in Bk. III. Pt. I. iL 3. 故君
'yr jfTy 一 compare AnaleotSj
"jT "jt, * by iU cUm/ the meaning being as

in the innilatioiL— Gh(i Hal sayi : ~ * Menoius
ifty 鼹 th" Shun knew well that Hsiang wiahed
to kill him, but when he saw him sorrowful, he
WM lorrowftil, and when he ww him joyful, he
WM Joyful. The case was that his brotherly
feeling could not be repiessed. Whether the

things mentionedby Wan CSiangreallyoocurred
or not, we do not know. But Mencias was able
to know and describe the mind of Shun, and that
is the onlj thing here worth discuBsing about'

8. EXFLAKATIOH AHD DinRCX OF SHUH's OOH-
DUCT or THE 0A8X OV HI8 WIOKKD BBOTHXB HsiAHO ；

一 HOW HS BOTH DIBTIHOUIBHKD HOC, AND KEPT
HIX UVDEB BESTRAIRT. I. "W" [gi * *» placo/

with the idea of keeping in the place,** to
banish.' Chang's thought was that Hsiang
should have been put to death, and not merely

banished. 或 曰， 一 it seems best to under-
stand 曰 as meaning * supposed,* and not 'said/

PT. I. CH. III.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

349

微而； r 、弟眉 有服極

其 藏則如 庳、 誅鯀焭

富夹怒 封是有 7； 于

也> 裁鳳之 。乎 > 庫仁羽
封之、 7^ 曰>在 之也, 山 >山> 流

之 欲宿仁 他人象
有其 怨人人 > 奚至释 三工
藏貴焉 、之 則 、而 苗于
富也 裁於 誅焉. 仁 天于幽
賁愛愛 弟之, 仁封下

、

2. Wan Chang said, ' Shun banished the superintendent of works
to YA-cMu ； he sent away Hwan-lAu to the mountain Ch'ung ； he
slew the prince of San-mi&o in San-wei ； and he imprisoned Kwin
on the mountain Yii. When the crimes of those four were thus
punished, the whole kingdom acquiesced : 一 it waa a cutting off of men
who were destitute of benevolence. But Hsiang was of all men the
most destitute of benevolence, and Shun raised him to be the prince
of YA-pl ； ~ of what crimes had the people of YA-pi been guilty ？
Does a benevolent man really act thus? In the case of other men,
he cut them off ； in the case of his brother, he raised him to be
a prince/ Mencius replied, 'A benevolent man does not lay up anger,
nor cherish resentment against his brother, but only regards him
with affection and love. Begardin^ him with affection, he wishes
him to be honourable : regarding him with love, he wishes him to
be rich. The appointment of Hsiang to be the prince of YA-pl was
and ennoble him. If while Shun himself was sovereign, his

in evil. -—^ ib to be understood, in the

text, as * the prince ofSan-miho,* which was the
name of a State, near the Tung-fing lake, em-
bracing the present department of w| ， and

extending towards WiH-ch'ang. K'wftn was the
name of the fiither of YtL The places men-
tioned are difflcolt of identification. YA-pl is

referred to the present and the dis>

triot of Ling-ling, in the department of ^f^.

to enrich and ennoble him.

9. The different indiyiduals mentioned here
are all spoken of in the Shfl-ching, Pt. IL i. la,

whieh see. is a name of office* The

Bomame or name of the holder of it is not found
in the SM-ehing. Hwan-t&u was the name of

the 司 '^ty * Minister of Instruction.' He

appears in the Shii-ching, as the friend of the

recommending him to Tfto ； hence

CbA HsI says that these two were confederate

350

THE WORKS OF MGNCIUS

[BK. V

>爲 放可之

曰

WW

云 k

成

^ 天也。 之天

接 故民稅 于曰, 乎。 于、
於源 龍焉、 使象敢 § 第

直源雖 故吏； 問爲
庳 > 而然 j 胃 i ^得 或匹

此來, 欲之其 有曰先

brother had been a common man, could be have been said to regard
him with affection and love ？ '

3. Wan Chang said, * I venture to ask what you mean by saying
that some supposed that it was a banishing of Hsiaxig ？ , Mencius
replied, ' Hsian^could do nothing in his State. The Son of Heaven
appointed an officer to administer its government^ and to pay over its
revenues to him. This treatment of him led to its being said that
he was banished. How indeed could be be allowed the means of
oppressing the people ？ Nevertheless, Shun wished to be continually
seeing him, and by this arrangement^ be came incessantly to courts as
is signified in that expression ~ " He did not wait for the rendering of
tribute, or affairs of government, to receive the prince of YA-pl." ，

Chap. IV. i. Hsien-ch'iA M&ng asked Mencius, saying, 'There

in HCl-nan. ^ is aaid by CM Hst to 濯誅,
< to eat off,' but that is too Btrong. 四 3^ «=

； lit; W 之罪， **king 11 " mean,
ing * erimes.' JH, * submitted/ i e. acknow-
ledged the justice of the punishments inflicted.

在 他 人' • • 詠 之 *PP^ ^ ^ incom-
plete} M if Mencius had not permitted his
disciple to finish what he had to say. xg
*to lodge, as if for a night, reeontment ； '
oompare ^||, Analeots, XII. zii. a. 3.

'did not get to have doing,' L e.
was not allowed to act independently,

(taking as a Terb)
I. * the uninterrapted flowing

、 及貢… 右 1*"

of a stream.'

quotation by Mencius from some book that is
now luet. There were regular seasons for ihe
princes in general to repair to court, and emer-
geneies of goTemment which required their
presence^ but Shun did not wiah his brother to
wait for such occagiona, but to be often with

him. The Jf\ extends over the two elauaes,
which- 不及貢 期而見 ，不以

政事而 見-

4. EZPLAHATIOH OF ShTTH'b OONDUOT WITH
BXnRENOB TO THE 80TBSXIOR YlO| AMD KIB FATRBI

PT. I. CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

361

_ 艘 帥 得 之

言、 孟 乎>斯 瞍, 亦 諸而士

堯 之 哉。 发 於

而魯 子： K 時其： It 侯于, 君
夕牛

攝

M 也、 容面： It g J

Sf 否 jtt 天有而 w

I 雨待

ilL 人此 語下蹙 > 朝而面 i
暴之非 誡殆孔 之,朝 而臣,
H 語君 然哉于 舜之, 立, 夂
曰、也、予乎发曰、見瞽堯：^^

is the saying, " A scholar of complete virtue may not be employed
as a miniBter by his sovereign, nor treated as a son by his father.
Shun stood with his faoe to the south, and Y&o, at the head of all
the princes, appeared before him at court with his face to the north.
Kil-s&u also did the same. When Shun saw Eii-s&u, his counte-
nanoe became discomposed. Confucius said. At this time, in what
a perilous condition was the kingdom ! Its state was indeed un-
settled." 一 I do not know whether what is here said really took place/
Mencius replied, * No. These are not the words of a superior man.
They are the sayings of an uncultivAted person of the east of Ch't
When YfirO was old, Shun was associated with him in the govern-
ment. It is said in the Canon of Y4o, " After twenty and eight
years, tbe Highly Meritorious one deceased. The people acted as if

El^-8iu. I. Hsien-ch'iCL M&ng was a disciple
of Mencius. The surname Hsien-eh'iA was
derived from a place of that name where his
progenitors had resided. The saying which

IC&ng adduces extends to Two

entirely contrary interpretations of it have been
given. One is that given in the translation.
It is the view of GhAo Ch% and is found in tbe

modem Pl-ohlh 。^ ' Complete Digest

of Annotations on the Four Books.* Most
modem oommentaries, however, take an op-
posite view : 一 4 The scholar of complete virtue
cannot employ his sovereign as a minister, or
treat his fktber as a aon.' This view is preferred
by Jnlien, who styles the other very bad. I am
satisfied, however, that the other is the correct
one. If it were not, why should Mencius con-
demn the sentiment as that of an iminstructed

man. 舜南面 ，云 云, follows as a

direct example of the principle announoecL
Shim was the scholar of complete yiitue, and
therefore the sovereign TAo, and his father,
Kft-sAu, both appeared before him as subjecta.

-j^, and the remarks of Confucius

:en as a protest against the arrange-
ments deeoiibed in the preceding paragraphs.

南 面， 北 面, Analects, VL i. 野

is to be joined as an adjective with and

not as a Qotm with The passage quoted

fr(axk the SM-ehing is now found in the canon
of Shun, and not that of Y&o ； 一^ see IL i. 13.

4th tone, 'j^, 3rd tone, 'a ye&r.'
(3rd tone ； see Bk. III. Pt I.iv.8) |^ ia not in
theclMsie. 祖(《 租) 落, ^ChilHsImakefl

362

THE WORKS or MENCIUS.

[bk. v.

Slg 蒙 三夹日 * 遏百
&非 簡曰、 年又民

西王命 舜喪、 filfe 無

舜土、 矣、 之 是天二

旣 率詩： 二下王 > 孔考

塞 ±S、MlB?f 她、 教
^之 苷堯、 于侯旣

敢非 下 、旣丘 堯于

they were mourning for a father or mother for three years, and up
to the borders of the four seas every sound of music was hushed."
Confucius said, " There are not two suns in the sky, nor two sove-
reigns over the people." Shun having been sovereign, and, moreover,
leading on all the princes to observe the three years' mourning for
Y&o, th ere would have been in this case two sovereigns/

2. Hsieii-ch*iA M&ng said, ' On the point of Shim's not treating
Y&o as a minister, I have reoeived your instructions. But it is
said in the Book of Poetry,

" Under the whole heaven,

Every spot is the sovereigns ground ；

To the borders of the land,

Every individual is the sovereign's minister ； "
一 and Shun nad become sovereign. I venture to ask how it was
that K{l-s&u was not one of his ministers/ Mencius answered.

]^ = ^p, * to ascend.' The animus asoenda at

death, and the anitna 'deaoends;' 一 hence
the combination - * diBBolution/ * decease.' ―
dictionary, however, makes Iffl simply »

and the phrase » * ▼anish away.' 白 jjj^ ia the

people within the royal domain ； the DO vfe
denotes the reet of the kingdom, beyond that.
Some, howeyer, approved by the 日 ^^， make

1^ jlSt -百 Jg > 'the offlcen/ and UO
騰 * all the people.' ^j^， —the terms for a

deceased father and mother.

the classic has

sounds,' are all ini
of metal, stone, oord,
ware, leather, or w

for

The 八音, 'eight

ments of murie, fonned
boo, calabash, earthen-
• >~ The meaning is that
up to the time of TAo's decease, Shun was only
vioe-king, and, therefore, YAo never could have
appeared before him in the position of a subject.

a. ^fe is not to be taken with

reference to the phrase ^* yj^ 2^ ffjj
but to the general scope of the preceding pan-

FT. I. CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS,

353

尊 民有夹 I 逆 以事, 7i 也問

裁也。 孑雲志 、文我 得非瞽

之孝 § 意漢 是害獨 養是瞍

至 、于信 之爲
荬之斯 詩得: T 、勢
大至言 曰> 之、 以也. 也、 也 、臣

曰、 勢如
此於何

乎莫 也> 周如
以大是 餘以害
天 乎周黎 "^' 一"^

志 》 静莫王 日

舞民/ 而以者 1 非事是

靡 E 意:^ 王而詩

' That ode is not to be understood in that way : 一 it speaks of being
laboriously engaged in the sovereigns business, so as not to he able
to nourish one s parents, ds if the author said, " This is all the sove-
reign's business, and how is it that I alone am supposed to have ability,
and am made to toil in it?" Therefore, those wno explain the odes,
may not insist on one term bo as to do violence to a sentence, nor on
a eentence so as to do violence to the general scope. They must try
with their thoughts to meet that scope, and then we snail appre-
hend it. If we simply take single sentences, there is that in the ode
called " The Milky Way,"—

" Of the black-haired people of the remnant of Cli&u,
There is not half a one left/'
If it had been really as thus expressed, then not an individual of
the people of CMu was left.

3. * Of all which a filial son can attain to, there is nothing greater
than his honouring his parents. And of what can be attained to

graph, and especially to Menoiiu's explanation.
The restrictiDg it to the former, in opposition

to ihe maxim —不 以鮮 害志， h** led

to the erroneouB view of the whole passage
animadverted on aboTe. H&ng is now oon-
Tineed that it was only on T&o's death that
Shun became faU sovereign, bat after that
event there still remained the relation between
him and KCl-sftu, and how could he be at onoe
■orereign and son to him? How was it thatKtk-

,u would be at once father and subject to him ？
， 一 flee the Shih-ching, II. vi. Ode L sL a.

^^， —see the Sbih-ching, Ill.iii.

• Bt. 3. J^， * the scope,' i. e. the mind

or aim of the writer. 3. 曰, ~ see the

Shih-ching, III. i. Ode IX. st. 3, celebrating the
praises of king WfL — This paragraph shows that
Shun, by his exaltation, honoured his father
only the more exceedingly. He was the more

VOL. 11.

A a

354

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[bk. v.

下以有

, 天 諸。 萬；而

得栗眉 s 孝 7^ 爲

、天

日 I

下孟章 于艘雜

于

與與 于曰、 4。 亦載思 之实、

^ A 0« 允更 維至會

之。 人

曰、 然卞卞
天 則 天 天

與舜

WI 也 • 之

之。 有 % ^
天^天 能 舜 >

若、 _

是晚 此詩莩

爲變 之曰、 也、

^變 謂丞以

； 齊; It 。言天

in the honouring one's parents, there is nothing greater than the
nourishing them with the whole kingdom. Kii-s&u was the £9ither of
the sovereign ； 一 this was the height of honour. Shun nourished
him with the whole kingdom ； ~ this was the height of nourishiDg.
In thifl was verified the sentiment in the Book of Poetry,
" Ever cherishing filial thoughts.
Those filial thoughts became an example to after ages."

4, ' It is said in the Book of History, " Reverently performing
his duties, he waited on K<i-s4u, and was full of veneration and
awe. Eii-B&u also believed him and conformed to virtue." ~ This
is the true case of the scholar of complete virtue not being treated as
a son by his £ather/

Chap. V. i. Wan Chang said, * Was it the case that Y^U)
gave the throne to Shun?, Mencius said, *No. The sovereign
cannot give the throne to another/

2. ' Yes ； ― but Shun had the throne. Who gave it to him ？ '
* Heaven gave it to him,' was the answer.

* 禽 soil , to Kft-iftu. 4. 日, see the ShCl-
ohing, IL ii. 15. 赛 (read ckdi) ^ (the classic

h" 慄), 一 this ——pie—

MenoiuB. aB if he aaid, * There is indeed a mean-
ing in that Baying that a scholar of complete
virtue cannot be treated as a son by his fiither,
for in the case of Shun and Kd-s&u we see^hat
the father was affected by the son, and not the
■on by the father.'

5. How Shun got thx thbonb bt thb gift of
Hkavsh. Vox Popuu vox Dbi. x. ^3 ―

Bee Bk.L Pt.lX ii, ^ au 天

^< is it not plain that by * Heaven' in ihix
chapter we are to understand God? Many com-
mentators understand by it jflg, * reason/ or
< the truth and fitness of things,' saving in the
expression 一 曰 in par. 7, where they

take it aB-=^r, 'fate.' On this- the author of

]|f^ ^^， 'Aoolleotion of
nt commentB of the Learned

the
the most im

PT. L CH. v.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

355

天;

使諳 於者、 而否,

：^^A天侯天、如E天之
35 木 於于能 7、 之夹

雰^ 笋與 m 能 R

S'S 拳 S A 使巨' 以以諄

暴 諸

；能

之

侯 > 天

衫 募使大 于之能 事之

民 > 舜諸夫

而於侯 H

/|\

下 > 人之之

乎。

3. ' " Heaven gave it to him : ,， ~ did Heaven confer its appoint-
ment on him with specific injunctions V

4. Mencim replied, *No. Heaven does not speak. It simply
showed its will by his personal conduct and his conduct of affiurs.'

5. * " It showed its will by his personal conduct and his conduct
of affidrs : " 一 how was this 1 , Menciuss answer was, 《 The sovereign
can present a man to Heaven, but he cannot make Heaven give that
man the throne. A prince can present a man to the sovereign, but
he cannot cause the sovereign to make that man a prince. A great
officer can present a man to his prince, but he cannot cause the prince
to make that man a great officer. Yio presented Shun to Heaven,
and Heaven accepted him. He presented him to the people, and
the people accepted him. Therefore I say, " Heaven does not

say, Heaven gave it to him, did Heaven indeed
express its inBtructions and oommandB to him
again and again ？ If it did not do so, where is

the ground for what you aay ？ , 4. 4th tone,

* conduct,' as opposed to "^， * the conduct of

^ ；$^, ^ahowed it,' Le. itawm to

give him the throne. The character ^ takee

here the place of because would

require the use of language, whereas ^ is the

simple indication of the will, 5. jf| jpA, * the
hundred ' (雄 all the) * spirits/ is explained as
天地山 川 $ 神，' the spirits of he 画 1，
earth, the mountains, and the rivers,' i.e. all

on the Four Books,' says ~>

* Hsa-ch&i suppoBes that in this one case 《

曰 ^f^) the word Heaven means fate. But

this is a great error. In this chapter " Heaven "
signifies the goirernment of God, within which

are included both reason and fate.' 3.
j^^ft 一 ^f*， * as to what you say.' 貧 # (the
ist tone) *with repetitions/ — The

paraphrase in the 日 is *Asto what you

A a 2

356

THE WORKS OF MENOIUS

[bk

有以^^^受之於

： 民

A 天 人安之 I 主民、 之事受
, 下與^ 使祭、 而於 示之、

非 與;^ 是之而 民天、 ^故

人 Ao 故民主 百受而 面曰,
之舜 S 曰 > 受事 > 肺之、 天 天

所相天 之而享 如受矣

f 堯 1 予 $^、f 吝> 何。 5、g 桑富,
爲二 7； 天 治、 是 @>暴 敢 M

也 > 十能與 百天使 之問行

speak. It simply indicated its will bj his personal conduct and bis
conduct of affitira" ,

6. Chang said, * I presume to ask how it was that Ydo presented
Shun to Heaven, and Heaven accepted him ； and that he exhibited
him to the people, and the people accepted him, Menoivs replied,
' He caused him to preside over the sacrifices, and all the spirits
were well pleased with them ； ~ thus Heaven accepted him. He
caused him to preside over the conduct of affairs, and affairs were
well administered, so that the people reposed under him ； ― thus the
people accepted him. Heaven gave the throne to him. The people
gave it to nim. Therefore I said, " The sovereign cannot give the
throne to another."

7. * Shun assisted Yko in the government for twenty and eight
years ； ~ this was more than man could have done, and was from

time. 6. is very plainly in the singalar

notwithstanding the ； = < one of theprinoea.'

Bpirifcual beings, real or supposed. In the ShA-
ching, II. i. 6, a distinction is made between

the Jpip, < host of Bpirits,' and 上

and [Jj 川， but the phrase here is to

taken as inclusive of all. The sovereign is

j|| 申 t and Shun entered into all the

duties of YAo, even while YAo was alive. How
the spirits signified their approbation of the
sacrifices, we are not told. 一 Modem critics take

the 1^ Jp^ here as exclusive of Heaven and

BubordinAte to it, being equivalent to the

W 申， * the energetio operations of Heaven.' But
0uch views were long subsequent to Menoius's

leave the

translation,
exhibit' 7.

* formerly/ out of the
, 一 read pu, * to manifest,' * to
4th tone. By, and tone.
4th tone. In jijj^f it is said,
~^， < Heaven means destiny.'

But why suppose a different meaning of the
term ？ Twenty-eight yean were, indeed, a long
time for Shun to occupy the place of ▼ice-
sovereign as he did, and showed wonderful
gifts. I consider that thjs is an additional illua-

PT. I. CH. v.]

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

357

聽, 也。 宫 > 中鼷舜 、舜、 侯堯天

自泰 s 逼— 一―一 - '

_ — .1歌謳訟朝之4^,

番誓晃 牋舜、 歌獄觐 于^
民曰、 之天 故者、 者、 者 J々£

于 曰、^ 7^;r; 唐

姦]^ 篡氣4^歌堯堯之之
謂我也 J5 夫堯 之之 '

也。 §斐 居然 之于、 于、 天 '
臘天堯 後于、 而 而下舜
天與之 之而之 之諸漉

Heaven. After the death of YS.o, when tbe three years' mourning
was completed, Shun withdrew from the son of Y&o to the south
of South river. The princes of the kingdom, however, repairing to
court, went not to the son of Y4o, but they went to Shun. Liti-
gants went not to the son of Y4o, but they went to Shun. Singers
sang not the son of Y&o, but they sang Shun. Therefore I said,
" Heaven gave him the throne." it was after these things that he
went to the Middle Kingdom, and occupied the seat of the Son of
Heaven. If he had, before these things, taken up his residence in
the palace of Y4o, and had applied pressure to the son of Y^, it
would have been an act of usurpation, and not the gift of Heaven.

8. • This sentiment is expressed in the words of The Great De-
daratioD, ~ " Heaven sees according as my people see ； Heaven
hears according as my people hear.".

tration of the above, by which Heaven

intimated its will about Shun. The south of
the South river (probably the most southern of
the nine streams which Yfl opened) would be
in the present Ho-nan. Thither Shun retired
from Chl-chftUy the present Shan-hsl, where
y&o's capital was. For the difference between

(ch'doy and tone) and ||^, the Li-chL
I. Sect. II. ii. iiy and notes thereon. ^fe,

Z^Z^ 國一 往， 比 e verb.
^mJL • BOO Analects, XII. xiii, but ChU Hsi

makes no distinction between the terms here,
and explains 訟獄 謂獄不 决而訟
^y^t 一 these two terms must be taken
together. 3^ is the more general name of £he
two. The 文 says that 諷 is
'the singing of many together/ The TC
^ 翁 makes to be the several tunes of the

Bingers* flfe- 若， or 使. 8. 泰誓 曰,
― see the Shfl-ching, V. i. Sect IL 7.

358

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8

[BK. V

於禹于 、民果 於賢、 孟整

箕通, 而從 禹天、
山三 從之/ 避十
之年 舜若舜 有于、

陰、^ 4^ 堯 之七則

于

日 章
藝問

於 日 >

禹崩于 、年 、與 然覧人
単 、薦之 於舜于 • 也 、而有
益 益後、 陽崩、 昔天傳 ―

^tfflc —or iwll ~^ ' -4^^ idbt .^K

口

至

八 方々 -IXZ.

賢、 于、 於

則 有 禹

避於； r; 城三者 >

者 > 禹天、 從 天年舜
7； 之^ 堯下之

Z 于、 年、 之 之喪禹 與截。 W

Chap. VI. i. Wan Chang asked Menctue, saying, * People say,
" When the disposal of the kingdom came to Yii, his virtue was inferior
to that of Ydo and Shun, and he transmitted it not to the worthiest
but to his son. Was it so ? ' Mencius replied, , No; it was not so.
When Heaven gave the kingdom to the worthiest, it was given to
the worthiest. When Heaven gave it to the eon of the preceding
sovereign, it was riven to him. Shun presented YU to Heaven.
Seventeen years elapsed, and Shun died. When the three years'
mourning was expired, YU withdrew from the son of Shun to lang-
ch'ang. The people of the kingdom followed him just as after the
death of Y&o, instead of following his son, they had followed Shun.
Yii presented Yl to Heaven. Seven years elapsed, and Ytt died.
When the three years' mourning was expired, Yl withdrew from the
son of Yii to the north of mount Ch'l. The princes, repairing to
court, went not to Yl, but they went to Ch't liitigants did not go

A general inference may be drawn as well from
the special oaaes. 有 逮， 'was it so?' ie.

6. How THE THBOFE DESCBKDED PBOX Yu TO
HIB 80V, AHD HOT TO HIS MiriSfnai Yt ； THAT Yt^
WAS HOT TO BB OOHBIDERED ON TBAX AOOOUHT AS

IHFXBIOB nr VIBTUE TO Ylo AKD SBUH. I.

Jf^f 一 'coming to;- we must understand, * From

YAo and Shun,' or translate somehow as I have

done. Some say that 賢， <^ ara

not to be taken with special reference to Shun
and Ytt, and to Ch*l, but it seems best to do sa

^as his virtue inferior, and his transmitting
the throne to his son a proof that it wtta ao ？

omitted in translating, as before.

Cha Hsi Bays, < Tang^sh'&ng and the north of
mount Ch'i were both at the foot of the Sang
mountains, places fit for retirement, within
deep valleys.* By many they are held to have

FT. I. CH. VI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUB

850

也 之遠, 施 繼年： r; 之者 >^

所其澤禹多/鼠于：？^而

之 能于於 之施舜 也。 謳 之
敦爲之 民道/ 瀑之丹 歌耽

者> 之肖. 舜 Jff ^ 禹： 謳君

命爲 皆禹禹 厥之肖 • 歌之

也。 而天益 、也、 p> 相 舜欺, 于

匹昌爲 也、 相歴翻 舜之曰 >也,

夫者, 非 去年敬 也> 于

> 承歴 亦君歌

to Y1, but thej went to Ch'l, saying, " He is the son of our sove-
reign ； ，， the singers did not sing Yl, but they sang Ch'l, saying, " He
is the son of our sovereign."

2. , That Tan-chA was not equal to his father, and Shuti's son
not equal io his ； that Shun assisted Y4o, and Ytt assisted Shun,
for manj years, conferring benefits on the people for a long time ；
that thus the length of time during which Shun, Ytt, and Yl
assisted in the government was so different ； that Ch'i was able, as a
man of talents and virtue, reverently to puraue the same course as Ytt ；
that Yl assisted Yti only for a few jrears, and had not long conferred
benefits on the people ； that the ； periods of service of the three were so
different ； and that the sons were one superior, and the other superior :
― all this was from Heaven, and what could not be brought about by
man. That which is done without man^s doing is from Heaven. That
which happens without man's causing is from the ordinance o/Heaven.

3. ' In the case of a private individual obtaining the throne, there

been the same place, and that is a mistake

for BBr. They were certainly near each other,
and are referred to the district of T&ng-ftng
^> ^ department of Ho-nan, in
Ho-nan. Yl was Yii's great minister, raised
to that dignity after the death of K&o-y&o ； ~~ see

the Shii-ching, II. iv. Ch*i was Ytt's son, who
succeeded him on the throne, a. Tan-ohft was
the son of TAo ； see the Shfl-ching, I. 9. The
son of Shun is not mentioned in the classic. Hia

name was t-chUn ^^)， and often appears

as Shang Chfln, he having been appointed to

the principality of Shang (商 )• In ^ jjf^,

360

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. V

梅伊

r

太 尹益、 之有有 3^

自放太未湯尹、廢*"£。£耋>

怨之 甲立、 以周必 繼嘴德

自 於顦外 王么若 f$ 痤

艾 棍釋丙 於丕樂

於三 # 二天有 射有故 3

桐年、 之年下 > 天者 天伸處

處太 典伸湯 下。 ife/i 下, 而

must be in him virtue equal to that of Shun orYti ； and moreover there
must be the presenting of him to Heaven by the preceding sovereign.
It was on this account that Confucius did not obtain the throne.

4. ' When the kingdom is possessed by natural succession, the
sovereign who is displaced by Heaven must be like Chieh or Ch&u.
It was on this account that Yl, 1 Yin, and CMu-kung did not
obtain the throne.

5. 《 t Yin assisted T'ang so that he became sovereign over the
kingdom. After the demise of Tang, T'Ai-ting having died before
he could be appointed sovereign, W£i-pmg reigned two years, and
Chxng'Z&n four. T^i-chiA was then turning upside down the
statutes of T'ang, when t Yin placed him in T'ung for three years.
There T*&i-chi4 repented of his errors, was contrite, and reformed
himself. In T'ung he came to dwell in benevolence and walk in

the ^Jl^ is in 4th tone. In this paragraph we

have a longer sentence than is commonly found

in Chinese composition, tiie in

resuming all the previoiu clauses, which are in
apposition with one another : 一 * Tan ChA's not
being like his father. Shim's son's not being like

him/A。. 相去: 歷年久 J

yj^^ j^J^ ^-fijj^, the first j^ifl active;

implying the purpose of man, the seoond is
liye ； so, as is indicated by the tenns, with

and in the next sentence. 4. t Yin

was the chief minister of Tang (see Analects,

XII. xxii. 6), and ChAu-kong or the duke of
Ch&u, the well-known assiBtant of his brother,

king WfL 5. ； in 4U1 tone. in 3rd

tone, "^jjj^ J . . . 四 ^ ^，一 I have tr&nsUted

here according to ChAo Ch'l, One of the Gh'&ngB
gives a different view : 一 * On the death of T'ang,
W&i-ping was only two years old, and Chungs
o&n was but four. T*&i was somewhat older,
and therefore was put on the throne and
between this view and the other, ChA Hal pro-
fesses himself unable to decide. The first view
appears to me much the more natural, and is
founded moreover on the account in the * His-
torical Records/ though the histories have been
arranged according to the other, and TAi-ehiA
appears as the successor of T'ang. This arrange-

PT. I. CH. VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

361

4。 后 、• 夏 ^fig 仨

罄于 g 军 f

周 、曰、 S^I^ 雷 5^ 鸟藝 >
、唐、 之猶周 Ml

' ^ % -^^ 耋 A - _ r"i ' 龜

虞 益公

righteousness, during those three years, listening to the lessons given
to him by t Yin. Tnen again returned with him to Po.

6. * Cb4u-kung^ not getting the throne was like the case of Yl
and the throne ofHsiA, or like that of 1 Yin and the throne of Yin.

7. * Confucius said, " T'an^ and Yti resigned the throne to their
worthy ministers. The sovereign of HsiA and those of Yin and ChAu
transmitted it to their 6on& Tne principle of righteousness was the
same in all the cases** '

Chap. VIL i. Wan Chang asked Mencius^ saying, * People say
that t Yin sought an introduction to T'ang by bis Knowledge of
cookery. Was it so ?' 一

ment of the chronology seems indeed required
by the Btatoments in the SM-ching, IV. iy,
which do not admit of any reign or reigns being
intorpofled between Tang and TAi-ohiA. The

author of the Pwposos

tlie following solntioii : 一 * ChAo Gh*i'8 view is
― dssible, being inconaistent with the ShA-
The scholar Ch'&ng^a yiew is also to be
. For how can we aiippoee that Tang,
oyer a hundred years old, would leave
m of two and four years ？ And, more-
over, on this Yiew Ghung-s&n was the elder
broiker, and Menoiiu would have mentioned
him first. Bat there is a solution which meets
all the difficulties of the case. First, we assume,
with the old explanation, that W&i-ping and
Chong-oftn were both dead when T*&i-ohiA suo-
dded to the throne. Then, with Ch*&ng,we take

in the sense of jpg, yean of life, and not

of roign ； 一 and the meaning thus comes out,
that Tfti-ting died before his father, and his
brothen W&i-ping and Chung-eftn died also,
the one «t the age of two, and &e other of four

jean.' 开 J, 一 in the sense of laws. Pong was

the pUoe where Tang had been buried, and Po
tiie name of his capital. There is some con-
trofveniy about the time of T&i-ehi&'s detention
in Tung, whether fche three years are to be
TCckoned from his aocemion, of from the con-

clusion of the three yean of mourning. The
' Historieal Records* sanction the latter view,
but the former is generally received, as more
in aocordanoe with the Shtl-ohing. 7. We miut
understand Confdcius's saying, — the seoond
clause of it,— as referring to the first sovereigns

of the dynasties mentioned, and opposed

to Ijl^y'^'js, *to transmit to,, i.e. their sons.

and jK are YAo and Shnn ； see the Shii-

ohing, I, IL 一 Bee Analects, IIL

zzxt X. Ytt originally was the 4h, or Baron,

of HsiA, a district in the present department of
K*&i-fiUig. The one principle of righteousness
was aocordanoe with the will of Heayen, as

expressed in par. i, -J^ 貢 ij

天與子 ，則與 子-

7. YnrDiOATioir of t Yni ntox tbb okaboe or

niTHODUGDIO WTMET -， TO THS BBBTIOB OF TaNQ
BT AX UirWOBTHY ABTIFIOE. I. 3^ , the ISt tone,

«5|^> or -jp, *to seek/ i.e. an introduction
to, or the favour of. t {^ft is the surname^

Yin the < regulator/ is the designation

was the chief minister of Tang. The popular
account (found also in the 'Historical Records')

362

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS,

[bk. V

樂我然 諸一弗 之道耕
堯豈曰 、人。 介視以 焉、 於有

之富何 I" 谥悲'

道献以 人與其 弗義^ 予

哉

j^c^ 以人

之于

顧 也、 野 * 日1

幣一也 ilL 非而否 >

聘介非 繫其樂

使由幣 之、: 其馬道 堯§
往是爲 囂以道 千也、 舜 g
聘以哉 > 囂取 也> 駟 > 濂之尹

2. Mencius replied, * No, it was not so. t Yin was a fanner in
the lands of the prince of Hsin, delighting in the principles of Tfto
and Shun. In any matter contrary to the righteousness which they
prescribed, or contrary to their principles, though he had been
offered the throne, he would not have regarded it; though there
had been yoked for him a thousand teams of horses, he would not
have looked at them. In any matter contrary to the righteousness
which they prescribed, or contrary to their principles, he would
neither have given nor taken a single straw.

3. * T'ang sent persons with presents of silk to entreat him to
enter his service. With an air of indifference and self-satisfaction he
said, "What can I do with those silks with which T*ang invites me 1
Is it not best for me to abide in the channelled fields, and 90 delight
myself with the principles of YAo and Shun?,,

4. ' T'ang thrice sent messengers to invite him. After this, with

in the times of Henoiiu was, that t Yin
oame to Po in the train of a daughter of the
prince of Hsin, "whom T'ang was mAirying,
carrying his eooking-instniments with him,
that by * cutting and boiling,' he miftht recom-
mend himself to favour.

— 1 Yin was a native
territory which under

called Kwo, the present Shen-oh&i

of Ho-nan. It was not fiur diBi
Tang's original seat of Po, also in the present

Ho-nan. 有 宰 = 有 華 氏, <the suv
^e, i.e. the prince, holding Hrin/ 非其

義 也, 非 其道也 in apposition,
the one explanatory of the other, jjjt J^， 一
literally, < emolument him.' BMi 'a team of

four honea.' ^^- ^jC. 3. <to ask/

often used for 'to ask in marriage ；' here, 'to
aak to be minisier.' 4. 曰 may be

PT. 1. CH. VII.]

THE WORKS OF MBNCIUS

363

有而 將後民 若若若 之之、

"^、譁以覺4^>於使使中、旣

也、 複吾

被 也。 斯 4,

思 S 道 予、 先身

舜天 覺天知 裁爲爲

之下 斯民覺 見堯堯
澤之 民之後 之舜舜
者> 民、 也、 先知. 哉。 之之

若 匹非覺 使天很 君之我

e 夫予 者先之 哉肩, 道 ,寧.

畝

椎匹覺 4^ 覺生
而婦、 之 予覺此

the change of resolution displayed in his countenance, he spoke in
a different style, 一 " Instead of abiding in the channelled fields and
thereby delighting myself with the principles of Y&o and Shun, had
I not better make this prince a pnnce like Y&o or Shun, and this
people like the people of Y&o or Shun ？ Had I not better in my
own person see these things for myself 1

5. *" Heaven's plan in the production of mankind is this : ~ that
they who are first informed should instruct those who are later in
being informed, and they who first apprehend principles should
instruct those who are slower to do bo. I am one of Heaven's
people who have first apprehended ； 一 I will take these principles
and instruct this people in them. If I do not instruct them,
who will do so ? "

6. ' He Ihought that among all the people of the kingdom, even
the private men and women, if there were any who did not enjoy

changed his plan, and said,' or
曰， < dunged hifl words, andBaid.'
' jS", <a prince of, 雄 like to, YAo

do not see ezaetly the force of
in the last sentence, and have

'、 FV

lerefore simply tranalated the phiase literally.
5. This paragraph is to be understood as spoken

by t Tin. The meaning of , * to apprehend/

* to understand,' is an advance on that of ftX^ ,

simply *to know.' The student will obserre
also thai it is aged aotively three times, 麵 * to

instruct.' In , the iH^ Re ， 'this

pie/ « * mankind.' 6. 內 ， >~ read as, and =
• ttft' 一 8hmiif, in and tone/to adviae/

364

THE WORKS OF JI£XCn:&.

A 未夹,

五 S

割其
官、 f 以

m 堯 -
載 ft* 舜

gwnz

曰》 道

g 零

者 夏重&
也 1 救如之
^ 民。 此、

近>乎 、人

such benefits as Y4o and Shiin conferred, it was as if he himself
pushed them into a ditch. He took upon himself the heavy charge of
the kingdom in this way, and therefore he went to T'ang, and pressed
upon him the subject of attacking Hsi^ and saving the people.

7. ' I have not heard of one who bent himself, and at the same
time made others straight ； ~ how much less could one disgrace him-
self, and thereby rectify the whole kingdom ？ The actions of the
sages have been different. Some have kept remote from, courts and
some have drawn near to it; some have left their offices, and some
have not done so : ~ that to which those different courses all agree is
simply the keeping of their persons pure.

8. * I have neard that 1 Yin sougnt an introduction to T'ang by
the doctrines of Y&o and Shun. I have not heard that he did so
by his knowledge of cookery.

9. ' In the " Instructions of 1 " it is said, " Heaven .destroying
Chieh commenced attacking him in the palace of Md. I commenced
in P<x"'

'to pemutde.' Jj^, < advised him

about' 7. Compare Bk. III. Pt IL L 5. 歸

-^^ *lf we seek where they came to,

where they centered.' 8. ^^,—m in para-
graph X. 9. See the Shik-ohing, IV. iv. a, but
the olAMio and thU text are so different that

many suppose Mencius to quote from some form
of the book jeferred to which Confticius dis-
allowed. The meaning is that Chieh's atrooities
in his palace in Mik led Heayen to destroy him,
while I Yin, in accordance with the will of
Heaven, advised T'ang in Po to take action

against him. and both « * to
begin/

PT. I. CH. VIII.]

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS

365

得牙子 曰之靈 4^f>_^_^
進路孔 * 替烀 有主甚

有以 予兄 g>f 孽 ，署
命、 鼴吿、 主笫 彌者乎 。&問

鄕 于妻, 也。 曰 > 主

疽 得有可 謂與於 S 否、

…之命 、得于 £ 衞、: f

待； r; 孔 4。 路路主 然瘠於

Chap. VIIL i. Wan Chang asked Menctus, saying, 《Some say
that Confucius, when he was in Wei, lived with the ulcer-doctor,
and when he was in Ch'l, with the attendant, Ch'l Hwan ； 一 was it
so 1 ， Mencius replied, * No ; it was not so. Those are the inven-
tions of men fond of strange things.

2. • When he was in Wei, he lived with Yen Ch'&u-yA. The
wives of the officer Ml and Tsze-IA were sisters, and Ml told Tsze-
】A, " If Confucius will lodge with me, he may attain to the dignity
of a high noble of Wei." Tsze-M informed Confiicius of this, and
he said, "That is as ordered hy Heaven." Confucius went into
office according to propriety, and retired from it according to right-
eousness. In regard to his obtaining office or not obtaining it, he
said, " That is as ordered." But if he had lodged with the attendant

8. YnrDiCATioH of ComruomB fbox ths ohabob

OF LODeXHG WITH UHWOBTHT GHABAOTEBS. Z.

<a swelling,' <an ulcer,, and 3H" O^^ad

in iBt tone), 'a deep-seated ulcer.' ChO
after ChAo Cli% takee the two terms as
the translation. Some, however, take the

ehaneten as a man's name, called alao
渠, 雍歸, and 雍^^ They are probably

right. The < Historical BeoordB'make

to have been the eunuch in attencUmoe
duke ofWeLwhen he rode through the market-
place with the duchess, followed bv the sage, —

to his great disgust* * the

ennach.' Eunuchs were employed during the
Ch&u dynasty. Both the men referred to were

unworthy fiiYouriteB of their respective princes,
(in 3rd tone) < one who ia fond of

raising trouble,' and in a lighter senae, aa here,
* one who is fond of saying, and doing, strange

things.' jf^^^^^y* lodged in hifl

house.' literally, * hotted him/ In par. 4, JJ*

tfT, * by those of whom they are hosts ； '

]^ ^^,*by those whom they host,' i. e.

eir hosts, a. Yen Ch'&u-yii, called also

BE , was a worthy officer of Wei One

t has it, that he was brother to Tsze-
ife, but this is probably incorrect MI,

with the name HsiA > was an unworthy

366

THE W0BK8 OF MENCIUS

[BE. V

以 近貞宋 P 焉, 于人
5 臣, 于、 是將； 瘠

於 章人所 以爲時 > 要 悅環,

秦問 瘠主、 其陳 孔而; g 是

養曰、 環, 若所侯 于 殺魯,
胜或何 孔爲周
者, 曰, 以于 主、

百爲主

羊里 孔癰遠 I
之 奚于。 a 臣,

乙 I 懾 、我

、微遭 ：

hi

― 服宋命
司而 也。
城 過司孔 S

Chl Hwan, that would neither have been according to righteous-
nessi nor any ordering of Heaven.

3. * When Confuoius, being dissatisfied in lA and Wei, had lefi
those States, he met with the attempt of Hwan, the Master of the
Horse, of Sung, to intercept and kill him. He afisumed, however,
the dresB of a common man, and passed by Sung. At that time, though
he was in circumstaoces of distress, he lodged with the city-master
Ch'&ng, who was then a minister of Cb&u, the marquis of Cb'in.

4. * I have heard that the characters of ministers about court may
be discerned from those whom they entertain, and those of stranger
officers, from those with whom they lodge. If Confucius had lodged
with the ulcer-doctor, and with the attendant CM Hwan, how could
he have been Confucius T

Chap. IX, i. Wan Chang asked Mencivs, * Some say that
Pdi-ll Hsl sold himeelf to a cattle-keeper of Ch'in for the skins of

favourite of the duke Ling. 3. Compare Ana-
lectfl, VIL xzii ； Hwan is the Hwan TCd there.

' in ist tone, 直!^ *to intercept.'

JJ|[, < small clothes,' ie. the dress of a

eommon man. 貞, * the Pure,' is the honorary

epithet of the officer who was ConfuoiuB'a host,

and was the proper name of the prince of

Ch'i&n, with whom indeed the independence of
the State terminated. Ch&ng, it is said, after-
wards became * city-master ' in Sung, and was
known aa such ；一 hence he is so styled here at

an earlier period of his life. 4. here

have a different application from what belongs
to them in the last chapter, par^ 7.

9. YlSDIOATION OF Pil-li

VBOM TUK

CHABOB OF BELLIXO HnfBKT.y AS A STEP TO BUI

ADVAHOBimiT. X. PAi-U was chief minuter

to the duke Mii ( ^[- 'the diffuaer of Tirtne,

and maintainer of integrity'), b.c. 659-690.
His history will be found interestingly detailed
in the twenty-fifth and some subsequent Books

of the * History of the Several States'

^9 )， 仏。 叫 h the incidents there are, some

of them, different from Mencius's statements
about him. With regard to that in this para*
graph, it is not easy to understand the popular

PX. I. CH. IX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

367

7; 穆十 7; 諌假 以？^ 孟 g>
可公夹 、可 百道藎 £ 。于常

諫之曾 mE*^ 蘇百汩 、半、

謂謂 牛年専 f 產 4、5 "

^智干 公之 之晋者 _
智乎、 秦^ 之 奇乘, 人 爲乎。

five rams, aud fed his oxen, in order to find an introduction to the
duke MA of Ch'in ； 一 was this the case 1 ， Mencius said, * No; it was
not 80. This story was invented hy men fond of strange things.

2. * P4i-ll Hsl was a man of Ytt. The people of Tsin, by the
inducement of a round piece of jade from Ch'<d-chl, and four horses
of the Ch'tt breed, borrowed a passage through Ytt to attack Kwo.
On that occasion^ Kung Chih-ch'l remonstvBtea against granting their
request, and P&i-li Hsi did not remonstrate.

3. * When he knew that the duke of YU was not to be remon-
strated with, and, leaving that State, went to Ch'in, he had reached
the age of seventy. If by that time he did not know that it would
be a mean thing to seek an introduction to the duke 'MA of Ch'in
by feeding oxen, could he be called wise ？ But not remonstrating
where it was of no use to remonstrate, could he be said not to be

on account of his ability ； and on obtaining
him, he at onoe made him his chief minister.

^ ^，一 read tew, 4th tone, *to feed.' ^C,

― as in chap. 7, the zst tone. '^^^^ 一

as in last chapter. 3. Ch*td-chi and Ch'iX were
the names of places in Tsin, the one famous for

aeeount referred to. The aeoount in the

< Historical Beoords,' yfr g^, is, that,

after the subTersion of Yfl, Hsl followed its
captive duke to Tsm, refoBiiig to take 8or-
Tice in that State, and was afterwards sent
to Ch'in in a menial capacity, in the train
of ihe eldest daughter of the house of Tsin,
who was to become the wife of the duke MfL
at being in such a position, Hal
on the road, and fleeing to Ch'ii, he
noted for his skill iii rearing cattle.
The duke MA somehow heard of his great
capacity, and sent to Ch'ii, to reclaim him as
a nmaway servunt, offering also to pay for his
ransom five rams' akins. He was aft^id to offer
a more yaltuible ransom, lest he should awaken
siupiciotis in Ch'tL that he wanted to get Hs!

its jade, the other for its horses. "^fS, 4th

tone, 'A team of four horses.' Kwo and Ytt
were small States, adjoining each other, and
only safe against the attains of their more
powerful neighbour, Tsin, by their mutual
union. Both the officers of Ytl, Kung Chih-
ch'l ftnd P&i-li Hs!, saw this, but Hsl saw also
that no remonstrances would prevail with the

duke of Yu against the bribes of Tsin. 3. «^

368

THE WOKKS OF MEKCTUS,

[bk. V

謂鄕之 傳而之 、之 liu 先乎、

賢黨乎 顯可可 時$§
者自自 梭其謂 與舉: 虞

爲 、其 而下、 相面穆
而君 Jg 可秦 > 相 公智面

wise ？ Knowing that the duke of Yu would be ruined, and leaving
him before that events he cannot be said not to have beea wise.
Being then advanced in Ch'in, he knew that the duke MA was one
with whom he would enjoy a field for action, and became minister
to him ； could he, acting thus, be said not to be wise ？ Having
become chief minister of Ch'in, he made his prince distinguished
throughout the kingdom, and worthy of being handed down to future
age8 ； 一 could he have done this, if he had not been a man of talents
and virtue ？ As to selling himself in order to accomplish aU the
aims of his prince, even a villager who had a regard for himself
would not do such a thing ； and shall we say that a man of talents
and virtue did it ？ ,

z
之

秦， -之 -往， verb. 而先去

, 一 this may have been pnident, but was

not honourable. It is contrary to other aeoounts
of Hil't conduct. He is said to have urged

Chih-ch*! to leave Yil after his remonstranoe,
while he remained himaelf to be with the duke
in the evil day which he bHw approaehing.

1^ " " taken together.

PT- II. CH. I.] THE WORKS OF MENOIUS. 369

WAN CHANG. PART II.

M 濱> 炭逮 if 則事 1色>_
夷以也 、如 止退、 非耳孟 i
之 待當以 7； 横其 7； 于
風 天紂朝 忍政民 聽曰、

者 > 下之衣 居之； 惡伯

頑 之時, 朝 4^ 所使、 罄、 夷 I

夫 淸居鴛 、思 p]/ 冶非目

廉, 4^ it 坐與 橫則其 7；

Chapter I. i. Mencius said, 《 Po-1 would not allow his eyes to
look on a bad sight, nor his ears to listen to a bad sound. He
would not serve a prince whom he did not approve, nor oommand
a people whom he did not esteem. In a time of good government
he took office, and on the occurrence of confusion he retired. He
could not bear to dwell either in a court from which a lawless govern-
ment emanated, or among lawless people. He considered his being
in the same place with a villager, as if he were to sit amid mud and
coals with Ins court robes and court cap. In the time of CMu he
dwelt on the shores of the North sea, waiting the purification of the
kingdom. Therefore when men rww hear the character of Po-1, the
corrupt become pure, and the weak acquire determination.

1* How CovwuavB differed raox aitd was people stop.' is properly ' stupid/ 'obrti-
sirPEBioB TO ALL OTHES BAOSB. I. Compare Bk.
IL Pt L ii. aa, and ix ; Bk. IV. Pt. I. ziii. z.

； 出, <the place whence per-
vene goYemment issaes,' i.e. a court, ； |^

f * the place where penrerae

nate,' but here as opposed to , we must take
it in the senfie of * corrupt.' Jalien, indeed,
takes S£ in the sense ot'habere vim discemendi,'
But it is better to retain its proper significfttion,
and to alter that of with the gloss in the

VOL. II.

Bb

370

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8

[BK. V

其汙 任響民 將覺 §f f

人君 > 以者, 匹以後 民民、 i

遺； 5 天 若夫此

佚 辭下已 匹

而小; ^稚 紘

士

道予, f 亦 t
天先進 、尹

怨, 继 也。^ -民之 覺亦何
阨； 柳 i 之與 4^ 先後進 、薆
隱 I 溝 被思覺 組曰, 非
而覧 4£、 堯天 者使天 f>

偶、 以羞自 之£予 覺生使

2. *1 Yin said, " Whom may I not serve ？ My serving him
makes him my sovereign. What people may I not command ？ My
commanding them makes them my people." In a time of good
government he took office, and when confusion prevailed, he also
took office. He said, " Heaven's plan in the production of mankind
is this : 一 that they who are first informed should instruct those who
are later in being informed, and they who first apprehend principles
should instruct those who are slower in doing so. I am the one of
Heaven's people who has first apprehended ； 一 I will take these prin-
ciples and instruct the people in them." He thought that among all
the people of the kingdom, even the common men and women, if there
were any who did not share in the enjoyment of such benefits as
Y4o and Shun conferred, it was as if he himself pushed them into a
ditch; ~ for he took upon himself the heavy charge of the kiDgdom.

3. 《 HAi of LiA-hsii was not ashamed to serve an impure prince,
nor did he think it low to be an inferior officer. When advanced
to employment, he did not conceal his virtue, hut made it a point to

覺, 必食味

9. Compare Bk.
IL Pt, I. ii. 99 ； and Bk. V. Pt. I. vii.
Observe, that here instead of 有不 ！^…

澤者， we have 有不 與被… 潷者，

B <if there were any who did not have part in
the eDjoymenty' ftc 3. Compare Bk. IL Pt. I.

iz. s. The clauae 入 , which

PT. II. CH. I.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

371

淸仕 > 而之 氰敦。 柳於爾 f

者孔 久道曰 > 孔 3：£ 我爲鄕

也、 于可也 、遲于 4tt 鼠 4r

以可遲 之之爾 我痿,

尹 1 孟 S 處以 吾去風 焉爲由

墨予而 速行齊 、者 我、 由
之曰, 處、 而 It 暴鄙 晚雖然

任伯可 速> 去浙夫 §租5
者夷 > 以可^ P 氳哉、 揚忍

也 > 聖仕以 母行, 薄 故裸去

柳之 而久國 去夫聞 程也,

carry out his principles. When dismissed and left without office,
he did not murmur. When straitened by poverty, he did not
grieve. When thrown into the company of village people, he
was quite at ease and could not bear to leave them. He had a say-
ing, " You are you, and I am I. Although you stand by my side
with breast and arms bare, or with your body naked, how can you
defile me ？ " Therefore when men now hear the character of HM
of LitL-hsi^, the mean become generous, and the niggardly become
liberal.

4. * When Confucius was leaving Ch'l, he strained off with his
hand the water in which his rice was being rinsed, took the rice, and
went away. When he left LA, he said, " I will set out by-and-by
一 it was right he should leave the country of his parents in this
way. When it was proper to go away quickly, he did so ； when it
was proper to delay, he did so ； when it was proper to keep in retire-
ment, he did so ； when it was proper to go into office, he did so : 一
this was Confucius/

5. Mendus said, * Po-1 among the sages was the pure one ； t Yin

is wanting there, makes thd "^jj^ 曰 of that

place more plain. ^fQ^ is * to have the arms
bare,' and iBh * to put off all the upper garment.'

Tj^, together, is 《 to haTe the body naked.'
Here and in par. i, J||^ ia expressed more nearly

by * character/ than by any other English term.

4. ^Ijjfff * to rinse or wash rice,' * the water in

which rice is washed.' The latter is the sense

here. was the answer given

by Confucius to Tsze-lCi, who wished to hurry
him away. 5. I have invented the adjective

B b 2

372

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. v.

也、 射智? 之

其於譬

4^、 百
非步巧
爾 之也、

大
成

4

金

時

孔&
于 和
之 者

而 1

ife^ 玉

始
荣

4.

孔

玉振 大于,

振 ^

之

was the one most inclined to take office ； JEM of Liti-hsiA was the
accommodating one ； and Confucius was the timeous one.

6. *In Confucius we have what is called a complete concert.
A complete concert is when the large bell proclaims the commence^
ment of the music, and the ringing stone proclaims its close. The
metal sound commences the blended harmony of all the instruments,
and the winding up with the stone terminates that blended har-
mony. The commencing that harmony is the work of wisdom*
The terminating it is the work of sageness.

7. 'As a comparison for wisdom, we may liken it to skill, and as
a comparison for sageness, we may liken it to strength ； ~* as in the
case of shooting at a mark a hundred paces distant. That you reach
it is owing to your strength, but that you hit the mark is not owing
to your strength/

Himeoas' to translate the f& here, meaning

that Confucius did at every time what the droum-
stanoes of it required, poaaeasing the qualiiieB
of all other sages, and displaying them, at the
proper time and place. 6. The illustration of
Confucius here is from a grand performAnce of
musio, in which all the eight kinds of musical
instnimenta are united. One instrument would

make a >J、 RB*, * small performance.' Joined,
they make a Jg^, <a collected great

performance/ - ' a concert' and

are all used as verbs. 'AS? ^B, * diaeriminated
roles/ indicates the separate music of
yariouB instruments blended together.

and are not parts of the oonoei ,

but the BignalB of its oommenoement and close,
the referring to ^fe 7. Obeeire

the comma after IK and

* The other three worthies,' it is obeenred, * '
ried oae point to an eztreme^but Gonftioiiu
complete in everything. W© may compare
each of them to one of the Beaaona, but Con-

PT. II. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

373

位一 仇一 也。 籁惡 基爵圜
中仇 凡仇天 ^ 然其 、祿接
士大 g 伯于 而害； fi 也、 g

—夫等 翁 Si 可如織

也、 仗位、 也, i ^、得 之 問

下仗 君于公

士上

男

堂

■ 疆 •

hi

― 何

&孟 * 周

位

士优同 优其去 諸于室

狮

侯巽其 侯曰、 班

Chap. 11. i. Pdi-kung t asked Menctus, saying, * What was the
arrangement of dignities and emoluments determined by the House
of Ch4ur

2. Mendus replied, * The particulars of that arrangement cannot
be learned, for tne princes, disliking them as injurious to them-
selves, have all made away with the records of them. Still I have
learned the general outliDe of them.

3. * The Son of Heaven constituted one dignity ； the kung one ；
the hIu one; the pIi one; apd the tsze and the nan each one
of equal rank : 一 altogether making five degrees of rank. The ruler
ccgain constituted one dignity ； the chief minister one ； the great
OFFICERS one ； the scholars of the first class one ； those of

THE MIDDLE CLASS One ； and THOSE OF THE LOWEST CLASS ODC ： ―

altogether making six degrees of dignity.

fdeioB was the grand, harmoniotis air of heayen,
flowing tiiroQi^ all the seasons.'

2. ThS ABBAHGXiaQrr of DIOHITZEB AHD EMOLV'
■BXTB AOOOMDUIQ TO THB DTVA8TT OF ChIu.

I. Pdi-kiing t was an officer of the State of Wei.
The double somame, ' Northern-palace, ' had
probably been given to the founder of the
family from his residence, a. Mainj passages
might be quoted from the JA Chi, the Ch&u LI,
and the fflifk-ching, illustrating, more or less,
the dignities of the kingdom and their emolu-
ments, bat it would be of little use to adduce
them after Menoiiu's declaration that only tiie
general outline of them could be ascertained.
It is an important fact which he mentions,

that the princes had destroyed (^^, 3rd tone)

many of the records before his time. The
founder of the Ch'in dynasty had had prede-
cessors and patterns. ^5, 4th tone, * to hate.'

3. -^, M have been rendered

<dake, marquis, earl, yiscount, and baron,, and
also * duke, prince, count, marquis, and baron/
but they by no means severally correspond to
thoeei dignities. It is better to retain the
Chinese designations, which, no doubt, were
originally meant to indicate certain quklities

of those bearing them. „^«*juflt, eorreet,

without selfishness.' ^j^, ' taking care of/ 麵

in the sense of 'guarding the borders and
important places against banditti ； poflsessed of
the power to govern/ 4h conveys the idea of
'elder and intelligent^** one capable of presiding
over others. , « <y ， * to noorish, , * one who
genially cherishes the people/ JH (from 田 ,
* field,' ftnd 力, 'strength';, 'one adequate to

十 受侯 7i 凡 七里, 筝 a
卿 、地 曰達四 十公天 ^
廠國 元視附 於等, 里, 侯于
§地 士侯庸 。天: 予皆之
祿方 受大天 S 于, 能男 $觚
四 百地夫 于附五 五百地

I thoi

7

he 8on of Heaven there ■
It equare. A Kung i '
PAi had seventy lU an'

I allottc
u bad <

luare. A PAi had seventy It, md a Taze and a Nan had «
The aBsignmeuta altogether were of four amounts. Vi
territory did not amount to fifty It, the chief could i

His land was attached

itoiy of
LDdred H
ach fifty
here the

of territory equal to that of a tLAu ； a i

as a Pdj ； and a scholar of the first class as much as aTsze or a

' In a great State, where the tei
uler had ten times as much ii

territory was s
income as I

oOm mad Uboor.' Hie n

' of S", 'ruler,' are told hf th« niiUtter 1
•，• tf^j,'— westom capltkl of Chtu. tha

PX. II. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.

375

十 耕在中 大里, 代 庶宁右
鄕也。 官士夫 君其人 i 光
藏小 S 者倍 倍十耕 在中大
卿國 同下上 卿也。 官士夫

祿 地 藏: fcih 祿 > 次 * 者 @ 倍

同下上

方綠下 上鄕— j , ,

t 祿地綠 >:h:h

大 五足士 一—"

與 倍三方 祿下上

大里、 代 庶中大 4if 士 t

夫君 其人士 、夫 、十以 與倍

先十以

a Chief minister four times as mucli as a Great officer ； a Great
officer twice as much as a scholar of the first class ； a scholar of
the first class twice as much as one of the middle ； a scholar
of the middle class twice as much as one of the lowest ； the
scholars of the lowest class, and such of the common people as
were employed about the government offices, had for their emolu-
ment as much as was equal to what they would have made by
tilling the fields.

7. *In a State of the next order, where the territory was seventy
U square, the ruler had ten times as much revenue as his Chief
minister ； a Chief minister three times as much as a Great officer ；
a Great officer twice as much as a scholar of the first class ； a scholar
of the first class twice as much as one of the middle ； a scholar of
the middle class twice as much as one of the lowest ； the scholars of
the lowest class, and such of the common people as were employed
about the government offices, had for their emolument as much
as was equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields.

8. 'In a small State, where the territory was Mty It square, the
ruler had ten times as much revenue as his CJhief minister ；
a Chief minister had twice as much as a Great officer ； a Great officer
twice as much as a scholar of the highest class ； a scholar of the
highest class twice as much as one of the middle ； a scholar of

dinates, which ap;

Jj^, 史, > ""^
opinion, tlia^ firom

in the Ghto Li, as
Cht. Hst gives his
e soTereign downwards,

all who had lands reeeiyed their incomes from
them, as cultivated on the Bystem of mutual
aid, while the landless scholars and other
subordinates received acoording to the income

376

THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS

[BK. V

其 狹問是 下食百

i 其食人
、翼 i 祿 六上百 以下上

友； 5 章以人 次鼠代 ± 士,

iBt M 上

目 >^ 食入 畝薪 i 士

&本敢 lie 五人 * 之

不狭 @ ^ .

可兄充 鹿食土 者官七
以弟孟

5 于

友' 曰、

也。 友;^

the middle class twice as much as one of the lowest ； scholars of the
lowest class, and such of the common people as were employed about
the government offices, had the same emolument; 一 as much, namely,
as was equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields.

9. 'As to those who tilled the fields, each husbandman received
a hundred mku. When those miLu were manured, the best husband*

人^ 農 之者中

在人夫 1 同士
官$ 食獲 *窳 倍
者, 次九 一祿下

meno

next to them supported eight. The best husbandmen of the second
class supported seven individuals, and those ranking next to them
supported six; while husbandmen of the lowest class only supported
five. The salaries of the common people who were employed about the
government offices were regulated according to these differences/

Chap. III. i. Wan ChaBg asked MenduSy saying, * I venture to
ask the principles of friendship/ Mencius replied/ Friendship should
be maintained without any presumption on the ground of one's
superior age, or station, or the circumstances of his relatives* Friend-
ship with a man is friendship with his virtue, and does not admit of
assumptions of superiority.

fn>m the land. 9- ^,-«mm1 tea. 達, 一 read

te'M， *uneyen,' ' different/
8. Fbishsship kuot save betebehcb to the

TIETUE OF TBE FUEKD. ThBBE HAT BE NO A»-
SUKFTIOV OH THE OBOUND OF OUK's OWH ADVAN-

TAGEa.

t 開友- 間变友 s

, 3rd tone, haying reference to age.

， 'one's brethren/ in the widest aooeptation
of that term. Observe how takes up

PT. II. CH. III.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

377

^2

王 則君椎 有齬之 1, 孟

截夹、 樂

之順 師亦百
^眷^ 有 乘于于

爲 息 》夹》 么之 之

然 則吾費 家家，

事於

雖我顏

翁則

與伸 •

然 此荅

大 者艉曰 >1 赛此 孕于+

4^ 瓤吾 雖之五 人 >M
2p 友於小 凑么煮 ,塑2

夹。 者、 5^ 予？

^1

君 推之 于

亦 小 夹, 思 非 i 亦 I 忘 人

2. * There was M&ng Hsien, <Mef of a fitmily of a hundred
chariots. He had five friends, namely, i6-chang ChiA, Mu Chung,
and three others whose names I have forgotten. With those five
men Hsien maintained a friendship, because they thought nothing
about his family. If they had thought about his family, he woula
not have maintained his friendship with them.

3. * Not only has the chief of ^ family of a hundred chariots
acted thus. The same thing was exemplified by the sovereign of
a small State. The duke HAi of PI said, " I treat Tsze-sze as my
Teacher, and Yen Pan as my Friend, As to Wang Shun and Ch'ang
HfiAj they serve me."

4. * Not only has the sovereim of a small State acted thus. The
same thing has been exemplified by the sovereign of a large State.

the preceding and goes on to its explana-
tion. H . refers to the indiyidoal who iB the
object of Jkie ； friendahip with him as ▼ir-
tuons will tend to help our Tirtae. ||^,

•to hare preoumpiions,' with reference of course
to the three points mentioned, but as of those
the second most readily comes into collision
with friendship, it alone is dwelt upon in the
sequel, a. MAng Hsien, 一 see * Great Learning/

Comm. X. aa. 3.

read Pi, 一 see Analects,

VL vii We must suppose that, after the time
of Confucius, some chief had held this plaoe
d district with the title of Kung. * The Kind

is the honoruy epithet. Tsze-sze is

cius's grandBon. J^,— read pan> Ten

Pftn appears to have been the son of the sage's
favourite disciple. 4. Fing (* The Pacificator '}

was the honorary epithet of the duke >• c-

556-531. H&i Tang was a famous worthy of

his State. •y^, 'enter being said.'

878

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

[bk. V-

賓帝非
主. 館

是 驟公. - _
天 于之祿 也 I 終

弗敢
與 %

飽
天 也,
位 然

于

1
亥

匹

夫

iiu 弗

食、

There was the duke P'ing of Tsin with H&i T'ang : ~ when Tang
told him to come into his house, he came ； when he told him to b«
seated, he sat ； when he told him to eat, he ate. There might only
be coarse rice and soup of vegetables, but he always ate his fill, not
daring to do otherwise. Here, however, he stopped, and went no
farther. He did not call him to share any of Heaven's plaoes, or to
govern any of Heavens offices, or to partake of any of Heaven's
emoluments. His conduct was but a scnolar s honouring virtue and
talents, not the hoDOuring them proper to a king or a duke.

5. * Shun went up to court and eaw the sovereign, who lodged
him as his son-in-law in the second palace. The sovereign also en-
joyed there Shun's hospitality. Alternately he was host and guest.
Here was the sovereign maintaining friendship with a private man.

，一^ read tsee， 4th tone. The ^ after
and is wanting in many

天位， 云云， 謂 Id
oomplaint that the duke did not
the scholar his own rank, fro., but
meaning in the tranalation, which is that
giTon by the commentator, isperhaps the oorreot
one. Bulk, station, and revenue are said to be
Heayen's, as enimsted to the ruler to be con-
ferred on indiyiduals able to occupy in them
for the public good. 5. In this paragraph,
Meneias advances another step, and ezemplifiee
the highest style of friendship. Ch(k Hsl, after

ChAo Ch*!, explains |^ by ^\* , as if it were
《 to go up to/ L e. to court, =
< attached or supplemental palace/

就舜 宫而赛 其食， '饔

th" he went to Shim's paUoe, and pftitook of

his food.' The more oommon meaning of
howeyer, is * to entertain.' ^^,~the sab-
jeot is only YAo. SB, 《 made a guest , of Shun,
was the host. 'made a boot' of Shun,

PT. II. CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

379

賜郤 、國氍 上也&
郤恭 義之。 2:、 也。 g 琪敬
之、 故乎 零義 下、1

以弗而 其:^ 于問 了謂敬

^ 郤 後所恭 、曰、 曰、 也。 之 上

郤也。 受取何 $敢 尊謂

:^旧^之哉。1間 賢、 Z

曰 > 請 以者曰 I 曰

其無 是義尊 郤際，

取以 爲乎、 者之何

6. * Respect shown by inferiors to superiors is called giving to
the noble the observance due to rank. Ivespect shown by superiors
to inferiors is called giving honour to talents and virtue. The
rightnesB in each case is the same/

Chap. IV. i . Wan Chang asked Mencius, saying, * I venture
to ask what feeling of the mind is expressed in the presents of
friendBhip V Mencius replied, * The feelina o/* respect'

2. ' Blow is it,' pursued Chang, * that the declining a present is
accounted disrespectful ？ , The answer was, 《 When one of honour-
able rank presents a gift, to say in the mind, "Was the way in
which he got this righteous or not? I must know this before 1 can
receive it ；" 一 this is deemed disrespectful, and therefore presents are
not declined/

3. Wan Chang asked again, * When one does not take on him
in 80 many express words to refuse the gift, but having declined it

was the gaest. 6. 麵 J[^， * for,' = ]
'the lightness or propriety of thin
4. How Mbvoiub DsnonoBD thb ▲oosptijio

PBSBBBTB FSOM THE PBIirCEBy OPFBEB80B8 OF THB

PioPUL I. ^ is explained by but that
term is not to be taken in the sense of 'to
receive/ but as a synonym of If we dis-

tingniah. the two words, we may take -Aj as

= the of the last chapter, and the

gift, expressive of the friendship, a. Chd Hsi
says he does not understand the repetition of

It has probably crept into the text

through the oversight of a transcriber, unless
we suppose, with the >^ ^fi, that the repeti-
tion indicates the firmness and decision with
which the gift is refused, but the introduction

of that element seems out of place.

(referring to 尊者) 所 (嶄以 ）

一 曰 is the reflection passing in the mind, as
in the next paragraph also. We must sup]
as the nominative in ^

3. 言肯 is not to be understood of Wan

Chang, but as indicating the hesitancy and
delicacy of the seholar to whom a gift is offsred.

380

THE WORKS OF MENCIXJS

[BK. V

是貨 、曰, 某國 之道、 無諸

門夹。 其受民

周 7； 閔 7

受待； r 、可。 也之萬 § 接了、 t
殷、 教 畏康以 外章也 "^7；
所而死 詰鼴者 、曰 > 以乎。 義

^誅 凡曰 > 斯其今 藏曰 1也>
辭 者民殺 可交有 斯其而
4^4^ 罔耀 受也禦 孔交以

於殷
今受

人 5^ 也他

^於與 。道 受以

in his heart, saying, " It was taken by him unrighteously^ from the
people," and then assigns some other reason for not receiving it ； 一
18 not this a proper course ？ , Mencius said, ' When the donor offers
it on a ground of reason, and his manner of doing so is according to
propriety ； ~ in such a case Confucius would have received it/

4. Wan Chang said, * Here now is one who stops and robs people
outside the ^tes of the city. He offers his gift on a ground of
reason, and does bo in a manner according to propriety ； 一 would
the reception of it so acquired by robbery be proper ？ ' Mencius
replied, ' It would not be proper. In "The Announcement to K'ang"
it is said, " When men kill others, and roll over their bodies to take
their property, being reckless and fearless of death, among all the
people there are none but detest them : " 一 thus, such characters are
to be put to death, without waiting to give them warning. Yin re-
ceived this rule from HbiA, and Ch&u received it from Yin. It cannot

道， 一其 still referring to
the deBeiringneas of the

lour, or Bometliing in his ciroamsiances
which renders the gift proper and seasonable.
Compare Bk. IL Pt. II. iii. 3, 4* The meaning

of Jti^ is determined (contrary to ChAo Ch'l)
by the which takes its place in the next
paragraph. 4. 『巧；^ 夕 卜一國 winBlL
IV. Pt IL xxxiii X. 渐可受 S 與, 一
J9f' " in the l"t paragraiOi, adverbially, =

'inthi'cW 康誰
Bk. V. X. 15, though the t
in the quotation, and

place of and jj^

Le. to take. 被 • • 、"

the meaning is much disputed. Ohtk Hat sap-
poses it a gloss that has crept into the text.
I have given it what seemed the most likely

translation, 之, 一 is the party

to whom the gift is offered, and the fruit

lee the Shft-^hing,
ia somewhAt altered
and Jlj^ take the

= ' for the sake of/

ia a paMMge of which

PT. n. CH, IV.]

THE WOBKS OF HBNCIUS.

魯類 謂其作 >Pp1 善諸爲

4^ 至非 教將何
魯 義其: 比讖 取如
可> 人之有 7i 令也。 之之

而 獵盡而 ejti 曰, 宪於何
况餽 4>取 而諸于 i 早其
受 孔孔之 f 侯以 #4»受
考 于于者 1 而爲 于猶之 S
® 亦 之盜之 誅有受 葶曰？
乎。 獵 仕也, 乎, 之王之 >1> 今

失乎, 者 敢苟之

be questioned, and to the present day is dearly acknowledged.
How can the gift of a robber be received ？ '

5- Chang said, ' The princes of the present day take from t"
>ple just as a robber despoils his victim. Yet if th
■' ' --" - " >erior D

of propriety on their gifts, then
I Ten tare to ask how you explain
yon think that, if tiiere should ari
would collect the princes of the pr(
death ？ Or would ne admoniBh them,

f they I
1 r man receive
' Men^us answer
i truly royal sovert
day, and put thei
i tfaen, on th^ no

put them to death ？ Indeed, to call every one
him a i

iya, put tnE

does not properly belong 1
iblance to the utmost, a;

If that stn
much more may the

'Do
I, he
II to

'eiy one who
robber, is pushing
, and insisting on the most re-
； hteouenesB. When Confucius was m office in lA, the
together for the ^me taken in hunting, and he
■• jUng for the captured gfune was

ifts of the princes be received !'
to Buppose that when Confudiia

of robbery. 5. ~ m abore. By 3"
Ctung slludM to Uenolna himwU, J;|j,— 4th
tonVtoUketogrtlwr.' 充 類至義 之
盡， 一 literally, ifllUng vp ft rwnmbkito to tbe
vsimMj of ri^towwn,— ;' the mMning I*
H in tlw tiMuUUon. 囊較 (cM»> b aula*

.._i»th«t

luotion of thit Tlflldlag on

bdni to » Ttdj^
Ti«b7]I«nd«M. '.

382

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. V.

于 > 之于 未行去 m
見仕、 有甞表 、也。 方 孔事孔

有 而曰, 之于 道于

■ 广舊 1^ ■ _| ^ _ 鳥 慮 • 艚 i

所

― 終 之
仕之之 三而兆

先 也。^
簿事仕

正道、 也、

也> 化仕、 年後 ilLlE 祭 奚非

於 II 直淹去 1 兆&器 • 獵事
衞季 際也。 是足 奚了、 較道

held office, it was not with the view to cany his doctrines into
practice V 'It was with that view/ Menctus replied, and Chang
rejoined^ ' If the practice of his doctrines was his business, what
had he to do with that struggling for the captured game V Mencius
said, * Confucius first rectined his vessels of sacrifice according to
the registers, and did not fill them so rectified with food gathered
from every quarter? ' But why did he not go away ？ ' ' He
wished to maKe a trial of carrying his doctrines into practice. When
that trial was sufficient to show that they could be practised and
they were still not practised, then he went away, ana thus it was
that he never completed in any State a residence of three years.

7. * Confucius took o 伍 ce when he saw that the practice of his
doctrines was likely ； he took office when his reception was proper ；
he took office when he was supported by the State. In the case of
his relation to Chi Hwan, he took office, seeing that the practice of

and the oflbnoe of the prinoee in robbing their
eople, were things of a different class. Yet
[enoias's defence of himself in the preceding
irt of the paragraph is ingenloas. It shows
lat he was eminently a practical man, acting
in the way of expediency; How far that way
may be pursued will always depend on circam-

stances. 6. 非 (and tone, in-

terrogatiye)-^ 以行 逢 爲 事與'
if^ jjj^ iB evidently a question

of Chang. ^Ir vm ||- SS: ib unintel-
ligible to Gha Hst. The translation is after the
oommentator HsQ (jj^ * Food gathered

ftrom every quarter/ 一 i. e. gathered without dia-
orimination. It would appear that the practice

of jjj^ had some connexion with the offer-
ing of saorifices, and that Oonfdciua thou^i
that if he only rectified the rules for Bacrifioe,
the practice would fall into disuse. Bat the
whole passage and ita bearing on the struggling

for game is obscure, ^jc, 一 'a prognostic/ 'an

omen,, used figuratively. 7. See the ' Life of
Gonfiioius,' though it is only here that we have
mention of the sage's connexion with the duke
HsiAo. Indeed no duke appears in the annals
of Wei with such a posthumous title. Chu Hsi
supposes that the duke Ch'ft (see Analects, VII.
xiv, note) is intended, in which the anthor of

s

PT. 11. CH. v.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

888

乎妻 、也、

衞

寧>爲 非而孟 i 孝公、

^有于

時 曰>公 Pj

，食 &乎仕 >養#
貧&者 、而 爲非^ 仕

1；

有貧、 爲仕也 >

寻

時娶貧 也。 於

曰 • 板食

f 孔 S 惡

計于乎

his doctrines was likely. With the duke Ling of Wei he took office,
because his reception was proper. With the duke Hsi&o of Wei he
took office, because he was maintained the State.'

Chap. V. i . Mencius said, ' Office is not sought on aocount of

Siverty, yet there are times when one seeks office on that account,
arriage is not entered into for the sake of being attended to by
the wife, yet there are times when one marries on that account.

2. * He who takes office on account of his poverty must decline
an honourable situation and occupy a low one ； he must decline
riches and prefer to be poor.

3. * What office will be in harmony with this declining an hooour-
able situation and occupying a low one, this declining riches and
preferring to be poor 1 ouch an one as that of guarding the gates,
or beating the watchman's stick.

4. * Confucius was once keeper of stores, and he then said, " My
calculations must be all right. That is all I have to care about."

the "jj^ acqnieaces. The text

iiientiMis Oht Hwan, and not duke Ting, be-
cause the duke and his go^mmenfc were under
the control of that nobletnan.

5. How OmCB HAT BB TAKXH OH ▲OOOXTBT OV

povnmr, bitt orlt oh oebxaxe oohbrxorb. i. ^^f*
^^， - ~ it is as well to tranaUte here

Wjf 'office,' and 'marriage.' 'jS, 4th

tone, * for,* * on aoooant of/ The proper motive
for taking oAee is supposed to be the carrying
prindplee ^~ the truth, and the right ^~ into prao-
iiee, and the proper motive for marriage is the
begetiing of children, or rather of a son, to con-
tinue one's line. 一 not interrogative, but

flenring as a pause for the voice. 4th tone,
*tho being supported/ but we may take it

generally, as in the translation, a. ^ , 一 L e.
y 'an honourable situation,' and ^^囊
jfj^ 'rich emolument.' 3. the ist
tone, * how.' The first as above, and help-
ing the rhythm of the sentence. "Jj^ 翻 (going
round the banier-gatet, (embracia 察' them, as
it were) and are to be taken together,

andnotas two things, or offices ； seetheYt-ohing,
App. IIL Sect. II. z8. 4. In Sze-m& Ch'ien's

Histoiy of Confdoiufl, for (4th tone) we
haye ]^ but in a case of this kind

the authority of Hencias is to be followed.

» read kwdi, 3rd tone^ 'entries in a
Annual calculations of aooounts are denomin-

384

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

[be. V

於於 i!L> 侯萬 夹。 曰、 而

諸 諸諸何 章行、 f 位畔

侯侯、 侯也。 曰 1 恥人 卑羊夹 I

營

曰

非禮卷孟士也。^面1

禮也、 國 > 于之 * 置肚爲

朝," g 、長 乘

而# 而田

4o± M
萬 * 之 後 7 ffi

He was once in charge of the public fields, and he then said, " The
oxen and sheep must be £it and strong, and superior. That is all I
have to care about."

5. -When one is in a low situation, to speak of high matters is
a crime. When a scholar stands in a prince's court, and his prin-
ciples are not carried into practice, it is a shame to him/

Chap. VL i. Wan Chang said, 'What is the reason that a
scholar does not accept a stated support from a prince ？ ， Mencius
replied, ' He does not presume to do so. When a prince loses his
State, and then accepts a stated support from another prince, this is
in accordance with propriety. But for a scholar to acoept such sup-
port from any of the princes is not in accordance with propriety/

2. Wan Chang said, * If the prince send him a present of grain.

Ated i^， and monthly, when a distinction
is made between the terms, g ， 4th tone.
(4th tone) 田議主 苑囿资 牧；^
, but I do not understand the xiae of

in

thia sense. Here again the history has ^SL 司

(yi = j^ff^j S^. These were the first offices

ConfiioitiB took, before the death of his mother,
and while they were yet struggling with poverty.

5« 立乎 （-于 ) 人 S 本朝 0*'—
and tone), 一 it ia difficult to express the foroe
of the ； *to stand in a man's proper court,'

ie. the oourt of the prinoe who has called him
to office, and where he ouffht to develop and
oarrj out his prinoiplea. It is aaid that this
paragraph gives the reasons why he who takes
offloe for poverty must be content with a low
situation and small emolument, but the con-
nexion IB somewhat dif&oult to traoe. The

味

says :— *Why did Conftieiiu

oonfine himBelf to haying his oalcolationB exact,
and hu cattle sleek and &t? Because in his
humble position he had nothing to do with
business of the State, and he would not incur
the crime of usurping a higher office. It, mMng
a pretence of povei
to high office, he

but carries not principles into praotioe
he lay his hand on his heart, and not feel the
shame of making his office of none effoct ？ ' Tbia
is true, but it is not neoesaaiy that he who takes
offloe because he is poor should oontinue to
occupy it simply with the desire to get rich.

6. How A 80HOLAB KAY MOT BBOOMB A DEFBET-
DENT BY AOOSPrnro PATWITHOtrr OWnOE, AXD HOW
THX KBFBATBD PBBBBITIB OF A PBIHCOE TO A BGBOLAB

MUST BB MADB. I. 士 IB here the soholar, the
candidate for public office and use, still un-
employed, ^yj^ g^, * does not depend on/ i • e.

asBure himself of a regular support by reoeiving
regular pay though not in office. On one prinoe,

THE WOKXS OF HENCIUS.

乎。 餽於蹶 也。: r; 則之曰 >章
曰, 之 、上以 曰, 敢受, 於 受曰,
慈則者 1 食抱也 。賜 镇之。 君

公 受以於 f 曰, 之 4 &受餽
之; ^爲上 犟敢則 固之之
於了、 7； 無? 1= 麻問 ：5 周 何栗,
于識 者、 其受, 之。 義則
, 霖可 皆； 5 何 曰 Nil 。受

常 有] i>4。 周曰, 之
蘧繼 常 荷曰, 之 君乎。

for tiutonee, does he accept it?' • Jde aocepi
' On what principle of r 丄-―

, He accepts it,* answered Menoiut.
_ ff righteousness does he accept it V ' Why 一
the prince ought to assist the people in their necessities.'

3. Chang pursued, ' Why is it that the scholnr will ihua accept
the prince's help, but will not accept Lis pay t ' The answer was,
' He does not presume to do so.' ' I ventui-e to ask why he does
not presume to do so.* ' Even the keejpers of the gates, with thdr
watchmen's sticky have their regular offices for which they can take
thdr support from the prince. He who without a regular office
should receive the pay of the prince must be deemed disrespectful.'

4. Chang asked, 'If the prince sends a scholar a present, he
iepts it ； ~ I do not know whether this present may be constantly
Mated.' Meneiw answered, ' There was the conduct of the duke

Jlf«nciu« answered, '

iding an auured and
itber, see the U-ahl,
ilj stated there, how-
emploj another
'eknowonly/rom
1 I un ftwkre, that a prince
own donUmoni would find
mother SUto, Moording to &
•oHrflaw. a. -jfej g^, ' wlwt i« the principle
of righteouEiMaif ' or Bimply ― 'what is the ei-
pUnation 6ft' ^^-^]|[|, 'to give ilmg,' »nd
gnwnllj to help Um needy. 1^, ~ we Bk. IL
L T. 5. A Mhohr not In id&Bt la only caie
ct thB pMple. 3. ' if he glw him,'

3 consta
、 of the c

Le. ^ ^H^i'glTehlnip^.' Ibis brine*
ont all the meuiiiiK titst te In ]^
上,一 賜 iBpaaalTBfOr 一, toreoeiTsptiy.' 不
^S, 'diBrespeotfUl,' it to be taken In iU Im-
pliostiou of a want of humility in the scholmr,
who la only one of the people htving no ofHee,
and yet is content to take pay, u if he had.
4. read cA'i, 4th tone (Iralow, tha hdm',

• rreqnentl;.' 鼎 肉, 'ealdnn AmV
fiesh oooked. , 票' i«t tone, 'to
thHUrUh the hand.' 使者 r^^,4thtoiM>
To bow. Idling tha

依，

386

THE WORKS OF MENCIU8.

[BK. V.

受> 以君悅 T 、傲曰 、夕 k 乎間、

其君于 、賢 能蓋念 itt 一
後命 如乎。 氍自 面面撐 W

廪將何 、曰? 叉 是後稽 if 鼎
人之、 斯敢: ^臺^ 苴者 ©、

一 U 一

f 可問 能無君 再出于

:» =@ 1^ 翻 :» ^ 05

、汗 圆 ^ TT 心

瘤稽養

>i 首夹

m

犬而大 7^

悅爲： r 、門 悅

而曰, 養謂 賢畜受 1 之於

to Teze-sze 一 He made frequent inquiries after Tsze-sze's health,
and Bent him frequent presents of cooked meat. Tsze-sze was dis-
pleased ； and at length, having motioned to the messenger to go outside
the great door, he bowed his nead to the ground with his face to the
north, did obeisance twice, and declined the gift, saying, " From this
time forth I shall know that the prince supports me as a dog or
a horse." And so from that time a servant was no more sent with
the presents. When a prince professes to be pleased with a man
of talents and virtue, and can neither promote him to office, nor
support him in the proper 观 y, can he be said to be pleased with
him ？，

5- Chang said, 《 I venture to ask how the sovereign of a State,
when he wishes to support a superior man, must proceed, that he
may be said to do so in the proper way ？ , Mencius answered, *At
Jirst, the present must be offered with the prince's commission, and
the scholar, making obeisance twice with his head bowed to the
ground, will receive it. But after this the storekeeper will continue

hands to the bent forehead, was called ；

lowering the hands in the first place to the
ground, and then raising them to the forehead,

was called ^£ ； bowing the head to the earth

was called 餘. Tsze-sze appears on this

occasion to have first performed the most pro-
found expression of homage, as if in the prince's
presence, and then to have bowed twice, with
his hands to the ground, in addition. All this
he did, outside the gate, which was the appro-
priate place in the case of declining the gifts.

If they were received, the party performed his
obeisances inside. To bring out the meaning of

* for,' that properly belongs to gg, we most
translate it here by ' and so.' SL, 一 the desig-
nation of an officer or servant of a veiy low di

5 以 君命將 S ，-將 -奉君

* a message from the prince, , remindiDg of ooui

the scholar of his obligation, ^jt ^EP, 一
an adverb, * the appearance of being troubled/

PT. II. CH.VII.]

THE WORKS OF MEKOIUS

387

g 、義国 故献百 使養鼎 齒>

g 也 。躉 5 曰 jJi 官其君 g>;r;

野 i 章王 之牛于 于使以

&芋匿 * 全 ^？、 羊 i 之已君

S 曰、 敢之 後砻男 道僕命

莽在問
之

麵

賢 而備, 之 、堯嗬 之、

臣>曰。見者^^以 ―

t3J 諸也。 諸養 * 於拜思
f 井侯 上舜 女舜也 > 以

庶之何 仇於鳳 也、 非爲

to send grain, and the master of the kitchen to send meat, presenting
it as if without the prince's express commission. Tsze-sze considered
that the meat from the princes caldron, giving him the annoyance
of constantly doing obeisance, was not the way to support a superior
man.

6. 'There was Y&o's conduct to Sbun : 一 He caused his nine
sons to serve him, and gave him his two daughters in marriage ； he
caused the various officers, oxen and sheep, storehouses and granaries,
all to be prepared to support Shun amid thd channelled nelds, and
then he raised him to tne most exalted situation. From this we
have the expression ― " The honouring of virtue and talents proper
to a king or a duke." ，

Chap. VIL i. Wan Chang said/ 1 venture to ask what prin-
ciple of righteousness is involved in a scholars not goin^ to see the
princes ？ , Mencius replied, * A scholar residing in the city is called
" a minister of the market-place and well," and one residing in the
country is called " a minister of the grass and plants." In both cases
he is a common man, and it is the rule of propriety that common

6wSeePtLi3. 二女 焉, —the second
T^f is read jtA, in 4ih tone.

7. Why a bcobolab should dbcukb goiho to
bbb the pbihces, yhoxh galled bt thxm. com-
IMtre Bk. IIL Pt. II. i, et al, i. We supply

"4* as the subject of and other verbal

oharaeters ； Wan Chang evidently intends Men-

oius himself. H ， * city/ as in chap. iv. par. 4.
一 here as a synonym, in apposition with

臣 in 市井， 草笄 S 臣&
different from the 臣 below. Every in-

C C 2

888

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. V

而爲則 之 則^^ 4^、

召其天爲^L往^役l諸庶

緣 s 則召也 。也義 之、； 也。 傳

公吾師 哉、 也 2^ 惹
函 未而爲 曰, 且 *也。^

見簡^ 其爲 君曰、 見 g 、臣、

於欲 諸多其 之往^ 庶 S

于見 侯聞多 欲役、 召 A 敢

思、 贅乎, 也渭 見義之 1 召見

men, who have not presented the introductory present and become
ministers, should not presume to have interviews with the prince/

2. Wan Chang saia, * If a common man is called to perform any
service, he goes and performs it ； 一 how is it that a scholar, when the

Srince, wishing to see him, calls him to his presence, refuses to go?'
[endus replied, * It is right to go and perform the service ； it would
not be right to go and see the prince/

3. ' And/ added Mencius^ * on what account is it that the prince
wishes to see the scholar ？ ' * Because of his extensive information,
or because of his talents and virtue/ was the reply. 'If because
of his extensive information/ said Mencins, 'such a person is
a teacher, and the sovereign would not call him ； 一 how much less
may any of the princes do bo? If because of his talents and virtue,
then I have not heard of any one wishing to see a person with those
qualitieSy and calling him to his presence.

4. ' During the frequent interviews of the duke Mil with Tsze-aze,

diyidual maybe called a ， as being a subject,

and bound to senre the soyereign, and this is
the meaning of the term in ttiose two phrases.
In the other case i t denotes one who is officially

'a minister.'

tone; see Bk. Ill

is a foroe in the

it is difAcnlt to inaicate in anotner language,
a. * It is right to go and perform the service/

i.e. it is right in the common man, to perform
seryioe being his ffifr, or office. And so with
the scholar. He will go when called as a sehol
should be called, but only then. 3. The

are all in the 4th tone. It must be borne
mind that the convenation is all about a scholar

who is not in office ； compare par. 9. 4.
乘 (in 4th tone) S 國- 千衆； 2： 君

/

PT, II. CH. VII.3

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

380

壑 、旌, 况之 事臣悅 云思曰 I

A 我也 >也1 乎、 J$
t 者何 豈豈悅 、千
也> 敢不 曰 曰>乘

7i 將】

s 之 奚與曰 > 亥古之
充可君 以之之

士

而 以本仇 f
田>7； 與 iiL 則乎。 有亥

孔:^ 招可我 以予于 言士、
于忘虞 得亥、 德 I 君 思曰, 何

取溝 以而乘 于我^ 之于

he one day said to him, " Anciently, princes of a thousand chariots
have yet been on terms of friendship with scholars ； ― what do you
think of such an intercourse ？" Tsze-sze was displeased, and said,
" The ancients have said, ' The scholar should be served:' how should
they have merely said that he should he made a friend ofV， When
Tsze-Bze was thus displeased, did he not say within himsdfj 一 " With
regard to our stations, you are sovereign, and I am subject. How
can I presume to be on terms of friendship with my sovereign ？
With regard to our virtue, you ought to make me your master.
How can you be on terms of frien^bip with me?" Thus, when
a ruler of a thousand chariots sought to be on terms of friendship
with a scholar, he could not obtain his wish : ~ how much less could
he call him to his presence I

5. - The duke Ching of Ch'i, once, when he was hunting, called
bis forester to him by a flag. The forester would not come, and
(he duke was going to kill him. With reference to this incident,
Confucius saia, " The determined officer never forgets that his end

below ； B with all his dignity, 'yet,* -yr*
乎 一云 爾， Bk.IV. Pt II. xxiv. I, 6t (rf" but
the second j£i also responds to -^ . The
panphrase in the 日 is: 一 之

有

，人
如

於士, 甞師事 ：2：,
所雷友 S 云乎 •

5. See Bk. III. Pt IL L a. 6. The explanation
of the various flags here is from Chil Hd, after

390 THE WORltS OF MKNCIUa [bk.

也、 閉而本

« 鹿 人 旌。 庶 ， 藝

^iA 招 取

大 以虞非
敢夫旃 、人其
往、 之 士何招

見 7i 人 >

賢

If 之
君門

哲敢以 ：召

3 招 往士招 脱曰, 往
賢哉 > 之虞大 1^ 也,

于也 一 一

能 夫' 、芙；

由義, 猶乎。 乎招 虞以冠 >敢

may he in a ditch or a stream ； the brave officer never forgets that
he may lose his head." What was it in the forester that Confucius
thus approved 1 He approved his not going to the duke, when
summoned by the article which was not appropriate to him.,

6. Chang said, ' May I ask with what a forester should be sum-
moned V Mencius replied, * With a skin cap. A common man
should be summoned with a plain banner ； a scholar wlio has taken
office, with one having dragons embroidered on it ； and a Great officer,
with one having feathers suspended from the top of the stafU

to the summoning of a Great officer, he would have died rather than
presume to go. If a common man were summoned with the article
appropriate to the summoning of a scholar, how could he presume
to go ? How much more may we expect this refusal to go, when
a man of talents and virtue is summoned in a way which is in-
appropriate to his character 1

8. ' When a prince wishes to see a man of talents and virtue,
and does not take the proper course to get his wish, it is as if he
wished him to enter his palace, and shut the door against him.

the Oh&u LL The dictionary may be consulted

about them. 以 一 何 用. 7- A man of

tftlents and yirtue ought not to be called at all ；

the prince ought to go to him, 8. 閉 門 ,

•~ this is another case of a verb followed by
the pronoun and another objective; — literally,

' shut him the door.' gee the Shih-

ching, II. ▼. Ode IX. st. z. Julien condemns
the translating 展 by ' the way to Gh&a,'

but thAt is the meaning of the terms in. the
ode ； and, as the royal highway, it ia used to
indicate figuratively the graat way of righteoos-

nenu Jj^ 一 in the ode 才吒 （cXfc), the 3rd tone.

The ode is attributed to an officer of one of the

PT. II. CH. VIII.]

THE WORKS OF MEKGIUS

391

士.

善

官孔君

道是

2^ 之力 孟養、 于命 小如路

~ 1 新 i 而非 召汄 底出

Si 友竈 以與。 不 所其入

爭8了1其曰,襴。5^是
土友鄕 章官孔

^二 t 曰, 召于

天 Si 鄕 'iLftM'S? 竽: rr,
― 有則 于所周

之當行 1 曰 k 君詩

下

之

Now, righteousnesB is the way, and propriety is the door, but it is
only the superior man who can follow this way, and go out and in
by this door. It is said in the Book of Poetry,

" The way to Ch&u is level like a whetstone,

And straight as an arrow.

The officers tread it,

And the lower people see it."'
9. Wan Chang said, * When Confucius received the prince's
raepsage calling him, he went without waiting for his carriage.
Doing BO, did Confucius do wrong ？ ' Mencins replied, ' Confucius
was in office, and had to observe its appropriate duties. And
moreover, he was summoned on the business of his office/

Chap. VIII. i. Mencius said to Wan Chang, *The scholar
whose virtue is most distinguished in a village shall make friends
of all the virtuous scholars in the village. The scholar whose virtue
is most distinguished throughout a State shall make friends of all
the virtuous scholars of that State. The scholar whose virtue is
most distinguished throughout the kingdom shall make friends of
all the virtuous scholars of the kingdom.

eastern States, mourning over the oppressive
and exhausting labotin which were required
from the people. The * royal highway ， presents
itself to him, formerly crowded by officers
hastening to and from the capita" and the
>ple hurrying to their labours, but now
~ slowly and painfdlly along. 9. SeeAna-
X. xiii 4.

8. Thb bbaxjz^tiov of the obsatebt asyav-

TAOE8 or FBIUrDSRIP, AKD THAT IT 18 DEFBNDSRT

ON ore's self. I. * The virtuous scholar of one
village, ~ he shall make friends of the virtuous

scholars of (that) one village ： ' ~* the first

is in the superlative degree, and is not

only *io be friends with,* but alao *to realize
the uses of friendship.* The eminence attained
by the indiTidual attracts all the others to him.

392

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS.

則 有 卿。 7i m

^靖 • ^少

Pm pM >1v jC^

： da a ^

% 夕、 ALm\ r=f

易右 王同、 之齊 i 其
单。 — 澶 宣 f 書、 冬_
舌項 請貴也 。王 也> 了、 尙以 S

戚 王問是 知論友

ig 賁之 曰肩。 尙 其古天
戀 覆戚娵 卿孟友 人之下

g《f 2 于也。 ：5 人之

而卿。 異同 曰， 乎, 頌善
曰^^ 曰 > 姓 乎

王聽君 之曰: 何

2. ' When a scholar feels that his friendship with all the virtuous
scholars of the kingdom is not sufficient to satisfy him, he proceeds
to ascend to consider the men of antiquity. He repeats their
poems, and reads their books, and as he does not know what thej
were as men, to ascertain this, he considers their history. This is
to ascend and make friends of the men of antiquity*

Chap. IX i . The king HsUan of Ch'l asked about the office of
high ministers. Mencius said, * Which high ministers is your
Majesty asking about ？ ， * Are there differences among them ？ ' in-
quired the kiDg. * There are/ was the reply, * There are the high
ministers who are noble and relatives of the prince, and there are
those who are of a different surname/ The king said, * I beg to ask
about the high ministers who axe noble and relatives of the prince/
Mencius answered, ' If the prince have great faults, they ought to
remonstrate with him, and if he do not listen to them after they
have done bo again and again, they ought to dethrone him/

2. The king on this looked moved, and changed countenance.

rtnnity of learning
ation because of his
prevents him from

'he proceeds

and he has thus the op;
from theniy which no i
own genend superiori

doing" a. 询- 上.

and ascends.' ^^一 , < to repeat,' * croon
oyer.' 可 乎， 可
Itf*? * their age/ ie.

, * proper or not?'
what they were in

their age. >~ We are hardly to understand the
poetiy and books here generally. Mencius
seems to have had in his eye the Book of
Poetiy, and the Book of History.
9. Thb duties of

BZGH XI2ri8TEB&

>F THB BirmuaiT olabbmb ov

I 君有大 通，

ministers will overlook small faults. To anim*
advert on them would be inooiuufltent with

FT. II. CH. IX.]

THE WORKS OF MENOIUS

393

剡么 則曰、 異然對 。敢問

有之請 色以臣 也>
聽 > 覆過鄕 。問定 、正 ：5

3. MenciuB said, * Let not your Majesty be offended You asked
xne, and I dare not answer but according to truth/

4. The king's countenance became composed, and he then begged
to ask about nigh ministers who were of a different surname from
the prince. Mencius said, , When the prince has faults, they ought
to remonstrate with him ； and if he do not listen to them after they
bave done this again and again, they ought to leave the State'

their oonsangoimty. No diBiinciion is made
of ftralts, as great or small, when the other
cUm of minufcera is spoken of. * Great fimlts ，
mre saeh as endanger the safety of the State.

3. ■ * don't think it strange,' but 一 暴 don't

be offended.' 一 We may not wonder that duke
HsQan ahoold have been moved and sarpriBed
bjihedoctrin«6 of MeneitiB m announoed in this
chapter. It is true that the members of the
fiunily of which the raler is the Head have ihe
neareet interest in his rulijag wall, but to teach
them thtA it belongs to them, in case of his not
taking their adyioe, to proceed to dethrone
him, is lUelj to produce the most disaatrooa

effects. ChtL Hst notices that the able *nd*TiF>

toons relatives of the tyrant GhAu (j^) were

not able to do their duty as here laid down 釁
while Ho Kwang, a miniBter of another mir»
name, was able to do it in the ease of the king

of Ch'ang-yl (昌色 王 > whom he placed

in B.0. 74, though not ihe proper heir, on the
throne in saooeasion to the emperor ChAo.
His nominee, howeyer, proTed unequal to his
ition. See ihe Memoir of Ho Kwang in the
irty-«ighth Book of the Biographi«t of fche
it Han dyiiMty.

394 THE WORKS OF MENGIUS. [bk. vi.

BOOK VI.

KAO TSZE. PART I.

而乎、 往于爲 仁捲; f€
後 而 辨涵義 、也, I^P 吿 告
以狀以 順棬。 猶以 t 予于

爲賊 爲相孟 ^ 以人 義, 曰, 章
；^§祀*§柳于；^性猶^1^
糠輒捲 之曰、 柳爲括 § 上

Chapter I. i. The philosopher K4o said, * Mans nature is like
the cA'i-willow, and righteousness is like a cup or a bowl. The
fashioning benevolence and righteousness out of man's nature is
like the making cups and bowls from the cA'f-willow/

2. Mendus replied, * Can you, leaving untoucbed the nature of
the willow, make with it cups and bowfa ？ You must do violence
and injury to the willow, before you can make cups and bowls with

the view of the philosopher Hsfin ) that
human nature is evil This is

putting the case too strongly. It is an indue-
tion from his words, which KAo would probably
have disa llowed. Hsiin (see the proLsgomenOj and

Morrison under the character -3— \ aooounied

by many the most distinguished Boholar of the
Confucian school, appears to have maintained
positively that all good was foreign to the nature

其 善者运
his good IB arti*

ficiaL' I. The and the MR are taken by

some as two trees, but it is better to take them
together, the first character giyizig the species
of the other. It is desoribed as 'growing by
the water-side, like a common wiUow, the leaf
coarse and white, with the veins bdiaII and

reddish.' a. J| 匿, ' according with,' < follow-
ing/ i.e. 'leaving untouched,* 'doing no violence

狀 賊 人， 一人： 人 性， '脇"
nature/ humanity. KAo had said that man's
nature could be made into benevolenoe and
righteousness, and Mencius exposes the error

KAOf from whom this Book is named, is the
same who is referred to in Bk. II. Pfc. I. ii. His

name was Pu-hai a speculatist of

Menoius's day, who is said to haye given him-
self equally to the study of the orthodox doc-
trines and those of the heresiarch Mo (Bk. III.

T ； Pt. II. is). See the 四書拓

on Mencius, VoL L Art zxix. «e apj

from this Book to haye been much perplexed
respecting the real character of human nature
in its relations to good and evil. This is the
principal subject diseuBsed in this Book. For
his views of human nature as here developed,
Menoius.is mainly indebted for his place among
the Sages of his country. * In the first Part,'

aays the 四書味 银錄， 'he tn^tofirst

of tht nofurs, then of the heart, and then of
inttrucHonf the whole being analogous to the
lessons in the Doctrine of the Mean. The
second Part continues to treat of the same
subject, and a resemblance will generally be
found between the views of the parties there
combated, and those of the scholar K&o.,

1. TkAT BERKVOUENOX AJID RIGHTEO U8NES8 ABE
HO UHKATUIUkL PBODUOIB OFHUVAIT HATUBB. There

underlies the words of K&o here, says Chd Hal,

posiciyeiy^nai} aii gooa was loi
of man; —人 S 性惡,

Jjj^f * man's nature is bad ；

FT. I. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

395

東

m

TT

也。 善

% 則 諸

東 s

仁仁竊 4^

櫞>如

、 -

義

分于猶人則曰,^^f、率亦辨
於曰 性東牲 、予 S 將賊

水

之流眉 之下继 么6
下 信無無 決淌言 之賊柳

乎、 無 分分諸

豔 *n J^k 風 TYTT

A 分於於 西也，

性於東 善方決

it. If you must do violence and injury to the willow in order to
make cups and bowls with it, on your principles you must in the
same way do violence and injury to humanity in order to fashion
£rom it benevolence and righteousness ！ Your words, alas ! would
certainly lead all men on to reckon benevolence and righteousness
to be calaiDitie&'

Chap. II. i. The philosopher K&o said, * Mans nature is like
water whirling round %n a comer. Open a passage for it to the
east, and it will flow to the east ； open a passage for it to the west,
and it will flow to the west. Man's nature is indifferent to good
and evil, just as the water is indifferent to the east and west.'

2. Mencius replied, ' Water indeed wUl flow indifferently to the
east or west, but will it flow indiflferently up or down? The

by here sabetituting {{j^^^ for^^, in doing

which he is justified by the nature of the action
that has to be put forth on the wood of the

willow. , * calamitize benevolence

and righteousnees/ I take the meaning to be
as in the tranalation. If their nature must be
hacked and bent to bring thoBe viitaee from
it, men would certainly account them to be
eaUunities.

2. Max's katubb is hot DrDnrEBEVT to good
AVDBTiL. Itb fbofu tevdbmot z8 TO oooD. That
man is indifferent to good and evil, or that the
tendencies to these are both blended in his

was the doctrine of Yang Hsiung (揚
I, a philosopher about the beginning of our

；揚子 ，修

era (b.c. 53- a. d. 18). We have the following
sentence from him: 一 'In the nature of man
good and evil are mixed. The cultivation of the
good in it makes a good man ； the oultivation of
the evil makes a bad man. The paasion-nai
in its movements may be called the hone of

or OTiL' ("l"^ -^r 1

篇） 人 無有不

chapter on Menoius's part

were wrong, but did he hi

truth ？ I. ^J^, as ezpl»ined in the die*

tionaiy, 'water flowing rapidly/ and 'water
rippling <rrer the sand.' Gh&o Ch% followed by
Ghd H«i, explains it as in the translatioDy whicB,
is certainly better adapted to the passage, a.

-jg, 一 afi an adverb, 'truly.' ^pj; 善,

is the sum of the

is opponent's Tie ws
If have the whole

306

THE WORKS OF MBNCIUS

[bk. ti

白 曰,

菜

疋 之水激 失無之

與。 生' 吿 S 也。 可之而 水^ 善

曰之于

然。 晋

使 g 行搏
爲 哉之而

； R 其可 躍水水

白牲生

羽 4> 之 甍勢 使之, 無之

則在 可有就

^ m S ，
白 性。
也之孟 S
猶謂于

性 然 山, 使 7；
亦 也> 是過下 。也,
猶人豈 親今仏

山

豆

tendency of man's nature to good is like the tendency of water to
flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good,
just as all water flows downwards.

3. * Now by striking water and causing it to leap up, you may
make it go over your forehead, and, by aamming and leading it,
you may force it up a hill ； ~ but are such movements according to
the nature of water 1 It is the force applied which causes them.
When men are made to do what is not good, their nature is dealt
with in this way; ^

Chap, III. i . The philosopher K&o said, ' Life is what we call
nature/

2. Mencius asked him, ' Do you say that by nature yon mean
life, just as you say that white is white ？ ， 'Yes, 1 do/ was the reply.
Mencius added, * Is the whiteness of a white feather like that of

一 literally, * the goodness of man's nature,' but
we must take as«= * tendenoy to good.' 3.

fy to provoke,' 《 to fret,' the earueguence qf a

dam, 2^ 一 'dam and walk it,'

i.e. by gradually leading it from dam to dam.
Chii Hsi says: 一 'This chapter tells us that the
nature is properly good, and if we accord with
it, we shall do nothing which is not good ； that
it is properly without evil, and we must violate
it therefore, before we can do eviL It shows
thatthenature is properly not without a decided
character, or that it may do good or evil in-
differently.'

8. The nature ib not to be oonfouiidxd with

TKB PBSNOHKNA OF U7E. t. *By

Hst, 'is intended ihAtwherebyiiM
perceive and move/ and the seni
is analogous to that of the Bud<

it, he adds,
whomftke

'doing and using/ to be the nature.

e must understand by the term, I think, the
phenomena of life, and KAo'b idea led to the
ridiculous conclusion that whereTor there were
the phenomena of life, the nature of the subjeets
must be the same. At any rate, Mencius here

makes him allow this, a, 3. The 4th tone,

all interrogative, and = * you allow tnis, i
pose.' ~ We find it difficult to place ourselves in
sympathy with KAo in this convenation, or to

PT. I. CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

397

之 > 長也。 孟 5 也團之 松玉白
從於曰 、于非 f 艰
其我 彼曰、 外于與

白 也、 長、 何 ：！^, 曰

猶而 鹺食、
外 彼我謂 外色、

白、 長仁也 、牲 产

f 而之、 內非 4、 牲 白、

謂我非 義內仁 猶犬猫

tt^ 曰、 白

牛然。 雲
之 然緑之

之白有 外也。 內

人之白

white snow, and the whiteness of white mow like that of white

jade?, Kdo aaain said * Yes/
3. * Very well/ jpurmed Menci\

lus. ' Is the nature of a dog like the
nature of an ox, and the nature of an ox like the nature of a man ？ ，
Chap. IV. i. The philosopher K&o said, 'To enjoy food and
delight in colours is nature. Benevolence is internal and not
external ； righteousness is external and not internal.'

2. Mencius asked him, * What is the ground of your saying that
benevolence is internal and righteousness external \ , He replied,
* There is a man older than I, and I give honour to his age. It is
not that there is first in me a principle of such reverence to age. It
just as when there is a white man, and I consider him white ； 一
according as he is so externally to me. On this account, I pronounce
cf righteousness that it is external/

follow Mencius in passing from the second para-
graph to the third. His quegtions in paragraph
9 all refer to qualities, and then he jumps to
others about the nature.
4. That thv BnEvouanT AmcnoNB ahd tsb

It ifl important to obserre that by

ia denoted iSS^ Ahl 之 宜, 'the determining

what oonduet in reference to them is required
by men and things external to us, and giviog
it to them.' KAo contends that as we are moved

DnoBnaHATiovB OF WHAT IS SIGHT ABB bqujlllt by OUT own inteiiial impulse to food and oolours,
nrxxBHAL. I. ^ «-|4- hPt '& . We : «> we are also in the ezeroise of benerolence,

• ^ « I/U CL ! but not in that of righteouBness. "

might suppose that here denoted * the c^—

"-^ always 3rd tone. In ^ it is the

tive, but in the other oasea it is the verb. 4t

有 i 趁我 -非 先有長

4^、 ^ff ^F. The second 白 is also a verb.

appetite of sex.' But another view is preferred.
Thus the oommentator S9 observes ： ~
* The infimt knows to driiik the breast, and to
look at fire, which illustrates the text

398

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

[be. VI

是楚§姿乎。謂以也>^1^外
以人悅 弟曰? 長異； 5 無也

長; 2: 者 則吾者 於識以

J 長 沲、^ 弟義長 S 異

孿則 J 人 馬於於

者長 謂也、 愛長之 之白白

也 吾 之 是 之、 長 長入馬

故 2^ &以秦 t 與 、也 、之之

長, 長我人 i 且無 白白

3. Mendus said, * There is no difference between our pronouncing
a white horse to be white and our pronouncing a white man to be
white. But is there no difference oetween the regard with which
we acknowledge the age of an old horse and that with which we
acknowledge the age of an old man ？ And what is it which is called
righteousness ？ ― the fact of a mans being old ？ or the fact of our
giving honour to his age ？ ,

4. Kdo said, 《 There is my younger brother ； 一 I love hira. But
the younger brother of a man of Cnin. I do not love : that is, the
feeling ie determined by myself, and therefore I say that benevolence
is intemaL On the other hand, I give honour to an old man of Ch'A,
and I also give honour to an old man of my own people : that is, the
feeling is determined by the age, and therefore I say that righteous*
ness is external/

3. "j^, at the commenoement, have crept
hj some oTersight into the text They must
disregarded. ^ 馬， 白人， 喪, 一
― 白 and are the verbs, 艦 the

below, fl, '•jr^ "2^"， **nd do you say?
Ac/ but the meaning comes out better by ex-
panding the words a little. The 日 says : 一

•The recognition of the whiteness of a horse is
not different from the recognition of the white-
ness of a man. So indeed it is. But when we
acknowledge the age of a hone, we simply
with the mouth pronounce that it is old. In
acknowledging, however, the age of a man,
there is at the same time the feeling of respect
in the mind. The case is different from our

recognition of the age of a horse.' 4. ^^，

， 麵 indifferent people, strangen.

悅， 以長爲 悦,— meaning
is, no doabt, as in the translation, but the uae
of in both eases oocasions some difficulty.

Here again I may transhkie from the 日
which attempts to bring out ihe meaning of
: ^ * I love my younger brother and do not

love the younger brother of a num of Oh'in ；
that is, the love depends on me. Him with

whom my heart is pleased, I love >pi

之 ^C^» 貝 ij 之)， *nd him with whom
my heart is not pleased, I do not love. But
the reverence is in both eases determined by
the age. Wherever we meet with age, there we

PT. I. CH. v.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

399

此、 誰一謂 以圜夕 f

先。 歲之 if 孟
曰、 則 內義季
在先 誰也。 內于
f. 酌 敬。 鄕 ^ 也。 問

在人。 敬長

有以之

然異外

者於也

也者

然吾耆

則炙秦

者夫人

炙、 物之

亦 則 炙，
有亦

外, 所兄。 於

$敬 酌伯敬 * 曰、
由在 則兄故 何

5. Mendua answered him, * Our enjoyment of meat roasted by
a man of Ch'in does not differ from our enjoyment of meat roasted
by ourselves. Thus, what you insist on takes place also in the case
of such things, and will you say likewise that our enjoyment of
a roast is external V

Chap, V. i. The disciple M&ng Chi asked Kung-tA, saying,
' On what ground is it said that righteousness is internal ？ ,

2. KuDg-t{li replied, * We therein act out our feeling of respect,
and therefore it is said to be internal.'

3. The other objected, * Suppose the case of a villager older than
your elder brother by one year, to which of them would you show
the greater respect 1 'To my brother/ was the reply. *But for
which of them would you first pour out wine at a feast f ' *For
the villager. , Mitng Chi argued, ' Now your feeling of reverence rests
on the one, and now the honour due to age is rendered to the other ；
一 this is certainly determined by what is without, and does not
proceed from within/

htLYe the feeling of eomplaoenoy ( Ji|^

肚 d it does not neoeflsarily

from our own mind.' After reading
a perplexity is still felt to attach to the

of 5. - 一 MenoiuB silences

his opponent by showiiig that the same diffl-
oolty would attaek to the principle with which
he himself started ； namely, that the enjoy-
ment of food was internal, and sprang from the
inner springs of our being.

5. TkK 8AMX BUBJKrr l—TRM DIBOBIMZHATIOni
O' WHAT IB UGHT ABB FBOM WITHIX. I, M&Dg

Cht was a younger brother of M&ng Chung,
mentioned in Bk. IL Pt II. ii. 3. llieir rela-
tion to each other in point of age is determined

by the ohAraeton <中 and ^K. M&ng Ohl had

heard the preyious conversation with KAo, or
heard of it, and feeling some doubts on the
subject he applied to Kung-ttk (Bk. 11. Pt IL
V. 4) for their solution. * On what ground is it
said?' 一 i.e. by our master, by Menoius. 3. The
questions here are eyidentiy by M&ng GhL

400

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VI

考麥之 兄扁。 其 1 彼于。 內
,ff& 斯 i 敬敬。 將 孟也。

Jlft^l 須亦叔 彼曰, 于在 S
f 畦超 之曰、 父將敬 曰>都

ft 盍 《敬 f 也。 曰 淑敬于

夏内 W 在位彼 敬夂叔 7i

日, 也,

則 公 ―

，都 第季 5 庸 在白, 食敬以
一 g 尸 、弟吿

然曰 >敬> 簡在故 在則乎 。孟

4. Kung-tii was unable to reply, and told the conversation to
Mencius. Mencius said, * You should ask him, " Which do you respect
most, ~ your unde, or your younger brother?" He will answer," My
uncle/' Ask him again, " If your younger brother be personating
a dead ancestor, to which do you show the greater respect^ ~ to him
or to your uncle f" He will say, "To my younger brother/' You can

on, " But where is the respect due, as you said, to your uncle ？,,
will reply to this, "/ show the respect to my younger brother,
luee of the position which he occupies/' and you can likewise
Bay, " So my respect to the villager is because of the position which he
occupies. Ordinarily, my respect is rendered to my elder brother ；
for a brief season, an occasion, it is rendered to the villager." ,

5. M^ng Chi heard this and observed, * When respect is due to
my UDcle, 1 respect him, and when respect is due to my younger
brother, I respect him ； 一 the thing is certainly determined by what is
without, and does not proceed from within. Kung-tiJl replied, * In
winter we drink things hot, in summer we drink uiings cold ； and

Ib in the general aenae of 'elder/

4. The iransUtion needs to be supplemented,
to ihow that Mencius gives his decUion in the
form of a dialogue between the two disciples.

yjS ^J^,*a other's younger brother/ but used

geneimUyfor'Anunde/ ^ 爲尸, 一 in»cri.
flcing to the departedysome one ^ 森 certain one of

the desoendants, if poorible— was made the

or * personator of the dead/ into whom the 8】
of the other was supposed to descend to

the wonhip. & jf§^ "tf* j^,— the U.m'm
you said/ SDt - ； compare the

']>octrin« pf the Mean,' i. a. 5. ^^， <hoi

PT. I. CH. VI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

401

有 財氣: 民武 爲善、 國則
微翥以甍好與、甍無|^^飮
于兄瞽 是暴。 則可 7； 都食
厭; 瞍故 或眠以

f\ 爲以曰 爲 ^！!^

于且^ 堯有善 或

此以 而爲牲

日 J 也。

干。 爲奢君 *善> 厲是牲 >曰

^君 、藏 而有耗 故可牲
曰 > 而以有 牲見》 文以

80, on your principle, eating and drinking also depend on what is
external ！ , ,

Chap. VI. i. The disciple Kung-tA said, 《 The philosopher K&o
says, "Jfan，s nature is neither good nor bad."

2. * Some say, "Mans nature may be made to practise good, and
it may be made to practise evil, and accordingly, under W&n and
WA, the people lov^ what was good, while under YA and LI, they
loved what was cruel/'

3. ' Some say, " The nature of some is good, and the nature of
others is bad. Hence it was that under such a sovereign as Yio
there yet appeared Hsiang ； that with such a father as K A-s&u there
yet appeared Shun ； and that "with CMu for their sovereign, and
the son of their elder brother besides, there were found Cn*l, the
vificount of Wei, and the prince Pl-kan.

4. * And now you say, " The nature is good." Then are all those
wrong?'

water/ or *soup/ and * water ； ' must be

taken as * cold , water. Kung-tii answers after
the example of his master in the last paragraph
of the preceding chapter.

6. EZPLAHATIOH OF MeNOIXTB's OWlf DOOnUKE

THAT has'b VATOja IS GOOD. I. ChU HsI says
that the view of K&o， as here affirmed, had beeu

advocated by Timg-p'o ^^t) and Hti,
styled W&n-ting Kung (胡 女 ^ ^),
to his own times. 9. This is the view p】
pounded by KAo in the second chapter.

near

0*

VOL. II.

D

is explained by 暂, "id 可以爲 -可

Jt/j[ 3. was the name of the

▼isoount of Wei ； see Analects, XVIII. i. Both
he and Fl-kan are here made to be uncles of
Ch&u, while Ch'i, according to the Shii-ching,
was his half-brother. Chii HsI supposes some
error to have crept into the text. For oon-
yenience in translating, I have changed the order

。f 爲兄 ：2： 子且以 爲君. 王子,

一 as the sons of the princes of States were called
This view of human nature found

d 丁

402

THE WORKS OP MENCTUS

[BK. VI

敬仁; 、义 惡惻 * 失 爲于牲
之也、 人心 > 之隱^ 善曰, 善、

、羞 皆人心 、之: 7i 宪乃然

J

禮 M 有皆 人^ 善/ 乃若則

也、 之^ 有皆人 非所其 t
是 A、, 惻之, 皆才 謂愾皆

非義 隱是之 、有之 善則非

之也、 之非 恭之、 养也; 51

&恭 之敬 羞也。 若" 4^ 孟 i

J

5. Mencius said, * From the feelings proper to it, it Is constituted
for the practice of what is good. This is what I mean in saying
that the nature is good.

6. * If men do what is not good, the blame cannot be imputed
to their natural po wers.

7. * The feeling of commiseration belongs to all men ； so does
that of shame and dislike ； and that of reverence and respect ； and
that of approving and digapproving. The feeling of commiseration
implies the principle of benevolence ； that of shame and dislike, the
principle of righteousness ； that of reverence and respect, the prin-
ciple of propriety ； and that of approving and disapproving, the
principle of knowledge. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and
knowledge are not infused into us from without. We are certainly

ing, however, is the same on the whole. \J\
is not 80 definite as we oould wish.
ChU Hal expands it : 一

可以 爲善， 而不可

4 the feelings of man may properly be used only
to do good, and may not be used to do eviL'

This aeema to be the meaning. 6. 讓^^ ^
質， 人 2 能也， '職 'a •bOity,' 'his
natural powers/ ^g* (in and tone), 一 ' as
to/ 'in the case of.' 7. Compare Bk. IL Ft. L
VL4, 5. ]^ however, takes the

place of 辭讓； ^ 4^、 ihera 弗思
is the apodo8ia of a sentenoe, and Uie
must be supplied aa in the inmslatlon.

an advocate afterwards in the famous Han
W&n-kung of the Tang dynasty.

4f 5. ^g^, «*as to,' * looking at, Chik Hst

calls them an initial particle. The J^ ， of

eoune, refera to or * nature/ which is the

subject of the next olauae 一 ^j*

This being the amount of Mencius's d
that by the study of our nature we may see
it is formed for goodness, there seems nothing to

object to in it By is denoted '挫 ||^，

'the movements of the nature,' i.e. the inward
feelings and tendenciea, * stirred up.' 一 Gh&o

Ch'l takes ^g- here in the sense of j| 匿, *to

obey,' ' to accord with,' on which the transla-
tion would be ― * If it act in accordance with its
feelingBy or emotional tendencies.. The mean-

PT. I. CH. VI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

403

是 物、

4L、

够
1 心

民
之

秉

夷
也>

故

好 有于有

目故我

fumislied with them. And a different view is simply owing to want
of reflection. Hence it is said, "Seek and you will fiod them. Neglect
and you will lose them." Men differ from one another in regard to
them ； 一 some as much again as others, some five times as much, and
some to an incalculable amount : 一 it is because they cannot carry
out fully their natural powers.

8. * It is said in the Book of Poetry,

" Heaven in producing mankind,
Gave them their various faculties and relations with their ^ecijic
laws.

These are the invariable rules of nature for all to hold.
And all love this admirable virtue."

Confucius eaid, " The maker of this ode knew indeed the principle
of our nature!" We may thus see that every faculty and relation
must have its law, and since there are invariable rules for all to
hold, they consequently love this admirable virtue/

抬， ardtone^ 或相傕 云云, 一與

相去， 或 一係： zT :zr， 《―

lose them so that they depart from what is good,
some as far again as others, &c.' 8. "^c 曰，
see the Shih-ching, III. Pt. IIL Ode VL at i,
where we have for and for

7^ 貝 ij, 一 * have things, have laws,'

but the things specially intended are our con-
stitution with reference to the world of aense,
and the various oireles of relationship. The
quotation is designed speoiallyto illustrate par. 5,
but the conclusion drawn is stronger than the
statement there. It is said the people actually

love ^^jjp, 4th tone), and are not merely con-
stituted to loye, the admirable virtue.

D d 2

404

THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS.

不有時 亂而 A、ig
齊 m 一 ―
4

皆 5#

者

然 殊

戚、

于
弟
多

非
天
之

相 之

Chap. VII. i • Mencius said, ' In good years the children of the
>ple are most of them good, while in bad years the most of them
ndon themselves to evil. It is not owing to any difference of their
natural powers conferred by Heaven that they are thus different.
The abandonment is owing to the circumstances through which thej
allow their minds to be ensnared and drowned in evil.

2* ' There now is barley. ~ Let it be sown and covered up ； the
pound being the same, and the time of sowing likewise the same,
it grows rapidly up, and, when the full time is come, it is all found
to be ripe. Although there may be iDequalities of prod/ace, that is
owing to the difference of the soil, as rich or poor, to the unequal
nourishment afltorded by the rains and dews, and to the different
ways in which man has performed his business in reference to it.
3. * Thus all things which are the same in kind are like to one

7. All mzh avr trx bamb nr iron); — baoeb

HP OTHXRS. It rOLLOWB THAT THE HATUBE
OF ALL MXir, LXU THAT OF THE SAOEBy IS GOOD.

I. 富 *rich years/ 讓^^ < plentiful
ym: 賴 ii given by ChAo Ch't as 謹善，
'good,' and ^ 麵 ^， < evil.' But ^ 謹 the
MenoUn phrase » 自 < Belf-abandonment/

and there 1 辠 the proper meaning of ^^， * to

depend on,' also in that term. * In rich years,

•T* (ftona and brothers, i.e. the young

wno»e characters are j^stio) depmd on the
plenty and are good/ Temptations do not

lead them from their natural bent 珠

-J^, 一 the use of
take it as«^j^

here is peculiar. Most

thus ；' — see Wang T&n-
chih, in voc. Some take it in its proper pro-
nominal meaning, aa if Mencius in a lively
manner turned to the young : ~ * It is not from
the powers conferred by Heaven that you are

different.' * so,, referring specially to the

self-abandonment, a. go together,

* barley.' (3rd tone, the noun), 'sow

the seeds.' jSfi properly, * a kind of harrow/
日 , not * the solstice/ but ' the days (L e.
the time, haryeet-time) are come.' 3.

PT. I. CH. VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

405

於何 馬之得 口 知人似
味 > 者之 於我之

天皆】

足與也

【味 D 於之 而我何
下從我 也> 之! 5k 相 爲同獨

於

至

期易: ^其所 有似.
於 同牲 者同天

易之 類與者 耆下知 §ts 人

牙、 於 也> 人 4^1^ 之 其寵而

天 4^ 天若使 f\ 同爲曰 、之、

F 至 下犬口

another ； 一 why should we doubt in regard to man, as if he were a
solitary exception to this ？ The sage and we are the same in kind.

4. *In accordance with this the scholar LuDg said, "If a man
make hempen sandals without knowing the size of jpeoples feet, yet
I know that he will not make them like baskets." Sandals are all
like one another, because all men's feet are like one another.

5, * So with the mouth and flavours ； ― all mouths have the same
relishes. Yi-yA only apprehended before me what mj mouth relishes.
Suppose that his moutn in its relish for flavours differed from that
of other men, aa is the case with dogs or horses which are not the
same in kind with us, why should all men be found following Yl-y&
in their relishes ？ In the matter of tastes all the people model
themselves after Yl-y^ ; that is, the mouths of all men are like one
another.

皆, < all/ 何 獨, 云 云, * why only come

to man and doubt it ？ ' 冬 dnr, illuBtrating, not

inferring. So, below ； except perhaps in the
last instance of its use. Of the Lung who is
quoted nothing seems to be known ；一 see Bk.

IIL Ft I. iii 7. jp, aee Bk. UL Pt L iv. i.

&着 口 ：2： 於味 有同着

literally, * The relation of mouths to tastes

is that they have the same relishes.' Yl-y& wa«
the cook of the famous duke Hwan of Ch*l (b.c.

684-^9), a worthless man, but great in his art.

is better translated * appre-
hended before me,' than 'was the first to appre-
hend^' &c" and only is evidently to be supplied.

如使口 S 味,- 口 here is to
be understood with reference to Yl-yft.
'挫, ' its nature/ Le. its likings and disliki
in the matter of tastes. 下
^^， 一 < to fix a limit,' or * to aim at.'

406

THE WOBKS OP MENCIUS

[bk. VI

謂同 於 13 千都、 耳 聲、 之

理然有 聲之都 天相天 口

一 美有味 莫也。

也、 之焉眉 也、 者、 了、 惟 * 於 iLo

知目 g$ 惟 ^

聖、 贞 至聽，

V... 〜• ^ ^ ^ 一户然 > 是亦

#i\ 獨 之焉, 也。 &考 g 然,
我何無 於耳故 ST 、於 下至

t!L、 所色 之曰, 知于 之方」

6. ' And so also it is with the ear. In the matter of sounds, the
whole people model themselves after the music-master K'wang ；
that is, the ears of all men are like one another.

7. * And 80 also it is with the eye. In the case of Tsze-tA,
there is no man but would recognise that he was beautiful. Any
one who would not recognise the beauty of Tsze-tA must have no
eyes.

8. * Therefore I say, 一 Men's mouths agree in having the same
relishes ； their ears agree in enjoying the same sounds ； their eyes
agree in recognising the same beauty : 一 shall their minds alone be
without that which they similarly approve ？ What is it then of
which they similarly approve 1 It is, I say, the principles of our
naturey and the determinations of righteousness. The sages only
apprehended before me that of which my mind approves along with
other men. Therefore the principles of our nature and the deter-

6. JSL jl^f is here in the sense

of our buij from hatatif the connective particle,
though it often corresponds to our other but,

a di^'unotiYe, or exeeptiye, = < only.' 食币 ^|^，
see Bk. IV. Pt. I. i. x. 7. TazB-tt was the desig-
nation of Kung-Bun O 驟)， an officer

of Ch&ng about b.o. 700, distinguished for his
beauty. See his yillainy and death in the
seventh chapter of the * History of the Several

Statea/ &無所 同然乎 ，-然 i» to

be taken as a verb, 《 to approve.' merely

indieates the answei^ to the preceding question.
It is not 80 much as * I say' in the translation.

3^""A^、 ^^^1 (the mental oonstiiation/

the moral nature, and 之 用, that

constitution or nature, acting outwardly. ^B,
* hay/ * fodder/ used for ' grass-fed ftnimals,' sueh
as sheep and oxen. 7&^^oom or rice-fed
animalB/ such as dogs and pigs.

PT. I. CH. VIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

407

者, 鼂人又 之爲其 國猶之
豈此 見從所 美郊孟 i 凝

― 所

無豈其 而潤、 乎 J 々予 豢同

^山 濯牧非 是大曰 然
g 之濯之 、無 其國牛 悅耳、

之牲也 、是

少 4ff iSl

、是萌 日

也 > 山我故

其雖 ^ 夫彼生 所伐甞
所存謦濯焉息>^^美

« 乎有 濯牛雨 可夹、

放人 材也羊 露以以

minations of righteousness are agreeable to my mind, just as the
flesh of grass and grain-fed animals is agreeable to my mouth/

Chap. VIII. i. Mencius said, * The trees of the Ni£l mountain
were once beautiful Being situated, however, in the borders of
a large State, they were hewn down with axes and bills ； ~ and
could they retain their beauty 1 Still through the activity of the
vegetative life day and night, and the nourishing influence of the
rain and dew, they were not without buds and sprouts springing
forth, but then came the cattle and goats and browsed upon them.
To these things is owing the bare and stripped appearance of the
mountain, and when people now see it, they think it was never finely
wooded. But is this the nature of the mountain 1

2. * And so also of what properly belongs to man ； 一 shall it be said
that the mind of any man was without benevolence and righteous-

they retain their beauty ？ ' J^: 日
之 所 息， 一 是 is difficult ^< there is
what they grow day and night/ the 息 re-
ferring to the what we may
call < yegetatiye life.' The use of |^ here
is peculiar, jjpjj^ «« jjp^ ^j^, * trees of materials,'

8. How IT IB THAT THE KATUBX PBOPEKLT GOOD
001CE8 TO APPEAB AS IT IT WERE HOT SO ； ~ FBOK
WOT BBCSXYXHO JTB PROPER KOUBISHimiT. I. The

Kifi mountain was in the south-east of Ch'i.
It is referred to the present district of Lin-tsze

j^) in the department of Ch'ing-chAtL

於大國 -以其 J5」

可以

于大國 • 可

k、

E 一 'could ihey be beautiful?' Le. 'could fine trees, a. The connexion indicated by

408

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VI

以獸存 、椎

足 則 所

以 其翁、
存 > 夜有

則 氣 椎
其 7 亡
足之

践

之^^

^美於

其 乎, 木

ness ？ The way in which a man loses his proper goodness of mind
is like the way in which the trees are denuded by axes and bills.
Hewn down day after day, can it ― the mind ~ retain its beauty ？
But there is a development of its life day and night, and in the ccUm
air of the morning, just between night and day, the mind feels in
a degree those desires and aversions which are proper to humanity,
but the feeling is not strong, and it is fettered and destroyed by
what takes place during the day. This fettering taking place again
and again, the restorative influence of the night is not sufficient to
preserve the proper goodness of the mind ； and when this proves
insufficient for that purpose, the nature becomes not much different
from that of the irrational animals, and when people now see it, they
think that it never had those powers which I assert. But does this
condition represent the feelings proper to humanity ？

* although/ may be thus traced : 一 * Not only is
such the case of the Nift mountain. Although
we speak of what properly belongs to man

(^^~^^fp\ we shall find that the same thing

obtains.' The next clanse is to be translated
in the past tense, the question haying reference
to a mind or nature, which has been allowed

to run to waste. ^^， * he/ — * a man/

^)^. jl^, 一 ' the good mental constitution

or nature.' ^p», * even,* indicates the time
that lies evenly between the night and day. It

is difficult to catch the exact idea conveyed by
in this clause, and where it occurs below,

the calm of the air, the corresponding calm of
the spirit, and the moral invigoration from the
repose of the night, being blended in it. The
next clause is difficult. Gh&o Ch*i makes it : 一
'The mind is not far removed in its likings

and dislikings ^^， both in 4th tone)

from those which are proper to humanity.'
The more common iaierpretation is that which

I have given. 一 see Bk. IV. Pt. IL

PT. I. CH. IX.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

409

見寒^ 不 国其舍 物無之

f 孟磷 、物情
A 圣也翁 。于 愤亡、 消。 7；

有 一雙泊 > 、出孔 S 長、—

胥能 B 有無^ 八千 苟故^

返 、生暴 天或謂 無曰, 失苟

之吾 日生之 知存, 無養,

3. * Therefore, if it receive its proper nourishment, there is
nothing which will not grow. If it lose its proper nourishment,
there is nothing which will not decay away.

4. ' Confucius said, " Hold it fast, and it remains with you. Let
it go, and you lose it. Its outgoing and incoming cannot be defined
as to time or place." It is the mind of which this is said ！ ，

Chap. IX. i . Mencius said, * It is not to be wondered at that
the king is not wise ！

2. ' Suppose the case of the most easily growing thing in the
world ； 一 if you let it have one day's genial heat, and then expose it
for ten days to cold, it will not be able to grow. It is but seldom
that I have an audience of the king, and when I retire, there come

' 旦蹇 問. 3^ 無物, -物

embnoes both things in nature, and the nature
of man. 4. This is a remark of Confucius for

which we are indebted to Mencius. 匪

出 y-',— its outgoings and in-

comingB have no set time ； no one knows its

direction.' 0^, and tone, = * is it not ？' or an

exclamation. This paragraph is thus expanded
by ChOi Hsi : 一 * Confucius said of the mind,
"If you hold it fast, it is here ； if you let it go,
it is lost and gone : so without determinate
time is its outing and incoming, and also
without determinate place." Mencius quoted
hifl words to illustrate the unfathomableness
of the spiritual and intelligent mind, how easy
it is to have it or to lose it, and how difficult
to preserve and keep it, and how it may not
be left uimoarished for an instimt. Learners
ought constantly to be exerting their strength
to insure the purenees of its spirit, and the

settledness of its passion-natare, as in the calm
of the morning, then will the mind always be
preserved, and eyerywhere and in all circum-
stances its manifeatations will be those of
beneyolenoe and righteousness.'

9. iLLUBmiAIIHO THE LAST CHAPTBS.-^HoW THB

Knro OF Ch'1'8 wast of wisdom was ownro to

ITEOISOT AJXJ} BAD ikSBOCIATIOKS. I. IS lised

for *to be perplexed/ is an ezolama-
tion. The king is understood to be the king
Hstian of Ch*i ； see I. ii. a. jnl, often

written |^^， 'to dry in the sun/ here=

*to warm genially.' -y^ 一 the

^1^, ' not yet,' * never,' puts the general truth

as an Inference from the past. B^, 一 the 4th
tone, hsien, Chd Hsl points the last clause ~~

吾， 如有 萌焉， 何 哉， 'though there

410

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VI

以秋&

爲之^

all those who act upon him like the cold. Though I succeed in
bringing out some buds of goodness, of what avail is it ？

3. * Now chess-playing is but a small art, but without his whole
mind being given, and his will bent, to it, a man cannot succeed at
it. Chess Ch'iA is the best chess-player in all the kingdom. Suppose
that he is teaching two men to play. ― The one gives to the subject
his whole mind and bends to it all his will, doing nothing but
listening to Chess Ch'iA. The other, although he seems to &e listen-
ing to him, has his whole mind ruuninff on a swan which he thinks
is approaching, and wishes to bend his dow, adjust the string to the
arrow, and shoot it. Although he is learning alon^ with the other,
he does not come up to him. Why? ~ because his intelligence is
not equal ？ Not so.'

may be sprouts of goodness, what can I do?'

In this way, and are conneoted,

and there is the intermediate clause between
them, which is an unusual thing in Chinese.

Feeling this difficulty, Ch&o Ch*l makes

the nominative to and interprets, 一

'Although I wish to encourage the sprouting of
his goodness, how can I do bo ， ， I haTe followed
this oonstruotion, taking the force of the terms,

however, differently. 3. 夫 (and tone),
一 * now the character of chesB-playing

as an art, iS that it is a small art'
Ch'ifl was the man's name, and he
ChM8 Ch'ift from his skill at the game.
* a great *u,' which is also called ' the heavenly
goose , 一 the swan. tIAt (eho) 而 ij^ (tkSh)

； Bee Analecto, VIL zxtI (4th tone)

^智弗 #。與 (and tone),-«I. it
tuse of this, the iiiferiority of his (nahmit)
intelligenoe ？' 是 and the following words
being in apposition.

FT. I. CH« X.]

THE WOBSB OF MENdUS

411

甚所蠤 、者、 生^ 所舍亦 f

於 T 、所 故亦可 欲魚我

生 > 腙惡 7； 我得也 、面所

則也。 有爲所 兼】, 取欲曰 I
凡如堪 苟欲舍 亦熊也 、魚、

可使 於得所 生我掌

我

以人 死也、 欲 、而 所者者 1 所

得之者 、死 有取欲 也、: 欲

生所 故亦甚 義也、 生、 可 4^
者 1 欲" § 、我 於者 二亦得 g

何莫有 所生也 。者、 我兼 I 囊

Chap. X. i . Menciiis said, * I like fish, and I also like bears
paws. If I cannot have the two together, I will let the fish go, and
take the bear's paws. So, I like life, and I also like righteousness.
If I cannot keep the two together, I will let life go, and choose
righteousness.

2. * I like life indeed, but there is that which I like more than
life, and therefore, I will not seek to possess it by any improper
ways. I dislike death indeed, but there is that which I dislike
more than deaths and therefore there are occasions when I will not
avoid danger.

3, * If among the things which man likes there were nothing
which he liked more than life, why should he not use every means

10. That it is pbofeb to UAH's vatubb to lote
BionnouBirxBS mobb thah ufk, axd how it is

THAT MAXY AOTAB IF ITWBBX HOT 80. Z. * Bear's

palms ' have been a delicacy in China from the
earliest times. They require a long time, it
seems, to cook .them thoroughly. The king
Gh'&ng of Ch*tL, b. o. 605, being besieged in his
palace, requested that he might have a dish of
bear's palms before he was put to death, 一
hoping that help would come while they were

being cooked. &生 亦我所 欲,— the
ifl retained from the preceding paragraph.
We may render it hj * indeed.' 6|r ^Qj^j -^j"
-yp IB to be tmiiBlated indicatively. It is

ezplanatoiy of the concluflion of the
graph,-^ 生 而取義 不简 (em-
phatic) >fq * I won't do improper getting,'
ie. of life. The parapbrasts luoetly say ~~ yj^
爲苟 且以得 生，' I will not act im-
properly to get life.' 蒂、, 《 sorrow,' * calamity/
« danger of death. « It seems

better to construe as I have done, making
governed by J^), than to make ^^-a olause
by itself, and suppose 1^ as the object of J^.

412

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VI

得簞 皆者、 甚而 何於: r、

喊豆賢 賢者、 爲由也 。則使
\者 者所也 。是由 § 凡人
得 能有惡 是彻』 是可之
； 之勿是 有故可 則以所
之、 則喪尼 、甚 i?f 以生 惑

行生、 耳。 也 、於欲 f
遒弗 人死 有患、 有者 >甚

而

莫

by which he could preserve it ？ If among the things which man
dislikes there were nothing which he disliked more than death, why
should he not do everything by which he could avoid danger ？

4. * There are cases when men by a certain course might preserve
life, and they do not employ it ； when by certain things they might
avoid danger, and they will not do them.

5. * Therefore, men have that which they like more than life,
and that which they dislike more than death. They are not men of
distinguished talents and virtue only who have this mental nature.
All men have it ； what belongs to such men is simply that they do
not lose it.

6. ' Here are a small basket of rice and a platter of soup, and
the case is one in which the getting them will preserve life, and the
want of them will be death ； 一 if they are offered with an insulting

4- I translate here differently both from Ch&o

Ch'I and CM HsI. They take 由是 to be »

* From this righteouanesB-loying nature so dis-
played/ as if the paragraph were merely an
inference from the two preceding. I under-
stand the paragraph to b« a repetition of the
two preceding, and introductory to the one

which follows. 由 是 貝 Ij 生, « by this

course (any particular course) there is life,'

ffp >yi ^^， 'and yet in oases it is

not 118^.' This gives a much easier and

more legitimate construction. 5. 能 勿 喪

"th tone;,— stress must not be laid on the

>^ is simply negative, not prohibitiTe.

6w 0^ 4th tone. pH^ - IB explained

P 卒 《the appearance of reproachful

clamour/ but the upr shows that more
than the idea of < appearance,' or demonstratioii
is intended, 翼 below,

and not simply * any ordinary man upon the
way,' as CM Hst makes it. ]^ JS, see Bk.
11. Pt. I. ix. X. ~ This par&graph is intended to
illustrate the^^ of the preceding.

Even in the poorest ana most diBtreased of men,

PT. I* CH. X.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

413

身 令美身

死 爲

死

而
今

奎&而
妾 f
奉 身

所之、 而

- 鄕 了、

受

死 爲

宮

鄕 S 之 何 辨之、

之 爲 奉 I

乞

voice, even a tramper will not receive them, or if you first tread
upon them, even a beggar will not stoop to take them.

7. 'And yet a man will accept of ten thousand chung, without
any consideration of propriety or righteousness. What can the ten
thousand chung add to him ？ When he takes them, is it not that
he may obtain beautiful mansions, that he may secure the services
of wives and concubines, or that the poor and needy of his acquain-
tance may be helped by him ？

8. ' In the former case the offered bounty was not received, though
it would have saved from death, and now the emolument is taken
for the sake of beautiful mansions. The bounty that would have
preserved from death was not received, and the emolument is taken
to get the service of wives and concubines. The bounty that would

^ jC1、 必 ow iteelf. 7.

_ ],— see Bk. IL Pt II. x. 3. 萬鍾

Jjfi 焉, 一 (what do they add tome?'
lere is here a contrast with the case in the
former paragraph, which was one of life or
death. The laige emolument was not an abso-
lute necessity. But also there is the lofty, and
true, idea, that a man's personality is something
independent of, and higher than, all external
advantages. The meaning is better brought out
in English by changing the person from the first

to the third. 妻 妾 之 < because

of the serrioefi of wives and concubines.'

" plural as well as 妾, though according to

the law of China there could be only one torn,
however many concubines there might be.

所知識

that the poor of his

acqtiaintiuice may be grateftil for his kindness.'

A gloss in the 四 jj^ says ：一

* The thinking of the poor would seem to be a
thought of kindly feeling, but the true nature

of it is shown in the may get me. The

idea is not of benevolence, but selfishness.'

8. the 4th tone, « |^| . (4th tone)

$£， 'for 化 e body dying/ i. e. to save from

dying. 是亦 不可 已乎， 一是 i«

414

THE WOBKS OF MENdUS.

[bk. VI,

■A

甚不 犬心路 可乏

>/|， 乂、 OPff B 'u>o "J ^

放 却放, 而也。 孟 i 以者

得
乎、 我

之 爲

于 尼、 求。 則 舍矸
曰、 而學 S 知知其

今 問求 $ 、路仁
^ 矣。 之、 哀而人

n 道有 哉。 弗 尨
名 無
之

A 垂由'

傀』 &、 有放事 >
求而 雞其人

m 之

失是
其亦

本 ^

have saved from death was not received, and the emolument is taken
that one's poor and needy acquaintance may be helped by him.
Was it then not possible likewise to decline this ？ This is a case of
what is called 一 " Losing the proper nature of one's mind." ,

Chap. XI. i. MeDcius said, * Benevolence is man's mind, and
righteousness is mans path.

2. * How lamentable is it to neglect the path and not pursue it,
to lose this mind and not know to seek it again I

3. * When men's fowls and dogs are lost, they know to seek for
them a^in, but they lose their mind, and do not know to seek for it.

4. *The great end of learning is nothing else but to seek for the
lost mind/

Chap. XII. i. Mencius said, * Here is a man whose fourth finger
is bent and cannot be stretched out straight. It is not painful, nor

emphatic, 膽 this large emolument) taken for such
purposes. ~ For an example in point to iUuBtrate
par. 6， see the Ll-chI, II. Sect. II. iii. 17.

11. HoWMXRHAYnra lost THB PBOnBQUALmSB
or THUS ITATUBB SHOULD 8SEX TO BBOOTSB TBXM.

X. 'Benevolence is man's mind, or heart/ i.e.
it ia the proper and universal characteristic of

man's nature, as the TP on Ch&o Gh't

人人弯

rolenoe' would

― men haye it/

Beneyolenoe , would seem to include here all
the other moral qualities of humanity. Chd

Hfli says 《、 之 ； yet we have the

usual Mencian specifioation of * righteousness '
along with it 4. 學 59：^ 道, 一 1^-；^

* that which ia moat important in.' ~» The

Chineae sages always end with the recovery of
*the old heart;' the idea of 'a new heart' is
unknown to them. One of the Gh'&ng says : 一
*The thousand words and ten thousand sa]
of the 0&geB and worthies are simply desii
to lead men to get hold of their lost
and make them again enter their bodies. Tnia
aooomplished, they can push their inquiries
upwards, and from the lowest studies acquire
the highest knowledge.'
12. How imr abb sbvbibli of bodilt, Ajn> rot

OF KEHTAI. OB hobal, dkfbctis. X.

^rg, *the nameless fingdr/ Le. the fourth,
reckoning from the thumb as the first It is

■J

PT. I. CH. XIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUB.

416

之 者、 考層

者, 至欲 1 類
栏七 A 羊 lit

指 ^ 楚如屈
1：?^ 之有面

於生予也。則若路^_接：^^

身 > 之 k

IJ 吞

； K

k

知 則 指之 g

惡 > 知之者 /疾

此 惡 7； 則 痛

所以桐
以養樣
哉 I 養之人

之冬若 $
A 、人^ 事

% 也。 秦 也 I

does it incommode his business, and yet if there be any one who
can make it straight, he will not think the way from Ch'in to Ch'A
far to go to him ； because his finger is not like the finger of other
people. 鲁

2. ' When a man's finger is not like those of other people, he
knows to fee】 dissatisfied, but if his mind be not like that of other
people, he does not know to feel dissatisfaction. This is called —
" Ignorance of the relative importance of things." ，

Chap. XIII. Mencius said, ' Anybody who wishes to cultivate
the i*ung or the tsze, which may be grasped with both hands,
perhaps with one, knows by what means to nourisli them. In the
case of their own persons, men do not know by what means to
nourish them. Is it to be supposed that their regard of their own
persons is inferior to their regard for a t'ung or tsze f Their want
of reflection is extreme/

■o Btyled, as of less use than the .othere, and
1688 needing a name, .^g, 一 read as, and with

the meaning of,

• 不 J

秦楚相

though he should pasa

over ail the wajTbetween Ch'in and Gh'ii, he
will not think it far.' a. ^\ 4^1 'jj^r 一 ' not

knowing kinds,' or degree&
18. Men's kztbeu wast or ihought nr

BMASD TO TBI CUITIYATIOIV OF TBSXSBLYES.

The ftmg and taw resemble each other. The

latter is c&Ued by the Chinese 'the king of
trees,' and its wood is well adapted for their
block-engraying. Of the fung there are yarious
arrangementB, some making three kinds of it,
some four, and some seven* The wood of the

first kind, or white fung (由 }|^), ^ ^® best

for making musical instruments like the lute.
Bretschneider makes the fvnff to be the paulow'
nia; and the tsze, the rotUera Japonicoj or the

211 1f§» 身， 一身, < the body,, but

iJie whole human being.

it to be supposed ？ , A sop-

here 'the person,'
豈… 兹 a'isil

plementary note in the

says that *by

416

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

[bk. VI.

有爲
場>^

夹 。者、

寸愛、

3

o I /F^ -I i^^i mm >/i,

5 豈 7i 之兼孟 i 思

f 有養膚 所于甚

舍養 以貴他 4^7； 愛 > 曰, 也

IB:

少、

貝 Iffi iHii>l、 'M
賤賤、 龍 所愛則

i 壹， 於以 焉兼之
> 者 * 小已考 則所於

® 費大、 取其 無養身

善； I

其 大其無 之善； I 也、 也 I

卑而^ 寸無兼

、4 ^者小 善 之尺所

Chap. XIV. i. Mencius said, * There is no part of himself
which a man does not love, and as he loves all, so he must nouriBh
all. There is not an inch of skin which he does not love, and so
there is not an inch of skin which he will not nourish. For ex-
amining whether his way of nourishing be good or not, what other
rule is there but this, that he determine by reflecting on himself
where it should be applied %

2. * Some parts of the body are noble, and some ignoble ； some
great, and some small. The great must not be injured for the small,
nor the noble for the ignoble. He who nourishes the little belonging
to him is a little man, and he who nourishes the great is a great man.

3. * Here is a plantation-keeper, who neglects his wA and chid, and
cultivates his sour jujube-trees ； ~ he is a poor plantation-keeper.

nourishing the ]^ here is intended the ruling

of the mind, to nourish our inner man, and
paying carefiil attention to the body, to nourish
our outer man/
14. Thb ATTEirnoH given bt men to thb

irOURISHlIEIlT OF THB DIFFERENT PABT8 OP THZIB
HATUBE XT78T BB BSOtTLATED BY THE BELATIYE IM-

POSTAlfOB or THOSE PAKTB.

，， ~ as in the
last chapter, but with more special reference to
the body. * unites what he loves/

Le. loTes all. "Vr* *a cubit or an inch,'
but the meaning is— the least bit of, =our * an
inch.' 所 以 考, 云 云, requires to be

supplemented a good deal in tranalating. The
meaning is plain : 一 A man is to determine for
hlmaelf, by reflection on his constitution, wh"
parts are more important and should have the
greater attention paid to them. Compare the two

last paragraphs of Analects, YL xzviii.

* the members of the body,' but the chi

like is to be understood with a tacit refer*

ence io the mental part of our constitution as

well. 3. The ^^waa an officer under the

Oh&u dynasty, who had the superintendence of
the raler's plantations and orchards ； 一 see the
ChAu UJLPt XVI. xxiii. r. The wu(thettemdia
platani/bliOf according to Bretschneider) and the

PT. I. en. XV.]

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.

417

I 爲之夹 疾失則

«n 人^ 人其爲

个其人 都寸無 其藝一 ―
人大或 于之有 養飮 5 背 、塌

失小 食而師

日 i 體 爲 問

是 大人釣 則失 人知養 S

人人何 是 口 大則也 、其
從也。 人 腹也, 人則一

惑其孟 也> 豈飮 ■ 爲棍
從 小于或 適食 之狼而

4. * He who nourishes one of his fingers, neglecting his shoulders
or his back, without knowing that he is doing so, is a man who
resembles a hurried wolf.

5. 《 A man who only eats and drinks is counted mean by others ； ―
because he nourishes what is little to the neglect of what is great.

6. ' If a man, fond of his eating and drinking, were not to neglect
what is of more importance, how should his mouth and belly be
considered as no more than an inch of skin ？ '

Chap. XV. i • The disciple Kung-tA said, ' All are equally men,
but some are great men, and some are little men; ― how is this?,
Mencius replied, ' Those who follow that part of themselves which
is great are great men ； those who follow that part which is little
are little men.'

2. Kung-tA pursued, 'All are equally men, but some follow

jp^. ^^， * a wolf hurried,' L e. chased, and

go

18

drid are lued like ftmffBnd tsse in the last chapter ；
or, as some make oat, the siercuUa platan^ia
and the eaUdpa Jc^ponica, Two valuable trees

are evidently intended by them.

together, Mr indicating the species*

generally used with the general meaning of
thorns ； 一 but it here indicates a kind of small
wild date-tree. The date-tree proper is ；

this wild tree, UD ； the different fonns indi-
cating the high tree and the Una bushy shrub
respeotiwly. Seethe 集證" 化 失-

VOL. II. E e

80 unable to exercise the quick sight for which
it is famous. 6. The meaning ia that the parts
considered small and ignoble may have their
due share of attention, if the more important
parts are first cared for, as they ought to be.

15. How SOME ABE OBEAT XEEr, LOBD6 OF SEISOH,
AHD SOKB ABB UITLE KEN, SLAVES O, BERBB. Z.

-jt^， * all equally/ ^g, ' the members,'

but here, more evidently than in the last
chapter, it is spoken of our whole constitution,

mental as well as physical, a. 目 T^,

* the offices of the ears and eyes.* We might

418

THE WORKS OF MENCTOS

[BK. VI

_夹 。態 f 此則 而蔽 4。 其

孟 i 奪 其天得 於曰、 大

T 4^$ 之之、 夹 1 物、 耳

此者、 所； r 、心物 目 或

曰 >

有
天

者 I

有

大
人

則與

窗 盧 〜瞻 薩

之父

革我 則官物 、官

小者、 :r; 則則：

之從

而者先 得思、 引思、 體

SLTi 立也 、思之 而何

that part of themselves which is great, and some follow that part
which is little ； 一 how is this ？ , Mencius answered, * The senses of
hearing and seeing do not think, and are obscured by external
things. When one thing comes into contact with another, as
a matter of course it leads it away. To the mind belongs the office
of thinking. By thinking, it gets the right view of things ； by
neglecting to think, it fails to do this. These ~ the senses and tke
mind ~ are what Heaven has given to us. Let a man first stand
fast in the supremacy of the nobler part of his constitution, and the
inferior part will not be able to take it from him. It is simply this
which makes the great man/

Chap. XVI, i • Mencius said, * There is a nobility of Heaven,

ftnppofle that the aenses are so styled, as being
conceived to be subject to the control of the
ruling mind. We haye below, however, the

exprewion 之 官， and 官 is to be taken

in both cases as « prerogative/ < business.' Ch&o

Ch'I and his glossarist do not take 目 之

SB the subject of 思 in 不 思, but inters

9t thiu : 一 *Tho senses, if there be not the ex6]>
» of thought by the mind, are obscured by
Jrnal things/ But the view ofChd Hal, as in
i« translation, is preferable. It is very eyident

that indioaies our whole mental oonstitu-

\ ^^^Kfji 一 伍 e first jbft is the external
rh" ifl heard and seen ； the second
denotes the mums themselves, which are only

引 S 而 B, -而 B-<" »

matter of oouwe.' 得; 2：,—：^：- 事物之
Hit 'ti»e mind apprehends the true nature of the

objects of sense, ' and of course '

their deluding influence.

what is great,' the nobler part of his oonstita-
tion, Le. the mind. 一 Kung-tQ might hayegone
on to inquire, 一 'All are equally men. Some
stand fast in the nobler paii of their oonatita-
tion, and some allow its rapremMjr to be
snatched away by the inferior part. How ig
this ？ ' and Menoios would have tried to oarry
the difficulty a step farther back, and after all
have left it where it originally was. His saying
that the nat;are of man is good may be reconciled
with the doctrines of evangfilieal Christiani^,
but his views of human nature as a whole
are open to the three objections stated in the
note to the twenty-first ohapter of the Qumg
Yung,

16. ThEBX IB A HOBIUTT THAT IB OF HULTBT,
An A HOBUJIT THAT IB OF MAX. ThB HBOLBOT
or THB rOBXBB LBADS TO THE LOflB OF TOM LAXIU.

I. JW is the heart true in itself, loyal to b«Q6T0*
1 聽 and righteousaeas, and 信 《 ibe conM

PT. I. CH. XVII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

419

同響 iif 、龍爵 > 之其夫 >7； 么

石、 lit 則 旣 人态 此 像爵

也、 于而惑 得修爵 A 此!；

人曰 >E 之么其 而爵天 £、
人 @ 夹。 甚靝天 A

有貴 者

. 、者
於人
己之

也、 秦 從 t &、 信>

終其 要之。 人赧樂
亦天 人今， 大善

and there is a nobility of man. Benevolence, righteousness, self-
consecration, and fidelity, with unwearied joy in these virtues ； ―
these constitute the nobility of Heaven. To be a kung, a ch'ing,
or a tA-fA ； 一 this constitutes the nobility of man.

2. 《 The men of antiquity cultivated their nobility of Heaven,
and the nobility of man came to them in its train.

3. 'The men of the present day cultivate their nobility of
Heaven in order to seek for the nooility of man, and when they
have obtained tbat, they throw away the other : 一 their delusion is
extreme. The Lssue is simply this, that they must lose that nobility
of man as well/

Chap. XVII. i. Mencius said, *To desire to be honoured is
the common mind of men. And all men have in themselves that
which is truly honourable. Only they do not think of it.

trae to tbem.

Pt IL ii. 3-7. 3.
'their delusion is
forth in the

大夫, 一 aeeBk^V.

the ist tone, a ；
'—this 18 well set

r

^Now when the

nobility of Heaven is cultiyated in order to
seek for the nobility of man, at the very time
it is cultiTiiied, there is a prerious mind to
throw it away ； >~ showing the existence of de-
lusion. Then when the nobility of man has

been got, to throw away the nobility of Heayen,
exhibits conduct after attainment not equal to
that in the time of search, so that the delusion

is extreme.' 終亦必 亡而 B 矣， 一
"1*7 has reference to the nobility of man, and
is beat translated aa an active verb, to which the
'jt^ also pointa. 一 Many commentators obserre

that facts may be referred to, apparently incon-
sistent with the aaaertions in this chapter, and
then go on to say that such inoonsiBtency is but
a lucky accident ； the issue should alwaya be as
Mencias says. Yos ； but all moral teachings
must be imperfect where the thoughts are
bounded by what is seen and temporal.
17. Ths tbub hokoub which mu should

DJ38IBE. I. in the last chapter is the
material dignity ； in this is the honour.

E e 2

420

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VI.

願 会以飽 裨良化

—人 wt; 以 賤賁弗

杯 勝子之 廣願德 >g。4wS
水 丸曰、 文 譽人言 詩 ^ 魑 耳

救今仁

施之

1^ 盖 1 孟 人
乎 旣之之

仁 醉所所

義以貴 、貴

_ ^之 也。] g m
車爲滕 身、 梁

薪仁: r、 所之

之者, 仁 以! ^也, 酒, 趙者 >

A 猶也、 T 、也, 所 旣孟非

2. 'The honour which men confer is not good honour. Those
whom Ch&o the Great ennobles he can make mean again.

3. 'It is said in the Book of Poetry,

" He has filled us with nis wine,
He has satiated ns with his goodness."
"Satiated us with his goodness thski is, satiated us with benevolence
and righteousness, and he who is so satiated, consequently, does not
wish for the fat meat and fine millet of men. A good reputation
and far-reaching praise fall to him, and he does not desire the
elegant embroidered garments of men.'

Chap. XVIII. i. Mencius said, ' Benevolence subdues its
opposite just as water subdues fire. Those, however, who now-a-
days practise benevolence do it as if with one cup of water they
could save a whole waggon-load of fuel which was on fire, and when

0aoh as springs from saoh dignity, a.

^1", 一 ^^here and in the next paragraph

refers to those who confer dignities. It is not
to be understood — 'what men oondder honour.'

孟 , <C1UU>, the chief/ This title was

ie by four ministers of the family of ChAo,
who at different times held the chief sway in
Tsin. They were a sort of * king-making War-
wick!.' In the time of Menoiua, the title had
become aaaoeuited with the name of the house.

3. 詩 云, 一 Bee the Shih-ching, III. ii. Ode

IIL st. z. The odels one responsive from * his
Ikthers and brethren , to the sovereign who has

entertained them. Mendus's applioation of it
is a mere aooommodation.
18. It n nbcebbabt to pbaotibe BsmEvounoE

WITH ALL OH E'fl MIGHT. ThI8 ONLY WIIX PBSBBBTX

I 不 想， 則謂 S,- 謂;

to say of it' ^ is said by ChU BjA to -^ jf,

* to aid.' The is joined to and not to
^ :• Bad men seeing the IneifeetiTeneaa

of feeble endeavours to do good are only
encouraged in their own course. This mean-
ing of is found elsewhere. Ch&o Ch*t

interprets : 一 'This also is worse than the case
of those who practise what is not benoTolent.'
But both the aentixnent and oonstroction of

PT. I. CH. XX.]

THE WORKS OF HEKCmS,

421

失 者

亦观 也、

孟終 ^了、

以誨彀 、于亦 # 子必與
親人 學曰, 在爲曰 > 亡於

矩。 必者 乎^ 五而^ 言

以亦 之熟熟 >

親 必教之 7

矩、 志人 而如種

E 仁之

、矣。 Z 水

射、 Hi 奠 之

者 彀。 必 矣。 ff^ 美

the flames were not extinguished, were to say that water cannot
subdue fire. This conduct, moreover, greatly encourages those who
are not benevolent

2. ' The final issue will simply be this— the loss of thai small
ctmount of benevolence.*

Chap. XIX. Mencius said, * Of all seeds the best are the five
kinds of grain, yet if they be not ripe, they are not equal to the ti
or the pdi. So, the value of benevolence depends entirely on its
being brought to maturity/

C^AP. aX. I. Mencius said, 't, in teaching men to shoot,
made it a rule to draw the bow to the full, and his pupils also did
the same.

2. 'A master-workman, in teaching others, uses the compass and
square, and his pupils do the same/

this are mors difficult than the other, a. Com-
pare^ohnpter xyL 3.

19. BxHXYOIJaiOB XUBT BE KATUBED. I. 'The

five kinds of grain ；， 一 see Bk. III. Pt. I. iv. 7.
The ft and pdi are two plants closely resembling
one another. They are a kind of spurious
grain, 'yielding a rice-like seed, but small.
They are to be found at all times, in wet situa-
tions and dry, and when cruBhed and roasted,
may satisfy the hunger in a time of fiunine.'
Menciufl's Tivacity of mind and readiness at
illustration lead him at times to broad un-
guarded statements, of which this seems to be
one.

20. LxAJumro uxmr hot bs by halteb. i. t,
see Bk. IV. Pt IL jadv. i

！ BY HALTEB. I. 1. 一

志, —used as ^

in chap. vii. 5. jiA Jg, < found it necessary

to,' or simply the past tense emphatic. So, in

the next paragraph, a. 大 匠-工 師, ' a

master-workman.' Ohii HsI says : 一 * This chap-
ter shows that afEairs muBt be proceeded with
according to their laws, and then they can be
completed But if a master neglect these, he
cannot teach ； and if a pupil neglect these, he
cannot learn. In small arts it is so: — how
much more with the principles of the sages I ，

422 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [bk. vi.

KAO TSZE. part II.

軋

\ 妻、 禮

、禮 贜食、 重。 曰 、于 s

?*加>^食'則3>讓曰>任*吿
鄉栽 裁則飢 鱧重。 鼴人于

3Z

寧

乎&跳 现得而 重。; if

皇纽 則食、 死曰 ^ 樊拿 、問 M

3 得 ：5 必： r 、以鼴 薪屋下

于妻, 得以以 鱧孰重

Chaptek I. I • A man of Z&n asked the disciple WA-IA, saying,
'Is an observance of the rules of propriety in regard to eaiing,
or eating merely, the more important ？ , The answer was, 《 The
observance of the rules of propriety is the more important/

2. *Is the gratifying the appetite of sex, or the doing 80 only
according to the rules of propriety, the more important 1 ' The
answer again was, ' The observance of the rules of propriety in the
matter is the more important/

3. The man pursued, * If the result of eating only aooording to
the rules of propriety will be death by starvation, while by dis-
regarding those rules we may get food, must they stiU be observed
in such a case ？ If according to the rule that he shall go in person
to meet his wife a man cannot get married, while by disregarding
that rule he may get married, must he still observe the rule in sucfh
a case f '

4. WA-IA was unable to reply to these questions, and the next

lien (^^)' H is questions are not to be under*
stood of propriety in the abetract^ but of the

1. The ncpoxTAHcs ov ouflKJivuio tbx bttlks
or PBOFsmr, ahd, whsv tbst mat bb dis-

RSQABDED, THE KZOBFnON WILL BE FOUHD TO
PBOTE TKE BULB. EZTBEXE CASES HAT HOT BE

FBE88ED TO mYALIDATB THE PBIHCIPLE. I.

(in and tone) waa a small State, referred to the
present Tst-ning chAu, of the depart-

ment ofYen-chftu, in Shan-tung. It was not far
from Mencius's native State of Ts&u, the dis-
tance being only between twenty and thirty H.
The diflciple Wd-ia, who is said to have pub-
lished books on the doctrines of L&o-tsze, was
禽 native of the State of Tain. His name was

rules of propriety underatood to rogulate the

other things which he mentiona. a, ia

to be understood as in the innalAtion, and
this is its common signifiofttion in Menoiiu.

I include the 曰, jj^ "^ ， in this ^ragraph.
3> 以 |g 食， the Lt Cht^ XXVII. 96^
et cU, 迎 (4ih tone), — see the Li Chi,

XXVII. 3a i'^^f—^"^- GhAoCh'i

PT. 11. CH, I.]

THE WOBKS OF MSNCIUS,

423

應 輕食與 舆於之 W 予。 7：

^者, 重, 禮羽羽 木、 揣孟能

3 而 取之之 教可其 予對，

終此金 輕謂豈 使太曰 > 明
兄 者、 哉。 謂 萵而於 B

之 奚重而 取《— 於 齊答之

鄒,

截 翅者、 此食翁 岑其—

之、 之 棲 。末, 也以
重奠金 S 方何吿

奚

之往 S 之翅者

寸 有。 孟

day he went to Ts&n, and told them to Mencius. Mencius said,
, What difficulty is there in answering these inquiries 1

5. 'If you do not adjust them at their lower extremities, but
only put their tops on a level, a piece of wood an inch square may
be made to be higher than the pointed peak of a high building.

6. * Gold is heavier than feathers ； ~ but does that saying have
reference, on the one hand, to a single clasp of gold, and, on the
other, to a waggon-load of feathers ？

7- ' If you toJke a case where the eating is of the utmost impor-
tance and the observing the rules of propriety is of little importance,
and compare the things together, wny stop with saying merely that
the eating is more important ？ So, taking the case where the
gratifying the appetite of sex is of the utmost importance and the
observing the rules of propriety is of little importance, why stop
with merely saying that the gratifying the appetite is the more
important?

8. ' Go and answer him thus, "If, by twisting your elder brother's

reads as (w&, ist tone), making it an
exclamation ― *ohI' 5. ； |^， *to measure, or
feel with the hand.' yjC and are ruied for
and 卜？ (eh*dn\ 'a high and pointed
small hill.' ChAo Ch'l takes J^jU| together

KB meaning 'a peaked ridge of a hill,' and the
dictionary gives this signification to the phrase.
The yiew of Chtl Hd, which I have followed,

is better* 6. • • • 一 indioaies the
clftuse to be a common saying, and oarriea 110
on to some explanation of it. gB • • •

]^ ' How does it mj (mean) the saying

(meaning) of the gold of one hook,, and the
fSnithen of one waggon ？ ， Compare Bk. I.

yii.ia 7 奚效 (應眚 何但. a
(read eh'dfif 3rd tone), both by ChAo Ch'!
ChO Hd, is explained by ^^， * to bend. , I prefer

424

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

粟 4^ 交 3 爲

之:^ 瓤食, 食

乎。 摟， _

" —— :m

而交！ ^ ZTCl 一

E^, 九文 g 、父

如尺 王有問

何 四十諸 。曰. 一

則寸 凡逢人 素于、 ^>歉

可。 以 湯竽皆 則 刻
曰撮、 九曰、 可 將得 衷：?^

奚食 凡然。 以 摟妻, 家得

arm, and snatching from him what he is eating, you can get food
for yourself, while, if you do not do so, you will not get anything
to eat, will you so twist his arm? If by getting over your
neighbour's wall, and dragging away his virgin daughter, you can
get a wife, while if you do not do so, you will not be able to get
a wife, will you bo drag her away? ，， '

Chap. IL i • Chi&o of Tsko asked Mencius, saying, ' It is said,
" All men may be Y&os and Shuns ； " 一 is it so V Mencius replied,
* It is/

2. Chido went on, * I have heard that king Wftn was ten cubits
high, and T*ang nine. Now I am nine cubits four inches in height.
But I can do nothing but eat my millet. What am I to do to
realize that saying ？ '

3. Mencius answered him, ' What has this ~ the questim of size ~

the first meaning of the character given in
the dictionary, 一 that of Mi., 'to turn/ here

-<to twiat' 而奪 之食, 一 here 奪 ia

followed by two objectives, being — 《 from

him.' Julien em strangely in rendering * Si,
rwn^pensfrairis mo^jcris bnichiumf rapias Qlud oome~

dhndum,* jjj^， * the wall of the house

on the east,' i. e. a neighbour's wall.

is a common designation for the master of
A house ； and I do not know of any instance
of its use by a writer earlier than Mencius.

(3rd tone) * a virgin daughter/ one

dtoeOtng in the harem. as sometimes else-
where, is feminine.
2. All hat bioome Yio0 aud Shvvs, aivd to

BEOOXS so, THET HAVE OITLT SINCERKLT, AVD DT
THKHSELTES, TO CULTIYATB YlO ASD Skw'b FBOT-
OIPLES AKD WATS. Z. Ch&O Chi BBJB that ChiAo

was a brother of the prince of Tb*&o, bat the
principality of Ts'&o had been eztingaiahed
before the time of Menciua The desoendaiitB
of the ruling house had probably taken their
surname from their ancient patrimony. Ts'Ao
IB referred to the present district of ！ Hng-t'Ao

陶) in the department of Ts&o-ch&u, in
Shan>tung. 有 簿， 一 compare Bk. L PtIL
iL If etak 9. On the heights mentioned hei^
see AnalectSyYIII. vi. 以 <for my height'

The J^, however, may be taken as simply

euphonio. GhUlo's idea is, that physically he
was between W&n and T'ang, who might be
considered as haying become YAoe or Shuns,
and therefore he also might become such, if he

PT, II. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS.

426

哉 I 弟之哉 • 烏韵、 則人有

夹獲則 爲於於

，一. 失之 爲無此 、是

„ 一 行耳。 人伍有 力亦

也, 者, 先餘 S 豈暴 力么： f 翁

堯豈長 行以亦 人夹態 i

舜人者 > 後:^ 爲夹 > 今勝而

之 所謂臭 稷廉然 g 、一 §^

道、; r 、之者 •§ 攀 g) 拳 IS,
孝能 7i 謂息而 舉百雛 > 有

to do with the matter ？ It all lies simply in acting as such. Here
is a man, whose strength was not equal to lift a duckling : ~ he was
thm a man of no stren^h. But to-day he says, " I can lift 3,000
catties' weight," and he is a man of strength. And so, he who can
lift the weight which WA Hwo lifted is just another WA Hwo.
Why should a man make a want of ability the subject- of his grief ？
It is only that he will not do the thing.

4, * To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to perform the
part of a younger. To walk quickly and precede his elders, is to
violate the duty of a younger brother. Now, is it what a man
cannot do ~ to walk slowly ？ It is what he does not do. . The
course of Y&o and Shun was simply that of filial piety and
fraternal duty.

were shown the right way. 3> 於是, 一是
referring to the height, or body generally.
jK 之， 一 S reforring to T&o and Shun. 匹 ,

is said to be an abbreviation for ^M, = ^j?. <a

wild duck.' I do not see why it should not be
taken simply as a numeral or classifier, and

— • chicken/ Wii Hwo was a

man noted for hio Btrength. He is mentioned
in connexion with the king WA of Ts'in (b.o.
309-306). Accounts go that he made light of

30,000 eatties I 4. and (4th tone) are
verbs; ^^瞧 CM Hsi here quotes from

the commentator Ch*&n 氏) 卜 'Filial

piety and fraternal duty are the natural out*
goings of the nature, of which men have an
intuitive knowledge, and for whioh they have

an intuitive abUity (良 知 良 能> YAo

and Shun showed the perfection of the human
relations, but yet they simply acted in accord-
ance with this nature. How could they add
a hair's point to it?' He aJso quotes ftnother

|r ^^)， who says : 一 *The way of YAo and

Hon was great, but the pursuit of it Uy simply
in the rapidity or slowness of their walking
and stopping, and not in things that were very
high and difficult It is present to the common
people in their daily usages, but they do not

426

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS,

[bk. ti.

小, 求難 業於之 于之弟
人 1* 之, 知 於鄒行 言、 而

之孫 惠哉, 門。 君、 是榮行

' —？ 可榮之 堯矣。

以而 服之于 ^
T 、道 、假 誦行

求若 貌夹， 是堯

曰 fe: 堯之

詩 妥餘人

問師。 病

手

)、

卞 路留交 氤而服
歸然、 而得行 議

而: i: 受見樂

「 ^

何 曰》
以小

5- 'Wear the clothes of Y&o, repeat the words of Y4o, and do
the actions of YS,o, and you will just be a YAo. And, if you wear
the clothes of Chieh, repeat the words of Chieh, and do the actions
of Chieh, you will just oe a Chieh.'

6. Chi&o said, * I shall be having an interview with the prince of
Tsftu, and can ask him to let me have a bouse to lodge in. I wish
to remain here, and receive instruction at your gate/

7. Mencius replied, * The way of truth is like a great road. It
is not difficult to know it. The evil is only that men will not seek
it. Do you go home and search for it, and you will have abundance
of teachers/

Chap. III. i. Kung-sun Ch'&u asked ahout an oj^nion of the
scholar KdOy saying, * KIo observed, " The Hsi&o P'&n is the ode of
a little man." , Mencius asked, *Why did he say so?' * Because of
the murmuring which it eo^essee,' was the reply.

know it.' 5. The meaning is simply ~ Imitate
the men, do what they did, and you will be

Buoh as they were. 6. (4th tone),

—it 18 better not to translate this conditionally,
as it shows how ChiAo was prosuming on his
nobility. 7. <=|^ j^, *Now, the way' — i.e»

the way of TAo and Shun, or geneimllj *of
truth/

8. EZFLAVATIOV OW THE ODBB Hsiio Fin AXV

K'Xi FIko. DissATnrAcnov with a pabeut n
KOT KEcanARiLT usFZLiAL. I. KAo appenrs to

hare been a disoiple of Taze-hsiA, and lii
Menciiis's time. From the expression

in par. a， it is plain, he is not to be oonfoundf
with Menciiis's own disciple of the same sur-
name, mentioned in Bk. IL Pt. IL zii. a. >J、
一 see the Shih-ohing, IL t. Ode III. 3.
The ode is commonly understood to have been
written by the master of l-ch*iii

the son and heir-apparent of the
(B.C. 780-770). Led away by the arts of «

PT. II. CH. III.]

THE WORKS OF MENOIUS

4^7

曰? 詩 仁 小 泣

凱也。 也、 弁而
風、 曰 F 固 之 道
裁凱 夹怨之 >

怨。 爲裁 it 涕兄而 蹦爲之 >

嚷道弓 詩曰、

弓; ^>而也> 怨。
^ 射有曰 ^

之風、

M 何

7、 以

而

射龍之 、人

裁無之 1 疏 則於哉 >
裁他 >

也>戚

則 之 己 此>高
己也 > 談越叟

者: r 、之裁 之垂其 笑人之

2. MenciiLS answered, * How stupid was that old K&o in dealing
with the ode 1 There is a man here, and a native of Ytieh bends
his bow to shoot him. I will advise him not to do so, but speaking
calmly and smilingly ； 一 for no other reason but that he is not
related to me. But if my own brother be bending his bow to shoot
the man, then I will advise him not to do so, weeping and crying
the while ； 一 for no other reason than that he is related to me. The
dissatisfaction expressed in the Hsi&o P'&n is the working of relative
affection, and that affection shows benevolence. Stupid indeed was
old K&o's criticism on the ode/

3. Ch'du then said, * How is it that there is no dissatisfaction
expressed in the K'4i Fing 1 ,

4. Mencius replied, ' The parents fault referred to in the K'&i

misiresfl, the sovereign degraded t-oh'i{i and his
mother, and the ode expresses the sorrow and
diauti^Gftotion which the son could not but feel
in raeh eircumstanoes. ChAo Ch% however,
aflsigiifl it another authorship, but on this and
other queetioiifly connected with it, see the

Shih-ching, in 2oe. a. & explftined by
Ohi by BKy 'narrow,' and by ChCt HA by

X% < bitted and not penetrating.'

治喬 有人… 戚 S ，-
here 已 ia to be understood of the speaker or

beholder, and U of his 一 the speaker'a >~
brother. In («"^, the verb) J^，

J^， refers to the ahooier.
reftd loan, 画 tt^. The paraphraat of Ch&o Ch'i

points, howoTer, and understands differently <~
*Here is a man of TQeh, who is about to be
shot by another man. I see it and adyiae the
man not to shoot, but oooUy and smilingly,
becaoBe I am not related to tiie man of YAeh.
Bat if my brother is about to be shot, ke/ This
is ingenious, but not so apt to the sabjeot of
the Hsi&o F&n. When natiTe scholars can con-
strue a passage so differently, we may

it is not very definitely ezpresaed. 3.

—see the Shih-ehing, I. iii. Ode YTL The oae
is supposed to be the production of seven
aonSy bewailing the conduct of their widowed
mother, who could not live quietly and chastely
at home, but they take all the blame to them,
aelvea, and express no diBsatisfiiciion with her.
4. We must think there wm room enough for
dissatisfaction in both oases. And indeed,
many commentatoiB say that the reoeived ao-
oount of the subject of the K'4i F&ng must be
wrong, or that Mencius's decision on it is

428

THE WORKS OF MENCIXJS

[BK. VI.

不鬮夹 7i 也、 裁 之也，

W 秦反荣 i 五孝 S 之過 i、
罷楚曰 ^徑 十也。 疏、 過允 f，

之、耩先將而孔^、4^而裁

生之慕 。于 孝而^ 之

怨應過

是是大

王我將 f，

； r; 將^ S

悅、 暴 kHoL

我楚 ：
將王、 吾於

、愈者

至襪 > 可疏也
孝 亦襪也 ji

Fang is small ； that referred to in the Hsi&o P'An is great. Where
the parents fault was great, not to have murmured on account of
it would have increased the want of natural affection. Where the
parent's fault was small, to have murmured on account of it would
nave been to act like water which frets and foams about a stone
that interrupts its course. To increase the want of natural affection
would have been unfilial, and to fret and foam in such a manner
would also have been unfilial.

5. * CoDfucius said, " Shun was indeed perfectly filial I And yet,
when he was fifty, he was full of longing desire about his parents." ,

Chap. IV. i. Sung K'ang being about to go to Ch'A, Mencius
met him in Shih-ch'iA. '

2. ' Master, where are you going 1 , asked Mendm.

3. K'ang replied, * I have beard that Ch'in and Ch'A are fight-
ing together, and I am going to see the king of Ch'A and persuade
him to cease hostilities. If he shall not be pleased with my advice,

absurd. But here again, see the Shih-chingy

in loc mT jBF| * mores ' (if we had such a

verb), 'tEe distance.* The father's act was
unkind ； if the son responded to it with in-
difference, that would increase the distance

and alienation between them.

Jjji.f ~~ the three characters \J\ ； ||j

to be taken together. The mother is corn-
el to a rock or stone in a Btream, and the
sons to the water fretting about it. But the
oase in the text is one where the children's
affections should flow on undisturbed. 5. Com-
pare Bk. V. Pt I. i.

4. MsHGius's WABHncofl TO Suvo K'ahg ok the

SBROR AHD DAHOBB OF OOUKBEUJirO TSB PBHrCB
FBOM THB QBOTJKD OF PROFIT, PBOFBB OBOUJTD
BEXHG THAT OF BEtrETOLSNOB AJn> BIOHTEOUBHEaB.

Compare Bk. L Pt. L i, e< oZ. i. K'ang was
one of the travelling scholArs of ihe times, who
went from State to State, making it their bun-

ne88 to counsel 就， shiu, 4th tone) the prince.,

with a yiew for the most part, though not
apparently with him, to exalt themselvee.
Shih-oh'iil was in the State of Sung. Here,

and also in the next paragraph, is the verb.
3« 構 (雌戰 ) 兵一 （battling weapons/ ^

FT. II. CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

429

善

人君 > 於 箪之之 利指, 焉

弟爲利 之王、 號也。 說 曰?
者> 人也 秦則曰 > 之 、軻

于 爲是楚 7i 先將也

者 I 人三 之可。 生何 請之、
以镇臣 軍王、 ^之如 。無: ：；

事莉者 > 之悅生 志曰 > 問

t 以懷七 於以則 我其我

乂、

兄事利 樂利、 刺 I 大將詳 、將
是 其以罷 以說夹 言願有

I shall ffo to see the king of Ch'in, and persuade him in the same
way. Of the two kings 1 shall surely find that I can succeed with
one of them/

4, MenciuB said, * I will not venture to ask about the particulars,
but I should 】ike to hear the scope of your plan. What course will
you take to try to persuade them?' K^ang answered, *I will tell
them how unprofitable their course is to them/ * Master/ said
Mencius, * your aim is great, but your argument is not good.

5. * If you, starting from the point of profit, offer your persuasive
counsels to the kings of Ch'in and Ch'ti, and if those Kings are
pleased with the consideration of profit so as to stop the movements
of their armies, then all belonging to those armies will rejoice in
the cessation of war, and find their pleasure in the pursuit of profit.
Ministers will serve their sovereign for the profit of which they
cherish the thought ； sons will serve their fathers, and younger
brothers will serve their elder brothers, from the same considera-
tion : 一^ and the issue will be, that, abandoning benevolence and

之, < make an end of it' see Bk. L

Pt IL XV. 3. 4. 滅 our * if you'll allow me.'
Then follows ― 'not asking the partioulars, I
should like/ftc. ^\ refers to

the two States, ttp, 一 I take the word < fuigu'

ment , from Julien. The gloss in the iSk "^T^

HSfe 是不利 S 名號

name and title of unprq/ftoUe.' 5.

430

THK WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. VI.

接 人爲也 > 是之先 s 以君

也、^ 弟人 爲三^ 生 相臣、
然于 、者 > 于人軍 '玲 以攮父

而 兄懷者 、臣之 I 仁然于 >
弟>£ 偏者 Jr>£ 藝而 f
去義 仁懍樂 氣說: ^弟,
者 JPl 以義 仁罷而 秦亡終

魅者、 去

主

未懷 $以
之仁其 事 P>

有義兄 其事於

也, 以 是义其 g

何相 君爲君 >藝

之未 fi
王之 義、

^ 赛亊懔
師, 楚也。 利

righteousness, sovereign and minister, father and son, younger
brother and elder, will carry on all their intercourse with this
thought of profit cherished in their breasts. But never has there
been such a state of society, without ruin being the result of it.

6. 'If you, starting from the ground of benevolence and
righteousness, offer your counsels to the kings of Ch'ia and Ch'A,
and if those kings are pleased with the consideration of benevolence
and righteousness so as to stop the operations of their armies, then
all belonging to those armies will rejoice in the stopping from war,
and find their pleasure in benevolence and righteousness. Ministers
will serve their sovereign, cherishing the principles of benevolence
and righteousness ； bods will serve their fathers, and younger
brothers will serve their elder brothers, in the same way : 一 and so,
sovereign and minister, father and son, elder brother and younger,
abandoning the thouaht of profit, will cherish the principles of
benevolence and righteousness, and carry on all their intercourse
upon them. But never has there been such a state of society,
without the State where it prevailed rising to the royal sway. Why
must you use that word " profit." ，

(4th tone) 者未之 有, 一 here the trans-
lation needs to be supplemented oonsider-

食币， 'the multitudes of the three armies ； '
see the Analects, VII. z. embraces both

< officers and soldiers/ 6. ff^ 王

ably.

PT. II. CH. v.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

431

相、 于 >P4 見任 > 受於守 、圜必

與。 《夹。 儲見之 SJg 孟 ；目
曰? 齊問 ^ 于、 季而隆 幣于利

非 T 、曰。 屋于、 7 儲交、 量

t!L 見夫廬 由報。 于受鄒 I
書儲 于于平 他 5 爲 之 季
曰, 于 > 之喜陸 日 而任

I Bi

其 見連、

由 爲
、鄒 幣報, 任

義, 爲季 得了、 之交, 處處

Chap. V. i. When Mencius was residing in Ts&u, the younger
brother of the chief of ZSn, who was guardian of Z&n at the time,
paid his respects to him by a presertt of silks, which Mencius
received, not going to acknowledge it. When he was sojourning
in Ping-IA, Ch'A, who was prime minister of the State, sent him
a similar present^ which he received in the same way.

2. SuDsequentlj, goingfrom Ts&u to Zftn, he visited the guardian;
but when he went from Fing-M to the capital of Ch'l, he did not
visit the minister Ch'A. The disciple W5-1A was glad, and said,
• I have got an opportunity to obtain some instruction'

3. He asked accordingly, ' Master, when you went to Z&a, you
visited the chiefs brother ； and when you went to Ch'l, you did not
visit Ch*A. Was it not because he is only the minister 1 ，

4. Mencius replied, *No. It is said in the Book of History,
"In presenting an offering to a superior, most depends on the
demonstrations of respect. If those demonstrations are not equal

6. How Mnonm BaauLATKD huebblt uk dif-
ynsviLT ▲oxHowLSDonro fayoubs which hs

BBCsnriD. I. 《主， and ^fe below, look

muoh M if the former were the surname and
name of the indiyidoal spoken yet ChAo
ChVa explanation of the terms, which is that
followed in the innBlation, ia no doubt correct.

一 see ehapb i 以 敏 亦, 一 see Bk,V.
PtILhr. 不 報-不

*Bk.ILPtII.TLz. 9. The two

• 平陸，

o here,

and in the next paragraph 雄
* went to GhV i.e. to the capital of the St
as Ping-lH was in Gh'i. 問, ~> ckien, 3rd tone.

(Wa-Ws name) 得 喊《建 得 iMl
而 間, qhave got an opportunity'
(literally, eroTiee), <to ask/ 4. ^£ PT,- aoo
the Shtl-ohingy V. xii. la, but in the olaado the
last clause 惟 不役志 于 享 ^ not
«zplaiiatory of the preoeding, bat is itself the
first elauae of a new sentenoe. See the 8htk»

432

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VI.

此 於于人 驛平季 廬志儀
乎。 上在 4j 享 i 陸。 于 于于； fi

盂 n ^、三 後于

悦、 享。 及

糠物,

于而 鄕名髡

曰 k 去之實 0|

之、 中、 者, 先 瓤之 >7

"5 仁 g 自名

日>

未 也 、者、

以如 加夫爲 Z Mm

to the things offered, we say there is no offering, that is, there is no
act of the will in presenting the offering."

5. 'This is because the things so offered do not constitute an
offering to a superior.'

6， WA-IA was pleased, and when some one asked him what
Menctua meant, he said, ( The younger of Z&n could not go to Ts^u,
but the minister Ch*A might have gone to Fing-IA/

Chap. VI. i. Shun-yti K'wan said, 《He who makes &me and
meritorious services his first objects, acts with a regard to others.
He who makes them only secondary objects, acts with a regard to
himself. You, master, were ranked among the three chief ministers
of the State, but before your fame and services had reached either to
the prince or the people, you have left your place. Is this indeed
the way of the benevolent ？ ,

2. Mencius replied, * There was Po-1 ； 一 he abode in an inferior

已 y 'with A regard to himself/
,8 motive is to cultivate his own
and excellence. r"en to the prinoe ；

refers to the people, 一 it is

ehing, in Joe, 5. This is MenoioB's explanation
of the passage quoted. 6. The guardian of a
State could not leave it (o pay a yisit in another.
There was no reason, however, why Ch'A ahould
not have paid his respects to Mencius in person.

6. How Mbnoius beflied to the umsuATioim
0， Sbun-tI} K*wlir, ooHDSMmro him fob leatiho

OVFIOI WITHOIJT AOOOMPUaHDrO ARTTHZHG. I.

Shun-yfl KV&n, — see Bk. IV. Pt. I. xvii. That
chapter nnd the notes should be read along with

this. and are not here opposed to

«aoh other, as often, 一 'name' and * reality.'
le ( name , here is the fame of the * reality.'

人, * with a regard to others/ L e. such a
ih*n motive in public life is to benefit others.

ed that the fact of Meneius's being among
the high miniBten of State took him out of the
category of those who made themflelyes their

aim in life, and the therefore ia a hit

of the questioner. Throughout the chapter,

has perhaps more the idea of perfect virtae,

free from all selfiBhneBs, than of benevolence,
a. Po-!, fto" see Bk. V. Ft. II. i, with the other
references there g^Ten. That t Tin went Htb

PT. II. CH. VI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

433

而益割于何^L者l：f^五賢

亡、 於也 、爲必 B,T^

就亊

滋耽同 。仁同 小榮^

穆也。 甚、 于曰 f 也、 道、 官者、 肯
公曰? 若柳魯 君其者 jff 者 I

用 虞是于 嫁于趨 柳尹伯
之;^ 乎 > 思公亦 一下 夷

而用 賢爲之 仁也、 摹 ！^也、

、百者 &時、 而一 4^ 、惑

里 之魯公 者、 三 汙 ^
用 奚無之 儀矣、 何于君

situation, and would not, with his virtue, serve a degenerate prince.
There was 1 Yin ； 一 he five times went to T'ang, and five times went
to Chieh. There was HAi of LiA-hsiA ； 一 he did not disdain to serve
a vile prince, nor did he decline a small office. The courses pursued
by those three worthies were different, but their aim was one.
And what was their one aim ？ We must answer ~ " To be perfectly
virtuous/* And so it is simply after this that superior men strive.
Why must they all jniraue the same course ？ ,

3. K'wdn pursued, * In the time of the duke MA of LA, the
government was in the hands of Kun^-1, while Tsze-M and Tsze-
sze were ministers. And yet, the dismemberment of lA then
increased exceedingly. Such was the case, a epecimen how your
men of virtue are of no advantage to a kingdom 1 ，

4. Mencivs said, * The prince ofYVi did not use P&i-H Hsl, and
thereby lost his State. The duke MA of Chin used him, and became
chief of all the princes. Ruin is the consequence of not employing

times to T'ang, and fiye times to Gfaieh is only
mentioned here, however. He went to Tang,
it is said, in consequence of the pressing
uigency of his solicitations, and then T'ang
sent him to the tyrant to warn and adyise him.
Nothing could be farther at first from the wish

of them both than to dethrone Chieh.

*to run,' used figuratively, 4th tone. 3.~In
this paragraph, K'w&n advances in his con-
demnation of Mencius. At first he charged
him with having left hiB office before he had

VOL. II,

F

aooompliBhed anjthing. Here he insinuates
that though he had remained, he would not
have served the State. Tsze-liu is the Hsieh
Lia of Bk. II. Ft. II. zi ； compare that chapter

with this. £ung«i (named was prime

minister of Ld, a man of merit and principle.
MenciuB might have denied the fact alleged by
K*w&n, of the increased dismemberment of Ld
under duke Mu. 4. P&i-li Hsi,— see Bk. V. Pt. I.

iz. jM, X\ yE\^ ~ the * using , means follow-

f 一

434

THE WOBKS OP MEXCirS.

賢 耆>形 J 善 氟化一
錄 f 者覺 諸先歌 雜王則

|11爲也>未外>而華駒1^亡1
^魯 有、

堂
日

至 、司則 覩其

雜周

« 於於何
Z 、寇、 鬆 之事, 俗. 梁高淇 、可

； J 奎也 、而有 之唐 > 而得

是無諸
而從之 。故 其內.

、而 河與

撃 » 鼴臞 耋 -

齊

m 曰 f

善昔

行, 而曰 ^ 無功必 哭有善

men of virtue and talents ； 一 how can it rest with dismembermeut
merely f ,

5. K'wdn urged again, * Formerly, when Wang P'&o dwelt on
the Ch'l, the people on the west of the Yellow Kiver all became
skilful at singing in his abrupt manner. Whqn Mien Ch'ii lived in
K4o-t*ang, the people in the parts of Ch'l on the west became
skilful at singing in his prolonged manner. The wives of Hwa Ch&u
and Ch'l Liang bewailed their husbands so skilfully, that they
changed the manners of the State. When there is the gift within,
it manifests itself without. I have never seen the man who could
do the deeds of a worthy, and did not realise the work of one.
Therefore there are now no men of talents and virtue. If there
were, I should know them/

6. Mencius answered, * When Confucius was chief minister of
Justice in LA, the prince came not to follow his counsels. Soon after
there was the soUtitial sacrifice, and when a part of the flesh presented

ing the minister's counsels and plans. ^^||,

何 可得與 (and tone),-before 创， we

must understand ,If you seek for dis-
memberment merely, as the consequence/ &c.
5. The individuals named here all belonged
to Ch'l, excepting the first, who was of Wei.

iu the general name for singing, and ^g,
• partiouUr style, said to be jj^ ^L, * short,'

'abrupt.' ^7^, it is aaid, ijj^^^

鄙 而 香， Le. *The Right of Chi denotes

all about the western borders of the State/ Hwa
( 4th tone) GhAu and Ch'i Liang were offioen slam
in battle, whose wives bewailed their loss in so
pitiful a manner as to affect the whole State.
Their cries, it is said, even rent the wall of the

capital of Ch'l. See the 集 霍登 and the 四

書拓餘 說， ^ ^ 一 The object of K'w&n
18 simply to insinuAte that Mencius was a pre-
tender, for that wherever ability was it was
sure to come out. 6. Meneius shields himself
behind Confucius, implying that he was beyond

PT. II. CH. VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

486

于今 霸之国 衆欲孔 知了、

適之之 #孟* 人爲 于者, 知

諸諸！ ^人于 固苟則 以者,

侯 > 侯人 曰、： r 、去/ 欲爲以

曰; ^也> 今！: 識君 以爲爲
一 一 4。 于 微無爲

之 豊!^

巡 葬今之
狩、 人 之諸者

諸 也。 大 侯、
侯 天 *夫, 五 王

所 行 ijfc^
爲,^ 乃雾

in sacrifice was not sent to him, he went away even without taking
off his cap of ceremony. Those who did not know him supposed
it was on account of the flesh. Those who knew him supposed that
it was on account of the neglect of the usual ceremony. The fact was,
that Confucius wanted to go away on occasion of some small offence,
not wishing to do so without some apparent cause. All men can-
not be expected to understand the conduct of a superior man.'

Chap. VII. i. Mencius said, * The five chiefs of the princes were
sinners against the three kings. The princes of the present day are
sinners against the five chiefs. The Great officers of the present day
are sinners agaiuBt the princes.

2. * The sovereign visited the princes, which was called " A tour
of Inspection." The princes attended at the court of the sovereign,

the knowledge of K*w&n. — The State of Oh'l,
afraid of the influence of Confucius, who was
acting as prime minister of LQ^ sent to the
duke a present of beautiful singing-girlB and
hones. The duke accepted them, and aban-
doned himself to dissipation. Confiiciiis deter-
mined to leave the State, but not wishing to
expose the bad conduct of his prince, looked
about for some other reason which he might
aangn for going away, and found it in the

matter mentioned. The is the

is used for 1^ *to do a dis-

lerly going away.'

7.

PB06&S88 ASH ILAVirSB OF DSGENXRACT

TUBES xnvcn to the fivk chzsfb of

THE PBDICE8, AJID VBOK THB FIYS CHIEFS TO THX
FBSI0E8 AND 0FFICBB8 OF MxHCIUB'S TUO. Z. The

' three kings' are the founders of the three
dynastieft of HuA, Shang, and ChAu. The ' five

F

chiefs of the princes ' were the duke Hwan of
Ch'i (B. c. 684-643), the duke W&n of Tain (636-
699)， the duke Mu of Ch'in (659-620), the duke
Hsiang of Sung (651-636), and the king Ghwang
of Ch* & (613-591). There are two enumerations

of the ' five leading princes/ one called

"ff. ^j^y or chiefs of the three dynasties,

and the other f |^， 。' chiefs of

the Gh'un-oh'iCL Only Hwan of Ch'i and W&n
of Tsin are common to the two. But Mencius is
speaking only of those included in the second
enumeration, and though there is some differ*
enoe of opinion in regard to some of the in-
dividuals in it, the above list is probably that
which he held. ^SiDners against/ 一 i.e. violating

their principles and ways. 2. • • • yj^

餘, <~«06 BlLLPt II. iv. 5.
f 2

436

THE WOBKS OF MEXCITS.

[bk. VI.

gjg 培人覧 某稀朝

克其後

_ 7i 於

樓^ 則爵. 在親傑 土足、 天
諸伐 再位土 在地秋 于>

侯諸師 則 地仗^
以侯 移朝, 有荒則 田
伐伐之 I 則氬蘊 有野而
諸而是 fj — 遺慶、 治 、助春

侯^ 故其^ 老慶養 省

者尉 、天地 、親 失以老 、姚
也、 五 于三則 賢>龍 尊人而

which was called " Giving a report of office." It was a custom in
the spring to examine the ploughing, and supply any deficiency of
seed; and in autumn to examine the reaping, and assist where there
was a deficiency of the crop. When the sovereign entered the
boundaries of a State, if the new ground was being redaimed, and the
old fields well cultivated ； if the old were nourished and the worthy
honoured ； and if men of distinguished talents were placed in office :
then the prince was rewarded, ~ rewarded with an addition to his
territory. On the other hand, if, on entering a State, the ground was
found left wild or overrun with weeds ； if the old were neglected and
the worthy unbonoured ； and if the offices were filled with hard tax-

gatherers : then the prince was reprimanded. If a prince once omitted
is attendance at court, he was punished by de^adation of rank ； if
he did so a second time, he was deprived of a portion of his terri-
tory ； if he did so a third time, the royal forces were set in motion,
and he was removed from his government. Thus the sovereign com-
manded the punishment, but did not himself inflict it, while the
princes inflicted the punishment, but did not command it. The five

Bk. I. Pt I. Til. 16. 俊集在 位,— we
Bk. II. Pt I. I. 慶讓 賞, < to reward/

1^*^^ 臣, * ixnpost-oolleoting minis-

Un;' literally, perhapg, 'grasping and able
men.' Down to a| Uezplioatory of

What follows belongs to 述 截. 六 師

( - 車), >~ see Analects, VII. x. = * in

harmony with these things,' all power being
lodged with the sovereign, and the prinooa

being dependent on him. g{J* 讓 * to super-

PT. II. CH.VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

437

曰辻曰 、敬賢 T\ 氣會也 。故

育 無執諸 5:i 曰,

f 、才、 以命侯
>以 妾曰, 束

曲得,
防>無

無 1| 官、 無彰 爲誅胜 ^者、
遏殺 官忘有 載爲三

忘 有妻、 7i 載爲

>大 事賓德 、再孝 、書盛 > 王

無 夫！ 撤、 二 命無 而葵之

有五 #L 四命 曰 、易 丘
封 命取命 曰、 尊樹 軟之人

chiefs, however, dragged the princes to punish other princes, and
hence I say that thej were sinners against the three kings.

3. * Of the five chiefs the most powerful was the duke H wan. At
the assembly of the princes in KVei-ch'iA, he bound the victim and
placed the writing upon it, but did not slay it to smear their mouths
with the blood. The first injunction in their agreement was, — " Slay
the unfilial ； change not the son who has been appointed heir ； exalt
not a concubine to be the wife." The second was, 一 " Honour the
worthy, and maintain the talented, to give distinction to the vir-
tuous. , The third was, 一 " Respect the old, and be kind to the young.
Be not forgetful of strangers and travellers." The fourth was, ―
" Let not offices be hereditary, nor let officers be pluralists. In the
selection of officers let the object be to get the proper men. Let
not a ruler take it on himself to put to death a Great officer." The

intend, or order, punishment;' -j^, *to inflict

the punishment.' 3. The duke Hwan nine
times brought together an assembly of the
princes, the chief gathering being at K*wei-
ch'iA, B.O. 650. At those meetings, the usual
custom was first to dig a sqaare pit, over which
the yictim was slain. Its left ear was cut off,
and its blood received in an ornamented yeesel.
The president then read the articles of agree-
ment, with his face to the north, as in the
presence of the spirits of the sun and moon,
after which all members of the meeting
took the bloody and smeared the sides of their

mouths with it. This was called |^ {akd) fjjj.

The yiotiin was then placed in the pit, the
articles of agreement placed upon it, and the

whole covered up. This was called

See the 薄登, in loe. On the occasion in

the text, Hwan dispensed with some of those

ceremonies. was the term appropriated

to the articles of agreement at such solemn
assemblies, indicating that they were enjoined

by the sovereign, * the son who has

been tree-ed/ Le. set up. 《 guests/ officers
from other States.
no hereditary offioes ； ,

士必 得-必

■jH^ *^、 ' offlcen
Bk. I. Pt. n. 5. 3.

其人 • 無

， * no crooked embankment &， 曲 has

438

THE WORKS OF MEKCnJ&

[BK.

欲之
使 弊

愼 A

f 也,

將

軍。

孟；

之 人

fifth was, 一 " Follow no crooked policy in making embankments.
Impose no restrictions on the sale of grain. Let there be no promo-
tions without first announcing them to the sovereign." It was then
said, "All we who have united in this agreement shall hereafter
maintain amicable relations." The princes of the present day all
violate these five prohibitions, and therefore I say that the princes
of the present day are sinners against the five chiefs.

4. ' The crime of him who connives at, and aids, the wickedness
of hifi prince is small, but the crime of him who anticipates and
excites that wickedness is great. The officers of the present day all
go to meet their sovereigns' wickedness, and therefore I say that the
(jrreat officers of the present day are sinners against the princes/

Chap. VIII. i. The prince oflA wanted to make the minister
Shftn commander of his army.

2. Mencius said, ' To employ an uninstracied people in tpar may

moral application. Ko embankments must be
made selflahly to take the water from others,

or to inundate them. ^hf. j§ fiS, *do not

repress the sale of grain,' i.e. to other States in

famine or distress. < appointments,' to

territory or to office. 4. ^*

* to lengthen the wiokednesB of the ruler/ i.e.

to oonniye at and to aid it. ^|| ^*

' to meet the wickedness of the ruler/ i.e. to
antioipftte and excite it.
8. Mncros's oppositioh to the wabuks am-

BITION OF THB PRUtCB OF L& AlfD HIS MtHmER

SnXx KO-ii. I. At this time La wanted to

take advantage of difficulties in Gh'I, and get
possenion of Nan-yang. Th*t was the name
of the region on the south of mount T$d， which
had originally belonged to hOu On the north
of the mountain was the territory of Ch*L
Between the two States there had been frequent
struggles for the district, which the duke King

of L0 now hoped to reoorer. Shftn,

below, calls himself KA-Il, bat some say that
that was the name of a Mohist under whom
he had studied. His proper name waa TAo
(到 > He was a native of and not of

JAf but haying a reputation for military skill,
the duke of LOl wished to employ his services.

PT. II. CH, VIH.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

439

. 秦之里 > A 。化 滕姨于

廟地 1 7； 曰 ^ 然齊 、民 曰、

_ 方 千吾； 遂 者、^

典 百里, 明悅有 了、

辦 51 籍。 吿曰 > 南容民

於非周 足于, 此陽 > 於而

f:?; 公百 J [^天 則 然堯用
也> 足 > 之里 > 待 于滑且 舜之、

亦 而封： 諸之

不之 =

爲儉 於足侯 地, 所可。 i 。&

方於魯 > 以 諸方； r; 慎
百 百爲守 侯千識 于驄民

be said to be destroying the people. A destroyer of the people
would not have been tolerated in the times of Y&o and Shun.

3. ' Though by a single battle you should subdue Ch'l, and get
possession of Nan-yang, the thing ought not to be done.'

4. Shin changed countenance, and said in displeasure, ' This is
what I, KA-U, do not understand.'

5. Mencius said, ' I will lay the case plainly before you. The
territory appropriated to the sovereign is i,ooo It square. Without
a thousand It^ he would not have sufficient for his entertainment of
the princes. The territory appropriated to a H4u is lOO U square.
Witnout lOO li、 he would not have sufficient wherewith to observe
the statutes kept in his ancestral temple.

6. * When Ch&u-kung was invested with the pnncipality of L。,
it was a hundred U square. The territory was indeed enough, but
it was not more than lOO U. When T ai-kung was invested with
the principality of Ch'l, it was loo U square. The territory was
indeed enough, but it was not more than i oo IL

jfSP 康, now the common term for general,
appears to have come into vogue about Mencius's
time. In the text it = ' commAnder-in-chief.'
9. Compare Analeots, XIII . zxx. 一 We may infer
from this paragraph, that Sh&n had himself
b«en the adriter of the projected enterprise.

5- 3It

之 典 籍， * the Btatute-reoords

of the ancestral temple.* Those records pre-
scribed everything to be observed in the public
saorifioes, interviews with other princes, &c',
and were kept in the temple. 6. Compare

440

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

良爲國 仁事爲 ^ 徒 s 者今 s 里

g、g 孟 i 而君 况取 魯

*9TE。iL 於諸 則方地

g±a 務 殺彼魯
眺今 引 人以在

^ t i 以與 g 者

民府事 君求 此損五 I 也、

竄乎。 且 在以儉
寧君 * 仁 g 爲於

'ISi 、予者 rfife 有 百

於之 7i 乎。 王 里

寧赛君 以之 然乎、 于而
I？ 今者

若之曰 k

a 所 m
鄕謂能

7- *Now LA is five times lOO U square. If a true royal ruler
were to arise, whether do you think that LA would be diminished
or increased by him 1

8. * If it were merely taking the place from the one State to give
it to the other, a benevolent man would not do it; ~ how much less
will he do so, when the end is to be sought by the slaughter of men !

9. * The way in which a superior man serves his prince contem-
plates simply the leading him in the right path, and directing his
mind to benevolence.'

Chap. IX. i. Mencius said, 'Those who now-a-days serve their
sovereigns say, "We can for our soverei^ enlarge the limits of
the cultivated ground, and fill his treaaxines and arsenals." Such
persons are now-a-days called " Good ministers," but anciently they
were called " Robbers of the people." If a sovereign follows not

Analects, VI. zxii. * sparingly/ = only.

8. * merely/ i.e. if there were no strusKle
»nd no slaughter in the matter, g,

here is different from the same phrase,
in Bk. n. Pt. L i. i.

9. How THE mnurrjuw of MxNcruB'a Tm pak-

DEBED TO IHUB THIB8T FOR WEAI^TH

Aim POWBB. 1. 辟 土 地, 一 H iB

to be understood that this was to be done at
the expense of the people, taking their commons
from them, and making them labour. Other-
wise, it does not seem objectionable. ~ ChAo
Gh'I, however, gives the phrase another mean-
ing, making it 睡"^ yj> H, ' appropriate

small States/ but this is contrary to analogous
passagee, and confounds this paragraph with

PT. II. CH. X.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

441

何 途嘲之

如。 圭

今是 7； 之戰 富道,

志 所必樂 7；

與 宙^ 而賊 之能仁

道 I 而

IS 取

之 今求也 iff 爲而
苦 《爲君 g

下、 道 > 之:^ 良鋭富
：？； 無强鄉 &與之 >

省 g 變鞔道 /A* 亂是

the right way, nor has his mind bent on benevolence, to seek to
enrich him is to enrich a Chieh.

2. * Or they will my, " We can for our sovereign form alliances
with other States, so that our battles must be successful" Such
persons are now-a-days called " Good ministers," but anciently they
were called " Robbers of the people." If a sovereign follows not
the right way, nor has his mind directed to benevolence, to seek to
enrich him is to enrich a Chieh.

3. * Although a prince, pursuiog the path of the present day, and
not changing its practices, were to have the throne given to him,
he could not retain it for a single morning/

Chap. X. i. P&i Kwei Baid, 'I want to take a twentieth of the
produce only as the tax. What do you think of it?,
2. Mencius said, ' Your way would be that of the Mo.

9.

the next ； compare Bk. IV. Pfc. I. xiv.

'ally with other States.' Here
I't differs again, making 翁 = ^^， * to deter-
minej^orehand, ''undertake,' 一 ining 與

^^， * undertake in fighting with hostile
countries to conquer.* Thia also is an inferior
coDBtructioxL 3. 朝 居= ^朝 居 其位,

* occupy the position for a morning.'
10. Air OBDBBXD State cam ohlt subsist with

▲ PBOPEB SXBTEM OV TAXATIOK, AXD THAT OBZOIH-

▲3XKO WITH YAo Ain> Savn is the fbofxb oite
Fom Chiha. I. PAi Kwei, styled Tan (aee next

chapter), was a man of Chkn, ascetic in his
own habits, and fond of innovations. Hence
the suggestion in this chapter. ~ So, GhAo Ch%
and ChtL Hal has followed him. The author

of the 四書： ^餘 說， however, con-
tends that the PAi Kwei described as above
on the authority of the * Historical Records,'

^ij Ixix, was not the same here intro*
duoed. See that Work, in loc.

9.

or

was a common name for the barbarous tril
on the north. They were a pastoral people,
and the climate of their coonti^ was cold. No
doubt their civilization was inferior to that of

442

THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS.

[BK. VI.

道 無也, 去

者 > 君陶

十

侯！^ 絡乎。 道
幣 ¥ 五曰、 也

大于 以偷、 取帛 窒穀^ 萬

IS 乎。 寡無

S 且 君而凑 > 廟 生器之

：f^于>足無祭惟:r^

、之可 如也。 百 祀黎足 一
欲於 以之今 S 官之 生用人

重堯 爲何居 有鼴之 、也。 陶、
之 舜國, 其中司 、無 f 曰? 則
於之^«^可國、_故諸城

3. - In a country of ten thousand families, would it do to have
only one potter 1 ， Kwei replied, * No. The vessels would not be
enough to use/

4. Mencius went on, ' In Mo all the five kinds of grain are not
grown ； it only produces the millet. There are no fortified cities,
no edifices, no ancestral temples, no ceremonies of sacrifice ； there
are no princes requiring presents and entertainments ； there is no
system of officers with their various subordinates. On these
accounts a tax of one-twentieth of the produce is sufficient there.

5. 'But now it is the Middle Kingdom that we live in. To banish
the relationships of men, and have no superior men ； 一 how can such
a state of things be thought of?

6. ' With but few potters a kingdom cannot subsist ； ~ how much
less can it subsist without men of a higher rank than others ？

7. ' If we wish to make the taxation lighter than the system of
YAo and Shun, we shall just have a great Mo and a small Mo.

China, but Mencius's account of them must be
taken with allowance. 4. 城 郭, 一 Me Bk. IL

Pt IL i. a. go together as a general

designation of edifices, called as * four-
walled and roofed/ and (1^) " *ftir-
nish«d. ' So go together as lynony moi»,

and also 帛, ' pieces of sUIe, giyen as

presents.' 'the morning meal ；' 'the
evening meal ； , together 露 ' entertainmenta.'
5， & -^, —referring to the ^^，

司， 7. The meaning is, that, under sueh

systems, China would beoome in the one oaae
a copy of the Mo, and in the other of ita state
under the tyrant Chieh.

PT. II. CH. XIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

443

、壑、 水禹。

魯 i 孟 人 謂今之 孟 5 百 i 舜
欲于之 之吾道 于圭之

之、： i 曰 > 所; 苓于也 。曰 1 曰, 導
樂 君惡水 以是 5 予丹者 >

正于 4> 泽鄰故 過之大

vT^f 吾 it 國 n& 、褥 ^
歡爲 亮、 于者, 爲 以禹水 3、

、洽榮

于執。

也 I 逆爲水 、於

If we wish to make it heavier, we shall just have the great Chieh
and the small Chieh/

Chap. XL i • Pii Kwei said, * My management of the waters
is superior to that of Yti/

2. Mencius replied, * You are wrong, Sir. YUs regulation of the
waters was according to the laws of water.

3. ' He therefore made the four seas their receptacle, while you
make the neighbouring States their receptacle.

4. * Water flowing out of its channels is called an inundation.
Inundating waters are a vast waste of water, and what a benevolent
man detests. You are wrong, my good Sir.'

Chap. XII. Mencius said, * If a scholar have not faith, how
shall be take a firm hold of things V

Chap. XIII. i. The prince of IjA wanting to commit the ad-
ministration of his government to the disciple Yo-chftng, Mencius
said, * When I heard of it, I was so glad that I could not sleep/

2. Kung-sun Ch'&u asked, *Is Yo-chftng a man of vigour?, and

11. Pll KWEfS FBI8t7XFrUOT78 IDEA THAT HE
OOTTLD BXQULATB THS WATEBS BCRJEB THAH Yu

DID. X. There had been some partial inunda-
tions, where the services of P&i Kwei were
ealled in, and he had reduced them by turning
the waters into other States, saving one at the

expense of injuring others, a. 囊
感水 $ 性' 4. See Bk. III. Pt II.

iz. 3, but ^J4t has there a particular appli-
cation. ^
12. Faith ik pbikcifl«i iiEOKaBAKTTO nuiorxn

nr AonoH. used as ChiH HsI explains

H by 信.

18. Of what impobtahok to ▲ xxNim

eOYBBNMBRT— XT IS TO LOTE WHAT IB GOOD.

jBr, *to administer the government,' as'^in

444

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. VI.

外 I 之曰, 之海 而好嗜 f 。正
士聲訕 以之况 善而多 f

。內 > 魯足 7； 簡强

於顏予 夫 * 皆 國 乎 #。f 乎—
千色旣 苟將乎 。曰》 曰? 乎。 曰、

里跟 et; 輕夫 * 好其曰 、否 C
之人 知好千 苟善爲 否。 有

人 然沏

外、 於之善 I 里好
則千夹 則而 善、 於也、 則

was answered, ' No/ ' Is he wise in council ？ ， ' No. ' * Is he possessed
of much information 1 ' * No/

3. * What then made you so glad that you could not sleep V

4. ' He is a man who loves what is good.*

5. 'Is the love of what is good sufficient ？ '

6. * The love of what is good is more than a sufficient qualifica-
tion for the government of the kingdom ； ― how much more is it so
for the State of LAI , ，

7. 'If a minister love what is good, all within the four seas will
count 1,000 It but a small distance, and will come and lay their good
thoughts before him.

8. ' If he do not loye what is good, men will say, " How self-
conceited he looks ？ He is saying to himself^ I know it." The
language and looks of that self-conceit will keep men off at a distance
of 1 ,000 U. When good men stop i ,000 U off, calumniators, flatterers,
and sycophants will make their appearance. When a minister

out prejudice and dispassionately (j^ df )

to receive what is good. Now in re^Eurd to aU
good words and good actions, Yo-oh&ng in hia

heart sinoerely loved them.' 5, 6. is what
is simply sufficient. is what is suffioient
and more. 8. tj^ Wj^, as defined by CbA Hal,

自足 其智， 不 It 善曹: e

chap, vi 3. a. ^ 乎, 一知 " ^

the 3rd tone ； ' has he wisdom and delibera-
tion?* ~< Hie three gifts mentioned here were
those considered mcMst important to government
in that age, and Kung-sun Oh'&u knowing Yo-
oh&ng to be deficient in them, put his questions
aocoi^ingly. 4. On this paragraph it is said

in the 曰 ； ~~ <In the administration of

government, the most excellent quality is with-

PT. II. CH. XIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

445

驩、 行弗言 之孟于
W 其行也 、敎 于曱、
就言也 敬曰 > 古
之, 也 就 以所之

鱧迎 去之> j;!^ 君

貌 之。 鱧 驢、 二、 于、

談面
之談
人之
鬼、 h

則敬

衰, 敎某 ^ 貌言 所何

未 將去如

可 ^1

lives among calumniators, flatterers, and sycophants, though he
may wish the State to be well governed, is it possible for it to
be so?, ，

Chap. XIV. i. The disciple Ch'an said, ' What were the prin-
ciples on which superior men of old took office V Mencius replied,
' There were three cases in which they accepted office, and three in
which they left it.

2. ' If received with the utmost respect and all polite observances,
and they could Bay to themselves that the prince would carry their
words into practice, then thej took office with him. Afterwards,
although there might be no remisBion in the polite demeanour of
the prince, if their words were not carried into practice, they would
leave him.

3. * The second case was that in which, though the prince could
not be expected at once to cany their words into practice, yet being
received by him with the utmost respect, they took office with him.
But afterwards, if there was a remission in his polite demeanour,
they would leave him.

<the appearanee of being satisfied with

one's own knowledge, and haying no relish for

good words.' = ^£

14. Obovwm of TAXura akd lixyino offios.
Compare Bk.V. Pt. IL iv. 7. The th:

mentioned here are respectively the

之仕， 際 可， 》nd the ^
that pUboe. i. This Ch'&n U the Ch

Bk. IL Pt IL iii. 9> 迎 is simply «

not * to go out to meet.' 3. ^jj^ j
is to be understood as thought in the scholar's
mind, con^Bpondiiig to # 將 行其雷

in the preceding paragraph. In the 日 ^jfe in*
deed, the 百 there is made to be the language
of the ruler, but see the gloss of the ^g*,

446

THE WORKS OF MENCmS

[BK. VI.

^裔、 中、 園受我

於瘗榕 l^ifea 土
士、 於孰 于免地 、從
孫魚 舉曰、 死 吾其者

叔鹽 於舜、 而恥

着> 之舨發 E 之 UgPI:^

#£>8巧关。3憊8£食1
於 管之賊 之、 饑 箕君夕

道 t 簡 7、
可 於又之 、食、

亦

m 、衷 間 > 畝
百吾, 膠之

4. * The last case was that of the superior man who had nothing*
to eat, either morning or evening, and was so famished that he could
not move out of his door. If the prince, on hearing of his state,
said, " I must fail in the great point, 一 that of carrying his doctrines
into practice, neither am I able to follow his words, but I am
ashamed to allow him to die of want in my country ； " the assistance
offered in such a case might be received, but not beyond what was
sufficient to avert death/

Chap, XV. i. Mencius said, * Shun rose from among the
channelled fields. FA Yueh was called to office from the midst of
his building frames ； ChiAoko from his fish and salt ； Kwan
from the hands of his gaoler ； Sun-shA Ao from his hiding by the
seaHBhore ； and P&i-ll Hei from the market-place.

in Joe. 4. The assistance is in the shape of
employment offered* If not, then ^jy pj"

would not be a case of Tj^.

15. TrZAU AKD HABD8BIF8 THK WAT IH WHICH
HxAYKir PREPARES HEN VOB, GBEAT BEBTICES. I.

With Shun, Kwan l-wA, and PAi-U HsI, the
student must be familiar. FiH Ytleh, see the
Shd-ohing, Pt. IV. Bk.VII, where it is related
that the sovereign K&o Tsung haying * dreamt
that God gave him a good assiBtant,' caused a
picture of the man he had seen in his dream
to be madei and * search made for him through
the kingdom, when he wub found dwelling in

the wilderness of FA-yen (傅 接 之 野 )•'
In the ' Historical Records/ it is said the sur-
name WM given in the dream as and the

name 89 jj^. CbiAo Ko is mentioned in Bk. II.

Pt. I. L 8， where it is said in the notea that his
worth, when living in retirement, was dis-
covered by king W&n. He was then selling
fish and salt, and on W&n's recommendatioa
was raised to office by the last sovereign of Yin,
to whose fortunes he oontinued faithftil. Sun-
shA A.0 was prime minister to Chwang of Ch*f^
the last of the five chiefs of the prinoes. So
much is beyond dispute, but the circumstances
of his elevation, and the family to which he

belonged, are uncertain. See the

餘 說, in loe, 版 榮, * planks and build-
ing.' Many of the houses in China are built of
earth and mortar beaten together wiUiin a
moveable frame, in which the walls are formed.

PT. II. CH. XV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

447

者凛發 ^能。 以 乏志在 t

"-^ 拂於 赫人^ 動其 勢於奚 >

絛士 1 聲 J 《恆 心身/ 其是搫
^ * 而亂過 、忍行 筋人於

後而 然性、 拂骨, 也 > 市。

喻&後 後曾亂 餓必故
知敵人^^^,能益其其靠天

生 國則黴 e 幺其所 體苦將

於 t 無於 因所爲 • 邕其降

憂患法 色於； fi 所 遂心大

2. ( Thus, when Heaven is about to confer a great office on any
man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his sinews and
bones with toil. It exposes his body to hunger, and subjects him
to extreme poverty. It confounds his undertakings. By all these
methods it stimulates his mind, hardens bis nature, and supplies his
incompetencies.

3. ' Men for the most part err, and are afterwards able to reform.
They are distressed in mind and perplexed in their thoughts, and
then they arise to vigorous reformation. When things have been
evidencea in men's looks, and set forth in their words, then they
understand them.

4* * If a prince have not about his court families attached to the
laws and worthy counsellors, and if abroad there are not hostile
States or other external calamities, his kingdom will generally come
to ruin.

5. * From these things we see how life springs from sorrow and
calamity, and death from ease and pleasure/

-J^, 一 is the officer who was in charge

of him. 3. y : j^, * hangers his

members and skin/ jr^ ^^， 'empties

his person.' "j^, -^, (as to his

doings, oonfoundB what he is doing.'

taken as 4=f 电 and 爲 as 《、所 謀

3. The same thing holds
They are improved by

difficulties. 後 一 used for ； 2^

" ^' ， "7^* 一 the meaning is, that, though
most men are not quick of apprehension, yet
when things are clearly before them, they can
lay hold of them. 4. The same thing is true

of a State, ^^， * law families/ L e. old

families to whom the laws of the State are

familiar and dear, jmc is used for 2S. Such

families and officers will stinralate the prince's
mind by their lessons and remonstranoefl, and

448

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII.

失識 者 > 之 夹教
之是 教予亦

多

而亦餘

E 教也

屑術

mi

安

樂

tfn

于

死

於

Chap. XVI. Mencius said, * There are many arts in teaching.
I refuse, as inconsistent with my character, to teach a man, but
I am only thereby still teaching him/

不 屑之教 誨-予 不屑教

孤 e carries qb on to the nexft

clause for an explanation of what has been
said.

foreign danger will roiue him to oareftilness
And exertion.

16. How ▲ BBWSAL TO TXAGH MAY BB TKAXmnSQ,

The in is not without its force,

but we can hardly express it in ft tranBlation.

BOOK VII.

TSIN SIN. PAET I

jI> 曰

I'

i\3m

矣。 則知考 _^ ^

存 s 知其 性者、 盡孟 i Mm
其天性 、也、 知其于 上尼、

Chapter I. i . Mencius said, * He who has exhausted all his
mental constitution knows his nature. Knowing his nature, he
knows Heaven.

Tru of this Book. 一 Like the previous Books,
thiB is named from the commencing words »

jll^ * The exhausting of all the mental

constitution.' It oontains maDj more chapters
than any of them, being, for the moBt part, brief
enigmatical sentences, conveying Menoius's
views of human nature. It is more abstruse
alflO) and the student will have much difficulty
in satisfying himself that he has really hit the
exact meaning of the philosopher. The author

of the 四 書 ^1；^ 根 錄 says —'ThiB Book

was made by Mencius in his old age. Its style
is tene, and its meaning deep, and we cannot
dlsoover an order of subjects in its chapters.
He had completed the preyious six Books, and
this grew up under Ub pencil, m his mind wa»

affected, and he was prompted to giye expres-
sion to his thoughts. The first d^pter may
be regarded, however, aa a compendium of the
whole.'

1. Bt the siudt of oubsblybb we oomb to thb

KVOWLEDGB OF HbAYZV, AKDHxAVEH IB 8BSTSD BT

OUR OBETURO OUB HATUBB.

-其' Cl、4

uainted with
ooBness, and

I conceive, to make one's self
all his mind, to arrest his ooi
ascertain what he is. This of ooutm gives a
man the knowledge of his nature, and as he is
the creature of Heayen, its attributes must be
correspondiDg. It is much to be wished that
instead of the term Heaven, vague and in-
definite, Menoius had Bimply said * God.' I can
get no other meaning from this parAgraph. Ghii
Keif howeyer, and all his aoliool say that there

PT, I. CH. II.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

449

順

受
其

>4o— 所

妖鐘以

事

以 3i 天

2. * To preserve one's mental constitution, and nourish one's
nature, is the way to serve Heaven.

3. ' When neither a premature death nor long life causes a man

characterybr whatever issue; ― this is the way in which he establishes
his JJeaven-ordained being. ，

Chap. II. i. Mencius said, * There is an appointment for every-
thiog. A man should receive submissively what may be correctly
ascribed thereto.

Ib no work or labour in li ； that it

is the ^^^^^ of the Confucian chapter in the
' Superior Learning/ accordiBg to their yiew of
it ； that all the labour is in '性， which

is the jjj^ of that chapter. If this be

correct, we should translate : 一 'He who com-
pletely deyelops his mental constitution, has
known (come to know) his nature,, but I cannot
construe the words bo. a. The** preservation '
is the holding fast what we have from Heaven,
and the * nourishing' is the acting in harmony
therewith, so that the * serving Heaven , is just
being and doing what It has intimated in our

oonstitation to be Its will concerning us. 3.
is our nature, according to the opening wo
of the Chung Tung,—^ 命 S 謂 链'
is to be taken as an active verb. ^\ =
yj^ * causes no doubts/ i e. no doubts as
to what is to be done. ， 一 referring

to 一 It may be well to give the views

of Chko Ch'l on this chapter. On the first
paragraph he says : 一 ' To the nature there
belong the principles of benevolence, righteous-
nesB, propriety, and knowledge. The mind is

designed to regulate them 以 制 之) ；

and having the distinction of being correct, a
mBXL can put forth all his mind to think of
doing good, and then he may be said to know
his nature. When he knows his nature, he
knows that the way of Heaven considers what
iB good to be excellent.' On the second para-
graph be says : 一 *When one is able to preserve
his mind, and to nouriah his correct nature, he

may be called a man of perfect virtue {^~^-K\

The way of Heaven loves life, and the perfect

man also loves life. The way of Heaven is
without partiality, and only approres of the
virtuous. Thus the acting of the perfect man
agrees with Heaven, and hence it ia said, —
this is the way by which he serves Heaven.'
On the third paragraph he says :— * The perfect
man in his conduct is guided by one law.
Although he BOOS that some whb have gone
before him have been short-lived, and some
long-lived, he neyer has two ifiinds, or changes
his way. Let life be abort as that of Yen
Yiian, or long as that of the duke of ShAo, he
refers either case equally to the appointment of
Heaven, and cultivates and rectifies his own
person to wait for that. It is in this way he
establishes the root qf Heaven's ai>t>ointment8

(此所 以立命 之本〉' meseei-
planations do not throw light upon the text，
but they show how that may be treated inde-
pendently of the school of Chu Hal. And the
equal unsatisfactoriness of his interpretation
may well lead the student ~ the foreign student
especially 一 to put forth his strength on the
study of the text more than on the commen-
taries.

2. Man's duty as afpsoted bt the decrees or

APFOIlfTMEIITB OF HKiLYSir. WhaT HAY BE COR-
RSCTLT A80BIBED THEBETO ASD WHAT HOT. ChfX

Hb! says this is a continuation of the last
chapter, developing the meaning of the last
paragraph. There is a connexion between the

chapters, but is here taken more widely,

as extending not only to man's nature, but all

the events that befall him. i. "j"p <^^， * the

correct appointment/ i. e. that which is directly
the will of Heaven. No consequence flowing
from evil or careless conduct is to be under-
stood as being bo. Chd Hsl's definition is »

S 致而至 者乃爲 正命,
at which comes without being brought on

is the correct appointment.' 一 Ch&o Ch*l says

VOL. II.

450

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. Til.

_ 於道, ija 則圍命 正牆是
孟 i 得 得录失 孟 *4。命 ^ 故

也 。下 。知

桎 3盡^

椎 其者,

死道: 7^

者浦 立

非死乎

正者.

曰、 求 有 我是曰 >

萬 在 叙者

物外 §
皆者求

備也。 無 g^?^;^,

於 益有 得舍、

2. * Therefore, he who baa the true Idea of what is Heaven s
appointment will not stand beneath a precipitous wall.

3. ' Death sustained in the discharge of one's duties may correctly
be ascribed to the appointment of Heaven.

4. ' Death under handcuffs and fetters cannot correctly be so
ascribed/

Chap. III. i. Mencius said, * When we get by our seeking and
loee by our neglecting ； 一 in that case seeking is of use to getting,
and the things sought for are those which are in ourselves.

2. * When the seeking is according to the proper course, and the
getting is only as appointed ； ~ in that case the seeking is of no use .
to getting, and the thin^ sought are without ourselves/

Chap. IV. i. Mencius said, * All things are already complete

m us.

there are three ways of speaking about the ap-
pointments or decrees of Heaven. Doing good

and getting good is called i& < receiving

what is appointed.' Doing good and getting

evil 18 called * encountering what is

>inted. ' Doing evil and getting evil is called

^^， 'following after what is appointed.'

[tTs only the first of these cases that is spoken
of in the text. It must be borne in mind,

however, that by here Ch&o underBtands

death, and that only, and we should acquiesce
in this, if there did not seem to be a con-
nexion between this chapter and the preceding.

a. 49} 一 he who knows, or has the

true notion of, &c. J^, < precipitous ' and
likely to fall. 4. The fetters are understood to

be those of an evil doer, are fetters for

the hands, and "U^ those for the feet.

8. ViBTUE 18 SUBS TO BB OADTED BT BBSKIHa IT,

BtJT 1UCHE8 AXU OTHSB EXTERNAL THIK08 KOT.

This general sentiment is oorrect, but the exact
truth IB saorifioed to the point of the antithesis,
when it is said in the second case that seeking
is of no use to getting. The things * in oaraelTes ,
are benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and
knowledge, the endowments proper of our
nature. The things * without ourselTes* are
riches and dignities. The * proper coarse • to
seek these is that ascribed to Confucius, * ad-
vancing according to propriety, and retiring
according to righteousness/ but yet they are
not at our command and control.

4. MiJf IS FITTED FOB, AKD HAPPY IH, DOIKO
GOOD, AHD MAT PEBTBCT RUCSELF THEREtH. Z. This

paragraph is mystical. The all things are taken

PT. I. CH. VII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

451

恥 》g 也。 由焉 >

II 曆 曙疆 顯 *

于恥于

日 I 之 日 k

恥 恥, 人

Sju >r[ir -y^
fC^ ?m

於恥可
人夹。 以
大

之、 習：

而 夹于
7^ 而 曰>
知^ 行
其 察之、
道焉, 而

衆身著

2. * There is no greater delight than to be conscious of sincerity
on self-examination.

3. * If one acts with a vigorous effort at the law of reciprocity,
when he seeks for the realization of perfect virtue, nothing can be
closer than his approximation to it.'

Chap. V. Mencius said, 'To act without understanding, and
to do so habitually without examination, pursuing the proper path
all the life without knowing its nature ； 一 this is the way of
multitudes/

Chap. VI. Mencius said, ' A man may not be without shame.
When one is ashamed of having been witnout shame, he will after-
wards not have occasion to be ashamed/

Chap. VII. i . Mencius said, * The sense of shame is to a man
of great importance.

' knowing minutely and exactly.' * There is
much activity,* says the *^*， * in the two

verbs.' This use of is not common.

6. The value ofthk fexufg op shams. The
last shameful conduct.

7. The same subjeot. The former chapter, it
is said, was by way of exhortation (J^ J^^) ；

this is by way of warning (J[^ ySQ'
second paragraph is aimed at the wandering
scholars of Mencius's time, who were full of
plots and schemes to unite and disunite the

various princes. * springs of motion/

< machinery/ The third paragraph may also
be translated, * If a man be not ashamed at his
being not like other men, in what will he be
like them?'

as the principles of all things, which all things
moreover are chiefly the relations of society.
When we extend them farther, we get em-
barrassed, a. The here is that so largely

treated of in the Chung Yung. 3. 3W is the

judging of others by ouraelTes, and acting
accordingly. Compare the Doctrine of the
Mean, ziii. 3.

5. How MAirr act without thought. Com-
pare the Analects, VIII. iz. J^，

一 is to be understood of , but

* its nature/ its propriety, which is the object
, and its grounds, which is the object of

Chu Hsl defines
* knowing clearly,' and

452 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [bk. vii.

2. ' Those who form contrivances and versatile schemes dis-
tinguished for their artfulness, do not allow tbeir sense of shame to
come into action.

3. 《 When one differs from other men in not having this sense
of shame, what will he have in common with them V

Chap. VIII. Mencius said, ( The able and virtuous monarchs
of antiquity loved virtue and forgot their power. And shall an
exception be made of the able and virtuous scholars of antiquity,
that they did not do the same ？ They delighted in their own
principles, and were oblivious of the power of princes. Therefore, if
kings and dukes did not show the utmost respect, and observe all
forms of ceremony, they were not permitted to come frequently and
visit them. If they thus found it not in their power to pay them
frequent visits, how much less could they get to employ them as
ministers ？ ,

Chap. IX. i. Mencius said to Sung KAu-ch'ien, * Are you
fond, Sir, of travelling to the different courts ？ I will tell you Bhont
such travelling.

8. How THB AKCIERT 8CH0LABS XAIRTAINED
DIONITT OFJHEIB OHABACIER AXD PBdCIPLES.

is not virtue in the abstract, but the good
ich they saw in others, in the scholars
namely. St is their own 'power.' As applied
to the soholan, however, these things have to
be reyemd. They loved their own yirtue (^Ml

j^), and foigot the power of men, of the
prinoes.

9. How ▲ PBOFBSfllOlTAL ADVIBEB OP THI
P&nrOES MIGHT BE ALWAYS PERFBCTLT SATXSFnED.

The ezamplb of ahtiquitt. x. Some make the
party spoken to in thia chapter to be KAu (句

read bb 钩》 ch'ien of Sung. Nothing ia known

其 忘
道

而 古
亡

人 賢

之土
勢 > 何

盞故獨

敬

則

見

王

公 然 1

見> %

参機變 之巧 恥

焉 恥 K 若人 何若 人有

J1 孟于 a. 古之賢 王、 好善

踐日

PT. I. CH. IX.]

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS

453

以以 人乎、

I ■ - ― 身纛 Mfr* Mr* » 森 —蘑— *

% 道。

7、 ―

夹。 亦 于

道、^ 故
故失士

民義 > 窮

故了、

士 失

IW 我 k

焉。 已

2. * If a prince acknowledge you and follow your counsels, be
perfectly satisfied. If no one do so, be the same/

3. Kdu'cKien said, 'What is to be done to secure this perfect
satisfaction?' Mencius replied, * Honour virtue and delight in
righteousness, and so you may always be perfectly satisfied.

4. ' Therefore, a scholar, though poor, does not let go his
righteousness ； though prosperous, he does not leave his own path.

5. * Poor and not letting righteousness go ； 一 it is thus that the
scholar holds possession of himself. Prosperous and not leaving the
proper path ； ― it is thus that the expectations of the people from
nim are not disappointed.

6. ' When the men of antiquity realized their wishes, benefits were
conferred by them on the people. If they did not realize their wishes,
they cultivated their personal character, and became illustrious in
the world. If poor, they attended to their own virtue in solitude ； if
advanced to dignity, they made the whole kingdom virtuous as well,

窮-人

Holds

of him, but that he was one of the adventurers,
who travelled about tendering their advice to

the different princes, a. To translate PPfl ^

as I haye done here, can hardly be called a
iphrase. CM HsI, after ChAo Ch*!, explains

as * the appearance of self-possession

dom from desire.' * Perfectly satisfied,'
conveys the idea of the phrase. 3. It is to be
understood that the * virtue' is that which the
scholar has in himself, and the * righteousness '

is the course which he pursues. 4.

yj^ ^fW >^ ； ^ the reverse. 5.
poeseasion of himself/ 一 i.e. has what he chiefly
loves and seeks. 6. 一 人 《 -f-.

一 ChtL Hsi observes ： ~~ 'This chapter shows
how the scholar, attaching weight to what is
internal, and holding what is external light,
will approve himself good in all places and
circumstanoes.'

454

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII,

Sfi^ 1^
孟 i 死 *

0, 曰

殺以以

■A

少 J&

Km^ >^、

家、 孟士 I 盡
鄉 予 雖凡予
白 > 無民日

自 附文也 、待
視之 王若文

民 > 民、

则 魏 傑後

Chap. X. Mencins said, * The mass of men wait for a king WSn,
and then they will receive a rousing impulse . Scholars distinguished
from the mass, without a king Wan, rouse themselves/

Chap. XI. Mencius said, ' Add to a man the families of Han
and Wei. If he then look upon himself without being elated, he
is far beyond the mass of men.*

Chap. XII. Mencius said, ' Let the people be employed in the
way which is intended to secure their ease, and though they be
toiled, they will not murmur. Let them be put to death in the way
which is intended to preserve their lives, ana though they die, they
will not murmur at him who puts them to death. ，

Chap. XIII. i. Mencius said, * Under a chief, leading all the
princes, the people look brisk and cheerful. Under a true sovereign,
they have an air of deep contentment.

—不 自滿足 意， 《 not being full of and
satisfied with one's Helf.'
12. When a ruler's aik is xyidehtlt the

10. How FiBOPLE SHOULD GET THEIR lUSPIKATIOlI
TO GOOD IH TREMSBLVES. ^^， the

people/ i.e. ordinary people.

"^^f in Bk. II. Ft 1. v. i. When a distinction
is made between the characters, he who in wis-
dom is the first of io,ooo men, is called ；

the first of I'ooo is called ； the first of loo

is called 赛 ； the first of lo is called

11. Not to be elated by biches is ▲
BUPEBioBiTT. Han and Wei ， 一 see Bk. I. Pt. I. i.
I, notes ； *The families of Han and Wei,' 一 i.e.

the wealth and power of those families, ji^ ,
UBed for 益, * to increase/ indicates the ex-
^nality of the additions. ^jf^ is defined

PEOPLE S GOOD, THEY WILL WOT KUBXUB AT HD

HAB8HEST XEASUREB. The fint part is explained
rightly of toils in agriculture, road-making,
bridge-making, &c" and the second of the ad-
ministration of justice, where I should prefer
to think that Mencius had the idea of a just
war before him ； compare Analects, XX. ii. a.

la' * a way of ease ； • /j^ * a way of

life/

18. The mrvaam ikfluevgb ezebcubd by

A CHIEF AMOVQ THE PRDVOEB, AND BT ▲ TRUX

80TEREI0N. I. is explained in the dic-
tionary, with reference to this passage, by
It is the same as ifflL and

m 晦蟓 is 廣 大自得

PT. I. CH. XIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

455

如 聲

哉。 天 者知 而如虞
善之孟 i 地化 > 爲： 也。 如

同所 之罷殺

流、 存者。 民 之王

豈者夫 ^ 日 而者

曰 jft 君遷: ^之

教入于

之 人曰、

得深 g

^ 也。 S

^M-X^ 小 上 J:
善嫩如 铺下 而刺皞
脱^ 仁 之 與過； 之嗥

2. * Though he slay them, they do not murmur. When he
benefits them, they do not think of his merit. From day to day
they make progress towards what is good, without knowing who
makes them do so.

3. * Wherever the superior man passes through, transformation
follows ； wherever he abides, his influence is of a spiritual nature.
It flows abroad, above and beneath, like that of Heaven and Earth.
How can it be said that be mends society but in a small way!'

Chap. XIV. i. Mencius said, * Kindly words do not enter so
deeply into men as a reputation for kindness.

2. ' Good government does not lay hold of the people so much
as good instructions.

3. * Good government is feared by the people, while good instruc-

* the appearance of enlargement and self-pos-
session.' In illustration of the condition of the
people under a true sovereign, commentators
generally quote a tradition of their state in the
golden age ofY&o,when * entire harmony reigned
under heaven, and the lives of the people passed
easily away.' Then the old men smote the clods,

and "ng ，日出 而作， 曰入而 息,

田而食 ，帝力

， *At sunrise we rise, and
e dig our wells and drink ；

at sunset we rest,
we cultivate our fields and eat. What is the

is used in the

strength of the Ti to us?* 3.

sense of ~^^、 * merit,' or meritorious work, and
the analogy of the other clauses determines the
meaning of j^， as in the translation.

3. has referenco to tho ^^， par. i.

It is used here in its highest application, 麵 'the
sage.' jSj^iB^, jSj^^Cp, 一 the latter phrase is in-
terpreted morally, being ― * when he has fixed his
mind to produce a result.' This is unnecessary.

，$, * spiritual/ * mysterious : ， ~~ the effects are

sure and visible, but the operation is hidden. In
the influence of Shun in the time of his obscuri-
ty, when the ploughmen yielded the fiirrow,
and the potters made their vessels all sound, we

have an example, it is said, of the

《匕. In what it is presumed would haye been

the influence of Confucius, had he been in the
position of a ruler, as described, Analects XIX.

XXV, we have an example of the

jp^. ^^， as an object for I supply

' society.' It is understood that a leader of the
princes only helps the people in a email way,

14. The value to a ruler of reputation akd
MORAL iifFLUERCES. Kindly words are but brief,

456

THE W0BK8 OF MENOIUS

[bk. Vll

y 天 ^IL 無知態 圔得民

孟下 無^ 者 、者, 孟 i 民畏

于也。 敬^ 知其其 于財、 之>

日、

之

山

之

長、 继 愛良良 曰 、善善

義敬其 知能人 教教、

it 其裁 4。 也、 之得民

兄也 、孩顿 所民愛

他、 也。 及提； fi:^ 、。之 >
達 iP 其之

之教、 長 m 而而

政

tions are loved by them. Good government gets the people's wealth,
while good instructions get their hearts.'

Chap, XV. i. Mencius said, *The ability possessed by men
without having been acquired by learning is intuitive ability, and
the knowledge possessed by them without the exercise of thought
is their intuitive knowledge.

2. * Children carried in the arms all know to love their parents,
and when they are grown a little, they all know to love their elder
brothers.

3. 'Filial affection for parents is the working of benevolence.
Respect for elders is the working of righteousness. There is no other
reason for those feelings ; ~ they belong to all under heaven.'

Chap. XVI. Mencius said, * When Shun was living amid the
deep retired mountains, dwelling with the trees and rocks, and

and on an occasion. A reputfttion for kind-
neBfl must be the growth of time and of many
evidenoes. With the whole chapter, compare
Analects^ IL iii.

16. BEirEYOLENCB AKD BIOHTEOUSHBEfi ABK
HATUBAL TO MAK, PASTS OF HIS OOKBTITDTIOW.

X. I translate ]^ by * intuitive,' but it serves
also to denote the 《 goodness ' of the nature of
man. Chil Hal so defines it : —良 者本然

9. is defined in the dic-
tionary by >j、 4^, ( an infant smiling/
When an infant haa reached to this, then it is
■ 1^ , * taken by people in their

arms.

3-

must be supple-
mented by JK X\ ^y,< extend them (carry

the inquiry about them) to all under heaven,
and they are the same.' This is just laying
down universality as a test that those feelings
are intuitive to us. Ch&o Ch'i, however, ex-
plains differently : 一 'Those who wish to do
good, haye nothing else to do but to extend
these ways of children to all under heaven.'
16, How WHAT Shux wab disooysbxd xisklf

IS GREATEST OBSCURITY. j^ET, 一 the

is the water itself bursting its banks ； ihe
ncy of man in the matter is not to be sup^
posed. 80 in the

tne matter u not to oe 1
備 决江河

CH. XVIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

457

知 s 夹。 無

者 欲

® 于 其

于 也。 若 丞異木

^其 於石

臣

衡

匚

山

f J 之

s 言 k 野

^ 見 人
之

wandering among the deer and swine, the difference between him
and the rude inhabitants of those remote hills appeared very small.
But when he heard a single good word, or saw a single good action,
he was like a stream or a river bursting its banks, and flowing out
in an irresistible flood. ，

Chap. XVII. Mencius said, * Let a man not do what his own
sense of righteousness tells him not to do, and let him not desire
what his sense of righteousness tells him not to desire ； ― to act thus
is all he has to do..

Chap. XVIII. i. Mencius said, * Men who are possessed of
intelligent virtue and prudence in affairs will generally be found to
have been in sickness and troubles.

2. * They are the friendless minister and concubine's son, who
keep their hearts under a sense of peril, and use deep precautions

江 S 决也， 非人决 S 也 tL

£T mtLj be taken generally, or with special

reference to the Tang-tsze and Yellow river.
I prefer the former.

17. A XAir HAS BUT TO OBST THE LAW IM HIM-

8XLP. The text is literally 一 * Not doing what
he does not do/ &e. Much must be supplied
to make it intelligible in a translation. ChAo
Ch'l interprets and supplies quite differently :
一 * Let a man not make another do what he
does not do himself,' &c.

18. The benefits of tbouble aitb AFFLionoB.
I. Compare Bk. VI. Pt II. xv. 德, nd 慧, 術

and (4th tone) go together, 一 'intelligence

of virtue, and wisdom of arts.* >^ retains its

proper meaning of >^， * to be in.' means
properly * fever,' *any feverish disease/ but here
distresses generally, a. j^， 一 not

joined with Pjl, but qualifying the whole sen-

tence. « jfflj^, * fatherless/ friendless, not

haring favour with the sovereign.

子 la

not the child of one who is a concubine merely,
but a concubine in disgrace, or one of a vei

low rank. S¥ is often taken as if it were

the shooting forth of a tree after it has been cafe
down ； moreover, the in it should be \^ .

nri 其所 K

所 K 欲如 此而

or 人之 有德慧

o 一一露

458

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. vil

而 之達稷 有 s 事 国 患 孽

孟 ^ 物 者， 爲安是 孟 i4 予

于正也 。行悅 it 君, 于深 、其

者有 S 於者 稷則曰 > 故操
也。 大天也 。臣爲 有達。 （

*者> 容事
天 以悅君
民 家者人
者 I 胜 也。 者>

against calamity. On this account they become distinguished for
their intelligence.'

Chap. XIX. i • Mencius said, * There are persons who serve the
prince ； 一 they serve the prince, that is, for the sake of bis counten-
ance and favour.

2. * There are ministers who seek the tranquillity of the State,
and find their pleasure in securing that tranquillity.

3. * There are those who are the people of Heaven. They,
judging that, if they were in office, they could cany out their
principles, throughout the kingdom, proceed so to carry them out.

4. * There are those who are great men. They rectify themselves
and others are rectified/

Chap. XX. 1. Mencius said, * The superior man has three

1 免， it will be seen, is not used here, as in the

lafit paragraph. 3. * Heaven's people/

those who seem dearer to Heaven and more
favoured by it ； 一 compare Bk. V. Pt. I. vii. 5.
. * The great men , are the sages, the liighest

19. Four ditfebert classes of MiFifirrKBS.
I 有 事君人 者," he 人 is joined
with J, and not to bo taken with Men
ciuB speaks of * persons,' and not
* ministers/ to indicate his contempt.

is difficult The common view is
what I have given. 容 是使君 容我，

>^ 'I 免 ^^， * y^"(f is to cause the
prince to bear with 一 countenance 一 them ；—
f/Heh is to cause the prince to be pleased with

them/ In this case, 'j^^should be read in 4th
tone. It is said, however, to have

* the idea of Aiming at exclusively/ 2.
^ , see Confucian Analects, XVI.

style of men. is to be imderatood of per-
sons 誦 * the sovereign and the people.'

~ The nrst class of ministers may be styled the
mercenary ； the second, the loyal ； the third
have no selfishness, and they embrace the
whole kingdom in their regards, but they have
their defined aims to be attained by systematio
effort, while the fourth, unconsciously but
surely, produce the grandest results.

20. The thikgs which the suferiob mak
dbliohtb ik. to occttpt the ihbohs ib not

AMONG THEM. I. 下 is to be taken as

simply ― 下， The poBseaaion of the

PT. I. CH. XXL]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

459

之、 而欲 圄主之 、樂 7； 惧

所 立之

也。 愧 存、 3£

牲 定所于 下樂得 S 於兄天

鏖曰 >7；4。 天 无弟

俯

》 故，

、

7；

存 海态廣
焉。^ 存土 存于英

君眠 > 焉 。衆 焉。 有 才

£ 君 中很 1

所 于天君

牲> 樂下于

things in which he delights, and to be ruler over the kingdom is
not one of them.

2. 'That his father and mother are both alive, and that the
condition of his brothers affords no cause for anxiety ； 一 this is one
delight.

3. ' That, when looking up, he has no occasion for shame before
Heaven, and, below, he has no occasion to blush before men ； 一 this
is a second delight.

4. * That he can get from the whole kingdom the most talented
individuals, and teacE and nourish them ； 一 this is the third delight.

5. 'The superior man has three things in which he delights,
and to be ruler over the kingdom is not one of them/

Chap. XXI. 1 . Mencius said, * Wide territory and a numerous
people are desired by the superior man, but what he delights in is
not here.

2. ' To stand in the centre of the kingdom, and tranquillize the
people within the four seas ； 一 the superior man delights in this, but
the highest enjoyment of his nature is not here.

3. 《 What belongs by his nature to the superior man cannot be

sovereign sway is indicated, and not the carry-
out of the tnie royal principles, a. 5f.

4te "Mr may be underaiood of every

painfiil thing in the condition of his brothers,
which would distress him. 3. We cannot but
attach a personal meaning to * Heaven , here.

21. Mak'B own NATURE THE XOflT IXFOBTANT
THIHG TO HIM, AUJ> THE SOURCE OP UIB TRUE

ENJOTravT. I. This describes the condition of
the prince of a large State, who has thereby
many opportunities of doing good. a. This
advances on the meaning of the first i>aragraph.
The individual indicated is the sovereign, who
by his position can benefit the myriads of the

people, and therein he feels delight.
一 what belongs to him by nature. 3.

460

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII.

于

： 0. 喩。 耀 也
太來/ 簡伯 於胖

公 吾文夷

7； 盎其所 ：？； 雖

― • 麵 > ^膽 耋 *~* *

令 生 牲 、損 ―

色 仁 I 焉、 打

>定 加

辟

居 伯與居

於 於 翻
I ^Li\ T* m

III

increased by the largeness of his sphere of action, nor diminished by
his dwelling in poverty and retirement ； ~ for this reason that it is
determinately apportioned to him hy Heaven.

4. * What belongs by his nature to the superior man are benevo-
lence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge. These are rooted
in his heart ； their growth and manifestation are a mild harmony
appearing in the countenance, a rich fullness in the back, and the
character imparted to the four limbs. Those limbs understand to
arrange themselves, without being told.'

Chap. XXII. i. Mencius said, * Po-1, that he might avoid Ch&u,
was dwelling on the coast of the northern sea when he heard of the
rise of king Win. He roused himself and said, " Why should I not go
and follow him ？ I have heard that the chief of the West knows
well how to nourish the old." T'&i-kung, to avoid Ch&u, was dwelling
on the coast of the eastern sea. When he heard of the rise of king

is not to be interpreted only of the prince of
a State or the sovereign. Indeed in the two
preceding paragraphs, though the indiyiduals
indicated are in those positions, the phrase,
as well as here, has its moral significancy.

(4th tone) »Hl, 一 the nature is

complete as given by Heaven. It can only be
developed from within. Nothing can be added
to it from without. This seems to be the idea.

4* H >t|^ 资 -j^ extend over all the rest
of the paragraph. and 资 are in apposi-
tion ； 负' is not to be taken as under the

government of 生 The meaning is simply
that moral and intellectual qualities indicate

them selves in the general appearance and
bearing. Bffe. is explained as j^j ^pp

澤; S 貌 'uUpe 賺 ceofwhatispure,

harmonious, moistening^ and rich,' and as

豐 厚盈溢 S 意， 'meaning what is
affluent, generous, full and overflowing/ » The
whole description is rather strained.

22. Ths ootsbitment of koto Win by which
THE AGED WERE NOURISHED. I. Compare Bk. IV.
Pt. I. ziii. I. 3. This is to be translated hia-
torically, as it describes king W&n's govern-
ment ； compare Bk. I. Pt I. iii. 4. ^J^,

corresponding to |/L ^^， below ； 一 * the private

PT, I. CH. XXII.]

THE WORKS OF MENGIUS

461

者、 以 之時, 帛桑 、已天 歸東

宍。 夫 足母蠶 五 m 吾 m
> 所嚼 以魏之 、畝養 簡簡

IJ 之 f 、西文

教謂之 f

西 母老宅 則伯主
f 伯 tl 肉霸 > 者樹 仁善侬
畜、 善之夹 無足牆 人養與
導 養家, 百失 以下以 f「
其老^ 畝其^ 以爲 者、；

Wan, he said, "Why should I not go and follow him? I have
heard that the chief of the West knows well how to nourish the old."
If there were a prince in the kingdom, who knew well how to nourish
the old, all men of virtue would feel that he was the proper object
for them to gather to.

2. ' Around the homestead with its five m&u, the space beneath
the walls was planted with mulberry trees, with which the women
nourished silkworms, and thus the old were able to have silk to wear.
Each family had five brood hens and two brood sows, which were
kept to their hreeding seasons, and thus the old were able to have
flesh to eat. The husbandmen cultivated their farms of loo m&u,
and thus their families of eight mouths were secured against
want.

3. ' The expression, " The chief of the West knows well how to
nourish the old/' refers to his regulation of the fields and dweUings,
his teaching them to plant the mulberry and nourish those animals,
and his instructing the wives and children, so as to make them nourish

woman/ * the private man.' silk-
wormed them/ i.e. nourished silkworms with
them. It is observed by 子 .一'The

silkworm eats and does not drink, going through
its transformations in twenty-seven days. The
wife of the Yellow T! (b.c. 3697-2597), whose

surname was HsMing (p^ |^ ^^)，

taught the people to keep silkworms, and to
manage their silk, in order to provide clothes.

Future ages sacrifice to her as the

Mencius has not mentioned before the n
of brood BOWS and hens apportioned to a family.

3 此 S 謂 responds *<> 所謂… 者,
at the beginning. The whole paragraph is the

r

462

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII.

于,

使

五
十,

非

their aged. At fifty, warmth cannot be maintained without silks,
and at seventy flesh is necessary to satisfy the appetite. Persons
not kept warm nor supplied with food are said to be starved and
famished, but among tne people of king Win, there were no aged
who were starved or famished. This is the meaning of the expression
in question/

Chap. XXIII. i . Mencius said, * Let it be seen to that their
fields of graiu and hemp are well cultivated, and make the taxes on
them light ； 一 bo the people may be made rich.

2. ' Let it be seen to that the people use their resources of food
seasonably y and expend their wealth only on the prescribed cere-
monies : 一 80 their wealth will be more than can be consumed.

3. * The people cannot live without water and fire, yet if you
knock at a man's door in the dusk of the evening, and ask for
water and fire, there is no man who will not give them, such is the

explanation of that expression. 田 甲 ， 一 甲

is the dwelling-plAce, the five mdu allotted for
buildinga.

28. To PBOMOTB THE TZBTUK OF THE PEOPLB,
TRB FIBSr CABS OF ▲ OOYEBmCEIlT SHOULD BE TO

00H8UIT FOR THSIR BXINO WELL OFT. I. Mt^ i, 一

4th tone, as in Bk. I. Pt. I.v. 3,c* al, 田 ， < grain

fields.' pS. < flax fields.' and j% are both
in the imperative, indicating the work of the
ruler or government So and in par.

a, where may be referred to or the

resources arising from the government juat in*
dicated. may be best explained from

Bk. I. Pt L iii. 3,4. \^ 11, 一 the %\ BTO
the festive occasions of capping, marriage, &c.，
excepting on which a strict economy should be
enforced. 3. Compare Bk. I. Pt. I. vii ao-aa.

J& properly denotes half an hour after sunset,

or thereaboutB. 墓 is ^ Jjj^ ' the 赠 ing

of the day.' The time of the request is inop-
portune, and the manner of it not according to

propriety ； -and yet it is granted. 菽 ia the

PT. I. CH. XXIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

463

光慨人 観小鬮 水使與
盈 必 狐 之 於 魯 >15火>有 者、

科 照觀門 海登于 而菽至

料照

門、/ i 登于 而寂至

^ 焉。 其者, 者, 太曰, 民粟足

/流 ^ 蹶難難 山孔焉 如夹、
君水 日 爲爲 而于有 水 聖

于之月 言。: ^乂 J 、登: 7； 九人

天東 仁菽治

志物明 >丞於

之爲有

香果大

於也容 有聖故 而乎。 如下、

abundance of these things. A sage governs the kingdom so as to
cause pulse and grain to be as abundant as water and fire. When
pulse and grain are as abundant as water and fire, how shall the
people be other than virtuous V

Chap. XXIV. i • Mencius said, 《 Confucius ascended the eastern
hill, and LA appeared to him small. He ascended the T'&i mountain,
and all beneath the heavens appeared to him small. So he who has
contemplated the sea, finds it difficult to think anything of other
waters, and he who has wandered in the gate of the sage, finds it
difficult to think anything of the words of others.

2. ' There is an art in the contemplation of water. ― It is
necessary to look at it as foaming in waves. The sun and moon
being possessed of brilliancy, their light admitted even through
an orince illuminates.

3. ' Flowing water is a thing which does not proceed till it
has filled the noUows in its course. The student who has set his

ment of t-ch&u. The T&i mountain is the chief
of the five great mountains of GhinA. It lay
on the extreme east of Ch*l, in the present dis-
trict of TAi-an, in the department of the same

name. In H^^^^ffC, is used as in

數， Bk. IV. Pt. L vii. 5. After seeing the

surging ocean, the streams are not worth being
taken into aocount. And light penetrating
every cranny assures us of its splendour in

the great luminaries. 3. is here the

aspiring student ^^， 《 an elegant piece, ， here
for 'one lesson/ 'one truth.'

moral name for all kinds of peas and beans.
， 一 88 in Analects, XIL zi. 3.

24. HOWTHB GREAT DOCTRHnSB Of THB SAGES
jyWAXF ALL SXALLEB DOCTRINES, AND YET ABE TO
BSADTAXOKD TOBY BUOOEBSIYE flTEPfl. I, 9. This

paragraph illustrates the greatness of the sage's
doctrines. The eastern bill was on the east of
the capital of LQ. Some identify it with a small

hill, called Fang (防 ), in the district ofChfl-

fkvL (曲 亨 at the foot of which Confuoius's
parents were buried ； others with a hill named
M&ng (^^)， in the district of Pi, in the depart-

464

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII.

乂、 JEEBL

利也

者屬

. 于之鑣 撫鳴爲 于了、
^ 毛 曰, 間之之 而善曰 >成
于而 揚也。 分、 徒龍者 JI'
兼利于 無 也。 孳 舜 啁
愛 、天 g

mind on the doctrines of the sage, does not advance to them but
by completing one lesson after another/

Chap. XXV. i • Mencius said, * He who rises at cock-crowing,
and addresses himself earnestly to the practice of virtue, is a disciple
of Shun. .

2. * He who rises at cock-crowing, and addresses himself earnestly
to the pursuit of gain, is a disciple of Chih.

3. 'If you want to know what separates Shun from Chih, it is
simply this, 一 the interval between the thought of gain and the thought
of virtue.*

Chap. XXVI. i . Mencius said, 'The principle of the philosopher
Yang was ― " Each one for himself." Though he might have biene-
fited the whole kingdom by plucking out a single hair, he would
not have done it.

2. * The philosopher Mo loves all equally. If by rubbing smooth

10， 14. CM Hai says: 一 取者僅 足之

^^， conveys the idea of what is barely

Bu 伍 cient ' This is not correct 一

'that which the philosopher
Yang chose, was.' . ... In the writings of the
scholar Lieh (列 子)， Bk. VII, we find Yang

Chti speaking of Po-ch'iing Tsze-k&o (^j^

商) that * he would not pull out one of

his hairs to benefit others^'and when questioned
himself 'if he would pull out a hair to help an
age/ declining to reply, a. * The philosopher
Mo,'— see Bk. III. Pt. I. y. i ； Pt. II. iz. 9, 10^
14. We are not to understand the rubbing the
body smooth as an isolated act which somehow
would benefit the kingdom. The smoothness
would arise from labours undergone for the king-
dom, like those of the great Yd, who wrought

25. The diffebent besultb to which the
lots of good and the lots of gain lead.
I. *A disciple of Shun,* 一 i.e. although such
a man may not himself attain to be a sage, he

is treading in the steps of one. g. Chih
being used for ^j^) is the robber Chih ； see

Bk. III. Pt II. X. 3. 爲利， 一爲

here as in chap. xix. i. I should prefer myself
to read it in the 4th tone. It is observed by
the scholar Cli'&ng that *by good and gain are
intended the public mind and the selfish mind

(公^ 而' 已 )•， 3. 利與善 S 問

is intended to represent the sliglitness of the
separation between them, in its initial prin-
ciples, and I therefore supply * the thought of.*
26. The errobs of Yaho, Mo, abd Tbze-mo.
obsnivate adhebence to a coubse which we may
deem abstractlt bight is pebilous. i. *the
philosopher Yang,' — see Bk. III. Pt. II. ix. 9,

PT. I. CH. XXVII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

465

中莫項
無執放

亦口正

皆腹 甘孟 * 而 _
有有 飢飲, 予廢者 、櫂沖 、踵、
害。 甑 渴是曰 I 百 g 猶執利
鳩 害未飢 也。 其 執中天
能之 ^ 得 一
無 害 >£飮

以人

食 食

飢 Z 、惟

1

, 爲 I

葸 執于^

his whole body from the crown to the heel, he could have benefited
the kingdom, he would have done it.

3. * Tsze-mo holds a medium between these. By holding that
medium, he is nearer the right. But by holding it without leaving
room for the exigency of circumstances, it becomes like their holding
their one point.

― - I hate that holding to one point is the injury

• ht 严 inciple. It takes up one point and
ers.

Mencius said, ' The hungry think any food

sweet, and the thirsty think the same of any drink, and thus they
do not get the right taste of what they eat and drink. The hunger
and thirst, in fact, injure their palate. And is it only the mouth
and belly which are injured by hunger and thirst ？ Men's minds
are also injured by them.

2. * If a man can prevent the evils of hunger and thirst from

4. ' The reason wh
it does to the way
disregards a hiind
Chap. XXVII.

and waded till he had worn awaj all the hair

on his legs. See the Joe 3. Of

Tsze-mo nothing seems to be known, but that

he belonged to LtL 中 must be clearly

understood as referring to a Mean between the
Belfiahneas of Tang Ch^ and the tranaoenden-

taUsmof MoTL 近之 = 近道, ***e 道

mentioned in par. 4. The neoessity of attending
to the exigency of oircumstanoes is illustrated
by saying that a case may be conceived when
it would be duty to deny a single hair to save
the kingdom, and a case when it would be duty
to rub the whole body smooth to do bo. The

orthodox TOy (j^) of China is to do what is

VOL. II.

H

right with reference to the whole oircumBtances
of every ease and time.

27. TSB OIFOBTAHCE 0¥ HOT ALLOWINa TBB
XOTD TO BE INJUBSD BY POVERTY AITD A MEAN OON-

DmoK. I. perhaps is used adverbially, =
* readily;' compare Bk. II. Pt. I. i. iz. The two
clauses 是 ^ and 飢 渴 run parallel to
each other, the latter being explanatory of the
foimer. 害 之， 一之 腹， With
reference to the mind, hanger and thirst stand
， poverty and a mean condition. 能無

• • • — prevent being,' being

h '

466

THE WORKS OF MEXCICS

[BK. VII.

假 4 ^園： r 、若国 以圆及 ft^

之 湯 及 掘孟三 孟人之

也。 武于暴 ,井 、予 t 于: T 、寶,

久 5 身 曰> 猫掘曰 、易 曰,^ 爲

假 之堯爲 井有其 柳憂迅

而 4^ 舜 > 棄九 爲介。 下 夹 。害,
;f; 五性 井軔, 者 > S 則
\ 之也。 而 7i %

being any evils to bis mind, he need not have any sorrow about not
being equal to other men/

Chap. XXVIIL Mencius said, 'HAi of Lid-hsii would not for
the three highest offices of State have changed his firm purpose
of life/

Chap. XXIX. Mencius said, * A man with definite aims to be
accomplished may be compared to one digging a well. To dig the
well to a depth of seventy-two cubits, and stop without reaching
the spring, is after all throwing away the well/

Chap. XXX. i. Mencius said, * Benevolence and righteousness
were natural to Y^lo and Shim. Tang and WA made them their
own. The five chiefs of the princes feigned them.

2. * Having borrowed them long and not returned them, how
could it be known they did not own them?'

emphatic. 人， 一 refers to great

men, sflges, and worthies. Such a man has
himself really advanced far in the path of
greatness.

28. Hih OF LtO-hsiJI's fibmvess. <Hiii of
Lm-hsiV — wo Bk. II. Pt. 1. ix. a, 3 ； Bk. V.

Pt. II. i. 3, 5 ; Bk. VI. Pt. II. vi. 9. < mild-

nam,, * friendly impressibility/ was a charac-
teristic of Hdi, and Mencius, therefore, notices
how it was associated with firmness of mind.
The Hhree kung, are the three highest officers
about the royal court, each equal in dignity to
the highest rank of nobility.

29. Only that labour is to bb prized wmcu

ACCOMPLISHES ITB OBJECT. 一 USed for

^^， * eight cubits.' In the Analects,
xxiii. 3， it is said, in the note, that the
was seven cubits, while here its length is
given as eight. Its exact length is a moot

point. See the ^登， in loc. >^ ^^，

* one who has that which he is doing.* The
application may be very wide.

80. The difference bstween Ylo, Shuit,
Taho, axd wo, on the one hakd, Aia> the five

CHIEFS, ON THE OTHEB, IN BELATIOIV TO BENSVO-
LEKCE AND BIGRTBOUSNSaS. I. HO doubt

refers to ^""^ * benoYolenoe and righteoua-

ness,' and a translation can hardly be mad«
without supplying those terms. Though Yfto
and Shun stood on a higher platform than
Tang and W(i, they agreed in sincerity, which
is the common point of contrast between them

and the chiefs. ]^ ^^， * incorporated them*

-made them their own. a. ChA Hs! explains

by j^, * returned.' Admitting this, the

meaning of passes from 《 feigning , to * bor-
rowing.' He seems to prefer vie wing^^^ 知

PT. I. CH. XXXII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

467

兮,

之有： r 、悅。 大称

君' 公 志, 伊 賢贗' ^tfc 于 公

予孫 尹 m 著太' 不孫其
之丑 If 之 固之申 fl 齓丑非

La

之 甲 順,

非

£^t!L> 之 > 于 曰,

伊予 其民桐 > 予
尹曰, 君大民

7 ^曰, 也。 志 * 可 爲賢, 放目 >f

耕詩 則放 人叉太 g 4

而曰、 可、 與。 臣 反甲尹

食,，

何 素

也肩

Chap. XXXI. i. Kung-sun Ch ，& u said, 《 1 Yin said, " I cannot
be near and see him so disobedient to reason" and therewith he
banished T'4i-chiA to Tung. The people were much pleased.
When T'4i-chi4 became virtuous, he brought him back, and the
people were again much pleased.

2. * When worthies are ministers, may they indeed banish their
sovereigns in this way when they are not virtuous ？，

3. Mencius repliea, * If they have the same purpose as 1 Yin,
they may. If they have not the same purpose, it would be
usurpation/

Chap. XXXII. Kung-sun Ch*4u said, ' It is said, in the Book
of Poetry,

" He will not eat the bread of idleness ！ "
How is it that we see superior men eating without labouring ？ '
Mencius replied, ' When a superior man resides in a country, if its

a8»'how could they themselyes know ？ * but
I much prefer the view in the translation.
SI. The end hay jotitpy the means, but tub

PmiirOIFLE SHOULD SOT BE BBADILT AFFLISD. I.

Compare BtV.PtI.vi. 5. 伊尹曰 ，一 seethe

Shfi-ching, Pt IV. v. Bk. I. 9. The words are
taken somewhat differently in the ccmimentaiy
on the ching， but I have followed what seems

the most likely meaning of them. 3. 1^ is the

purpose, not suddenly formed on an emergency,
but the determination and object of the whole

life- ItiBsaid 一志 以其素 定者言 •

82. The sebtices which ▲ supebiob uav
bkzidebs to a oouhtrt ektitlb hix, withoxjt his

Donro omciAL duty, to sttppobt. This ie an
instanoe of the oft-repeated insinuation against
Mencius, that he was content to be supported
by the prinoes, while he would not take offloe ；

compare Bk. III. Pt IL iv. 曰, 一 see the

Shih-ching, L ix. Ode VI. 素 = 遂， ' empty/

without doing service. The old commentators
and the new differ somewhat in their inter-
pretations of the ode, but they agree in under-
standing its great lesson to be that people
should not be receiving emolument, who do not

actively serve their country. loL ' ploughing/

labouring. This term is saggessted from the ode,

H h 2

468

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII

大之、 用孟

由仁其 而曰, ，

義是有 尙王 s 於則 之, 于

大也、 而夹 >志 。于 是。 S 眉 曰 I
人路 取殺曰 1^ 悌, 安、 君
之惡厶 一何問
事在、 非無 謂曰，

^fe ^fe iffiL ZJL> t -
1 苗我我 fP、 tSJ 士

矣。 是 也 志。 何

于
居
^榮、 是

素其

feS£^&S= 餐 S ^

：&惡 也| 仁孟 • 其

仁在, 非義于 孰從君

sovereign employ his counsels, he comes to tranquillity, wealth,
honour, and gloiy. If the young in it follow his instructions, they
become filial, obedient to their elders, true-hearted, and faithfuL 一
What greater example can there be than this of not eating the
bread of idleness 1 ,

Chap. XXXIII. i . The king's son, Tien, asked Menciua, saying,
' What is the business of the unemployed scholar ？ '

2. Mencius replied, , To exalt his aim.'

3. Tien asked aaain, 'What do you mean by exalting the aim?.
The answer was, * Getting it simply on benevolence and righteousness.
He thinks how to put a single innocent person to death is contrary
to benevolence ； how to take what one has not a right to is contrary
to righteousness ； that one's dwelling should be benevolence ； and
one's path should be righteousness. Where else should he dwell ？
What other path should he pursue 1 When benevolence is the
dwelling-place of the heart, and righteousness the path of the life,
the business of a great man is complete/

where it occurs, yE\ J^， * use him/ i e. his
ooansels, not as a minister.

88. How A SCHOLAR PBEPABES TCODSELF FOB THE

DUTIES TO wmoH HE ABPIBE8. I. Tien was the
son of the king of Ch'i. His question probably
had reference to the wandering scholars of the
time, whose ways he disliked. They were no
faYourites with Mencius, but he prefers to reply
to the prince according to his ideal of the

scholar.

3. 仁…
the scholar's thoughts, 1

We can hardly take

where it denotes the

style of men. Here it denotes rather the in-
diyidiials in the various grades of official
employment, to which 'the scholar' may
attain.

； 3^ repreeent
nursing his aim.
as in ohap. ziz. 4,
the very highest

PT. I. CH, XXXV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

469

如 皋
少

何。 爲 應

奚

b 問可
曰, 哉

于

曰, 艘舜

執殺爲

之 人、 天
而 則 于>

Chap. XXXIV. Mencius said, * Supposing that the kingdom
of Ch'i were offered, contrary to righteousness, to CKHn Chung, he
would not receive it, and all people believe in him, a% a man of the
highest worth. But this is only the righteousness which declines
a dish of rice or a plate of soup. A man can have no greater
crimes than to disown his parents and relatives, and the relations
of sovereign and minister, superiors and inferiors. How can it be
allowed to give a man credit for the great excellences because he
possesses a small one 1 ,

Chap. XXXV. i. Tio Ying asked, saying, (Shun being
sovereign, and K4o-yd,o chief minister of justice, if KA-sfioi had
murdered a man, what would have been done in the case 1'

2. Mencius said, 'Kdo-ydo would simply have apprehended him/

84. How HEN JUDGE WBONGLY OF OHARACTEB,
OYEKLOOKIHe, HT THEIB ADMIRATION Or ONE
8TBIKI1IO XZCELLEROE, OBEAT FAILUBES AHD DE-

FiciENCiEa. yb is the Ch'&n Chung of
Bk. III. Pt II. X, which see. I substitute
the surname to avoid translating In the

translation of ^^^^ is taken as

used for Sp^， and what follows is under the

regunen of j^， as if we were to complete the

construction in this way : ~~ Js^

大乎 £r 親 云 云. CMo Ch'i inter-
prets quite differently: — *But what a man
should exalt is the greatest virtaes, the pro-
priety and righteousness in the great relationB
of life. He, however, denies them, &c' Cer-
tainly the solecism of taking for is

better than this. 一 used for ^^ ， but as
a verb. Wang Yin-chih construes as I do,
making the ^^=.^^, -~j^， and construing
consequently in the comparative degree.
35. What Shttit akd his nnrraiEB of crims

WOULD HAVE DONE, 17 ShT7N*8 FATHER HAD OOM-

MUTED A MiTBDEB. I. T*Ao Ting was a disciple
of MenciuB. This is all that is known of him.

is not to be understood here as merely =

師, Analects, XVIII. ii ； XIX xix. The

of Shun's time was the same as the

司 of the GhAu dynasty, the officer of

Crime, under whom were the 币, and

others more subordinate. See the ^fe ^^，
m loc, a. W© must understand KAo-yAo as the

470

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII.

人

之移之

予氬于 > 于 樂逃, 天然 g 暨然

與。 夭 晴 自而遵
孟 5 哉然 II 忘海 4

于居歎£天溪秦如之》：^^

下、 則而則

曰、 齊>下 。而 敝 之夫禁
失居望 處、 躐何, 有

終 也> 曰! 所 曰?
身竊 舜受夫

3* ' But would not Shun have forbidden such a tiling ？ '

4. * Indeed, how could Shun have forbidden it ？ Kdo-ydo had
received the law from a proper source/

5. * In that case what would Shun have done V

6. 'Shun would have regarded abandoning the kingdom as
throwing away a worn-out sandal. He would privately have taken
his father on his back, and retired into concealment, living some-
where along the sea-coast. There he would have been all nis life,
cheerful and happy, forgetting the kingdom. ，

Chap. XXXVI. i . Mencius, going from Fan to Ch'i, saw the king
of Ch'l's son at a distance, and said with a deep sigh, * One's position
alters the air, jvM as the nurture affects the body. Great is the
influence of position ！ Are we not all men's sons in this respect f ，

2. Mencius said, ' The residence, the carriages and horses, and

nominative to must refer to KO-bAu,

though critics now understand as the

antecedent. No doubt the meaning is, *Ho
would simply have observed the law, and dealt

with Kii-s&u accordingly.' 3. J^，

一 compare Bk. III. Pt I. ii. 3. It is here im-
plied that the law of death for murder was the
will of Heaven, that being the source to which
a reference is made. KAo-yAo again must be

understood as the nominative to He, as

minister of Crime, had to maintain Heaven's
authority superior to the sovereign's will.
86. How oite's matkrial pobition affects hib

AIB, AHV MUCH MOBE HAT MORAL CHABACTER BE

EXPECTED TO DO 80. I. Fan was a city of Ch*l,
a considerable distance from the capital, to
which we must understand Mencius was pro-
ceeding. It still gives its name to a distriot

of Pa-chftu ^j^^, in the department of

Ts'&o-ch&u (會 州). Gh&o Ch'i says that

Fan was a city of Ch*i, the appanage of the
king's sons by his conoubineB. On this view

we should translate in the plural, but

it proceeds from supposing that it was in Fan

that Mencius saw the which the text

and
赛

does not at all necessitate.
Z 朱 3)，S 。往-

PT. I. CH. XXXVII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

471

恭 5 之国相 聲守魯 §也> 王室、
敬也 、孟 ^ 似之 者君^ 于車
f> 愛于也 。似 曰>之 居若鳳
幣 而曰、 我 此宋, 天彼衣

之了食

未 MM

君非 呼下者
也>吾於^其多

將獸弗 此君 淫廣届

者 畜愛、 無也, 潷 居使人
也。 之豕 他, 何之者 之同、

恭吔。 交 居其 門并。 然而

the dress of the king's son, are mostly the same as those of other
men. That he looks so is occasioned by his position. How much
more should a peculiar air distinguish him whose position is in the
wide house of the world ！

3. ' When the prince of JA went to Sung, he called out at the
Tieh-chS,i gate, and the keeper said, " This is not our prince. How
is it that his voice is so like tnat of our prince ？ " This was occasioned
by nothing but the correspondence of their positions/

Chap. XXXVII. i. M encius said, * To feed a scholar and not
love him, is to treat him as a pig. To love him and not respect
him, is to keep him as a domestic animal.

2. ' Honouring and respecting are what exist before any offering
of gifts.

3. 'If there be honouring and respecting without tbe reality

revenue or income.

夫非盡 人之子

一 some understand iu the phrase

between and 非 ， * now, are not all kings'
sons,' &c. But I prefer to understand with
ChAo Ch*l, 凡 人與王 子， and in English
to supply we rather than (hey. a. 3r -
seem here to be superfluous. 下 B

居， 一 see Bk. III. Pt. II. iii. a. j^, < ant-
hill marah,' was simply the name of a gate in
the capital of Sung.
87. That he be besfected is esseittial to a

SCHOLAR 8 ENOAGIITO IK THE SEBYICE OF ▲ PBINOE.

I. J ^ ， * having pig intercourse with

him.' =• or^^Jp. ^|^, as distinguished

from ^^， leads us to think of dogs or horses,

animals to which we entertain a sentiment
higher than to those which we keep and fatten

merely for our eating, a. ^f'=J^

^ We paragraph is an ex-

planation of what is meant by those terms,
s j^， * presented, , < offered. ， 3» 狗=»

472

THE WORKS OF M£NCn:&

月其 教臂, 孟咱, 國 聖固敬

之

喪> 死孝

之 子于爲

OL

朞 宣然子

者 、弟之 是之王 後曰, 實

孫其而 站猶寬 飲可形 f

«搏£ ^徐 或猶短 以色予

- 爲 夹。 徐 終 愈

S 云 其於 ^

此 請于爾 > 兄 E ^孫

者敎有 亦之乎

天 7^

可
也,虛

惟构。

of them, a superior man may not be retained by such empty
demongtrations.

Chap. XXXVIII. Mencius said, * The bodily oigans with their
functions belong to our Heaven-conferred nature. But a man
raust be a sage before he can satisfy the design of his bodily
organization..

Chap, XXXIX. i. The king Hsiian of Ch'l wanted to shorten
the ^riod of mourning. Kung-sun Ch'au said, ' To have one whole
year s mourniDg is better than doing away with it altogether/

2. Menciua said, 'That is just as if there were one twisting the
arm of his elder brother, and you were merely to say to him —
" Gently, gently, if you please." Youf only course should be to
teach such an one filial piety and fraternal duty/

3. At that time, the mother of one of the king's sons had died,
and his tutor asked for him that he might be allowed to observe

88. Okly with a "OB does the body act
AoooBDiHa TO ITB DESiGK. This is translated
according to the consenting view of the modern

oommentatorsy but perhaps not correctly.

is taken for the bodily organs, 一 the ears, eyes,

hands, feet, Sec; and for their manifested

orations, 一 hearing, seeing, handling, &c.

Ib used as in the phrase * to tread

upon the words,' that is, to fulfil them, to walk,
act, according to them. The use of 'm , in
ohap. xxi. 4， is analogous to this use of itnere.
Ono critic aays : 一形 色夭性 ，曹形

天性 所在， 非 裙形色

jh., *The bodily organs with

their operations belong to our Heaven-con-
ferred nature ； the meaning is that in these
is our Heavenly nature, not that they are that
nature.'

89. RsFBOOF OF Kuiro-BiTii Ch'Au fob AasEm-

nrO TO THE PBOPO6AL TO SHOBTEN THE PERIOD OP

xouBNmo. Compare Analects, XVII. zxL i.
The moaming is to be understood as thiit of
three years for a parent. 3. The kingi's son
here must have been a son by a concubine.
Chii Hst, after Ch&o Ch'i, supposes that he was
not permitted to mourn the three years, through

PT. 1. CH. XL.]

THE WORKS OF MENCTOS

473

也。 此 f 者。 教 3 爲於^ 何

五#有^者1*者£«可如

者, 感五。 于 謂得 4。

着者。 舊 有汩、 夫 lb 、曰?
手有 sf. 如君 莫雖是

之加欲

独 ―

有堵, 如君
之 fi: 有時于

淑 達雨之

|} 艾 財化所 而 B> 之

教 者。 者。; ^ 以 弗愈而

a few months' moumiDg. Kung-sun Ch'&u afiked, ' What do you
say of this V

4. Mencius replied, * This is a case where the party wishes to
complete the whale period, but finds it impossible to do so. The
addition of even a single day is better than not mourning at all.
I spoke of the case where there w^s no hindrance, and the party
neglected the thing itself/

Chap. XL. i • Mencius said, * There are five ways in which the
superior man effects his teaching.

2. * There are some on whom his influence descends like season-
able rain.

3. - There are some whose virtue he perfects, and some of whose
talents he assists the development.

4. * There are some whose inquiries he answers.

5. * There are some who privately cultivate and correct themselves.

6. ' These five ways are the methods in which the superior man
effects bis teaching/

the jealous or other oppoeition of the full queen.
In tiiis case the son was anxious to prolong his
mourning as much as he could. This explana-
tion, bringing in the opposition of the full
queen or wife, seems to be incorrect. See the

in loc. While the father was alive,
a son shortened the period of mourning for his
mother. 4. g^^^)^,— -<^^ has a pronominal

40. How THE LESSORS OF THE SAOB BEACH
TO ALL DIFFEBBBT OLAflSEB. I. The wifih Of

the superior man is in all eases one and the
same, 一 to teach. His methods are modified,
however, by the different characters of men.

9. This class only want his influenoei like
plants which only need the dew of heaven.
So was it, it is said, with Confucius and

disciples Yen YfLan and Ta&ng Sh&n. 3.
德者- 成其德 者， Sea 其 iBtobe
understood before (：^^), 間. ^

was it with Confucius and the disciples Yen
and MiiL 4. So was it with Mencius and Wan
Chang. 5. This is a olasB, who never come
into actufJ contact with their teacher, but hear
of his doctrines, and learn them. His toaeh-
ingB, though not delivered by himself in person^
do notwithstanding reach to them.

474

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BE. VII.

夠

者^ 拙爲 日 也夹

夕 W 1^ « >!〜 f ffi 脚 P i!Li:^.{^
身 從 發, 射 拙孳何 g 公

天于之 。躍變 工孳: ^若孫
下曰、

：天
道、 下

以 J
身道、

夠以

. ― 孳 7； 若孫

如其改 ill 。使 登 甚

也 彀廢孟 5 彼天 曰,

中率 Ji 于爲然 、道
道君 i 氣曰, 可似則

g 于弊 大幾^ 高
f 力 I ^
能而爲

、可夹
及美

Chap. XLI. i. Kung-sun Ch'&u said, * Lofty are your principles
and admirable, but to learn them may well be likened to ascending
the heavens, 一 something which cannot be reached. Why not
adapt your teaching so as to cause learners to consider them attain-
able, and so dailv exert themselves ！ '

2. Mencius said, 'A great artificer does not, for the sake of a stupid
workman, alter or do away with the marking-line. 1 did not, for
the sake of a stupid archer, cliarge his rule for drawing the bow.

3. * The superior man draws the bow, but does not aischarge the
arrow, having seemed to leap with it to the mark ； and he there stands
exactly in the middle of the path. Those ,who are able, follow him.*

Chap. XLII. i. Mencius said, 'When right principles prevail
throughout the kingdom, one's principles must appear along with
one's person. When right principles disappear from the kingdom,
one's person must vanish along with ones principles.

41. ThB TBiiCHEB OF TBUTH MAT HOT LO
HIS LESSOHS TO SUIT HI8 LEABKEBS. X.

^^， 一 ^^， < those* refers to leamere,
which antecedent has been implied in the
words, ^j^, -jr^ *it is right they

should be considered/ &c. pj* 2S^， 一
函 * ^ consider,, ' regard/ a.
f * string and ink,* a carpeoter'a marking-
line, (read lU), * the limit to which
a bow should be drawn/ 3. Tho difficulty here

is with the words ^ffj -J^, literally,

^leaping-like.' They belong, I think, to the
superior man in all the action which is repre*
Bented. No man can be taught how to hit.
That is his own act. He is taught to shoot,
and that in bo lively a manner that the hitting
also is, as it were, set forth before him. So
with the teacher and learner of truth. As the
learner tries to do as he is taught, he will be
found laying hold of what he thought unap-
proachable.

42. One kvbt live or die with his psnroipuBB,

ACTING FBOX HIMSELF, WOT WITH RSOAIID TO OTHSB

MBM. ^9 means * to bury along with the
dead/ to associate with in death as in life.

PT. I. CH. XLIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

475

2. *I have not heard of one's principles being dependent for their
manifestation on other men/

Chap. XLIII. i. The disciple Kung-tA said, 《 When KSng of
T*ang made his appearance in your school, it seemed proper that
a polite consideration should be paid to him, and yet you did not
answer him. Why was that ？ ,

2. Mencius replied, *I do not answer him who questions me
presuming on his nobility, nor him who presumes on his talents, nor
him who presumes on his age, nor him who presumes on services
performed to me, nor him who presumes on old acquaintance. Two
of those things were chargeable on King of T'Sng/

Chap. XLIV. i. Mencius said, ' He who stops short where
stopping is acknowledged to be not allowable, will stop short in
everything. He who behaves shabbily to those whom he ought
to treat well, will behave shabbily to all.

2. 'He who advances with precipitation will retire with speed/

Another meaning is ^fft fUny * with

the person to follow after things,' » to pursue.
The first la is right principles in general.

The other are those principles as held by

individual men.

48. How Mbkchtb BBquniED the bixple pub-
suit OF TRUTH IK THOSE WHOX HE TAUGHT. K&ng

was a younger brother of the prince of T'&ng.
His rank made Kung-tu think that more than

ordinary respect should have been shown to
him, and yet it was no doubt one of the things
which made Mencius jealously watoh his spirit.
Compare Bk.VI. Pt. II. ii. 6， 7.
44. Failubes in EYiDEirr duty will be aooom-

PAKIED BY FAILX7BE IK ALL DUTY. PbEOIPTTATE
ADVANCES ARE FOLLOWED BY SPEEDY RETREATS.

The first paragraph, it is said, has reference to
errors of defect ^ $^)，

the sec 。！ id to those of excess jj^Y

476

THE WOBK8 OF MESiCIU &.

[bs. til

舜饥 當 國亜而

孟 i 愛 弗

莉

之于物

'Pn^i

仁

知
者

3ItC

而
仁

之
而
弗
仁
於
民

于
日 1

君
于
之

愛

知

4.

仁仁物
民之 4、

Chap. XL V. Mencius said, * In regard to inferior creatures,
the superior man is kind to them, but not loving. In r^ard to
people generally, he is loving to them, but not affectionate. He is

~ ' ' ， ' ， ieraUy.

creatures/
embrace all knowledge,
but they are most earnest about wliat is of the neatest importance.
The benevolent embrace all in their love, but what they consider of
the greatest importance is to cultivate an earnest affection for the
virtuous. Even the wisdom of YAo and Shun did not extend to
everything, but they attended earnestly to what was important.
Their benevolence did not show itself in acts of kindness to every
man, but they earnestly cultivated an affection for the virtuous.

45. ThX 8UF1BI0B MAH 18 KXITD TO OBEATCBEBi

Lomro TO OTHKB rar, avd affbohokatb to
BIS MEJJLTvm. This was intended, no doubts
against the Mohist doctrine of loving all

equally. animals. The second IS is

not to be understood only of parents. Com-

親親， D.BL, HJL la.

46t AoAiirsT THE PBnroEB of hib tixe who

OOOUPZXD TRX1IBBLYE0 "WITH THE XHOWLXDOS OF,

ABV RXOABD VOS, WHAT WA8 07 LUTLB IXPOBT-

ahob. I, ^Ijff ffi^ are not our

' omniaoient/ and < all-loving, ， but show the
tendency and adaptation of the wise and the

benevolent* The olauBes that follow, — 昼

z

low in wnat way truly great rulers oome to
an administration which appears io poaaeas

those charaotere. The use of the in those

olauBes is idiomatio. To leduce it to the ordi-
naiy usages of the particle, we must take the

first as" 惟 當誕 S 事識 急， （but
only are they earnest about the things which
it is most important to know,* and

賢之當 務， <but only are they
iest about what is most important, the
tivating affection for the virtaons.' The
ihing of tho chapter is substantially the
same as that of Confucius, AnaleotSi XII. xxii.

PT, II. CH. I,]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

477

務。 謂決 > 問 流察乂 J 、喪、 三也

>f 、 孤

I 放功

知之齒 Wi 颧之系

2. ' Not to be able to keep the three years' mourning, and to be
very particular about that of three montiis, or that of five months ；
to eat immoderately and swill down the soup, and at the same time
to inquire about the precept not to tear the meat with the teeth ； 一
Buch things show what I call an ignorance of what is most
important.

a. < coarse, unbleached, hempen cloth,,
worn in mourning during the period of three
months for distant relatives. >J、 is the
name applied in the case of mourning which ex-

tends for five months,

the Book of Rites, I. Sect. I. iii.54,55. These are
cases adddoed in illustration of what is insisted
on in the preyions paragraph ； 一 the folly of
attending to what is comparaUyely triyial,
while overlooking what is important.

TSIN SIN. PART II.

% 者 1^ 愛 》 者 、惠 %

愛、 以愛 、及以 王仁孟 i

及 la

其 薪仁所 所仁梁 曰 >

《也> 哉、 于

早 A

M 盡
下心

Chapter 1. i . Mencius said, * The opposite indeed of benevolent
was the king HAi of Liang ! The benevolent, beginning with what
they care for, proceed to what they do not care for. Those who are
the opposite of benevolent, beginning with what they do not care
for, proceed to what they care for/

1. A BTBOHQ OOBSXHIVATIOII OF KUTG OF

LiANO, voB SAGBmcnro to hib akbitioit hib
FBOPLB AiTD EVEN HIB SON. Compare Bk. L
Pt. I. V, and other conversations with king

Hiii. I. is more than < nnbenevolent ,

would mean, if we had saoh a term. It is

nearly 麵 《on]el，' * oppressive/ ^^， -

^j-,— compare Pt L zlv. Only being

there opposed to ^"^， is used with reference

to animals, while here it expresses the feeling
towards children and people and animals, and
I have rendered it by * to care for.' In the
fint case in the text, the progrees ia from one
degree of love to another; in the second, from

478

THE WORKS OF MENOIUS.

[BK. VII.

目

征

4。 者 I 蹶
上彼

2. Kung-sun CIolShi said,' What do you mean ？ ， Mencius answered,
' The king HAi of Liang, for the matter of territory, tore and
destroyed his people, leading them to battle. Sustaining a great
defeat, he would engage again, and afraid lest they should not be
able to secure the victory, urged bis son whom he loved till he
sacrificed him with them. This is what I call ― " beginning with
what they do not care for, and proceeding to what they care for." ,

Chap. II. i. Mencius said, 'In the "Spring and Autumn "
there are no righteous wars. Instances indeed there are of one war
better than another.

2. * " Correction " is when the supreme authority punishes its
subjects by force of arms. Hostile States do not correct one another/

the term in the second paragraph. In
the Ch'un-ch'ift itself there are mentioned of

* fightings' (_^^) only 23, while the 'smitings'

(^j^) amount to 913. There are specified in
U also 《 invasions, (^^^) ; < sieges ' (j^) ；
< canyings away' ( ; ' extinguishings '
(滅 )； ' defeats , (^； 'takings' (取 )；

* surprises , (^^) ； * punuito ， (j^) ； and
< defences' (J|^) ； "1 ^ which may be com-
prehended under the term gp. a. Explains

one degree of infliction to another, a. * to
boil rioe till it is ^|^， reduced to a pulpy
mass.' So did Htd seem to deal with the
bodies of his subjects, ^ refers

to Hai'B eldest son (Bk. 1. Pt. I. i). He is
called a as being one of the youth of

the kingdom. 一 compare Pt I. xliL

2. How ALL THE flOHTINGS BEOOBDKD JX THE
Ch'ITH-CH'iO^ were UNBIOHTEOUS ： 一 ▲ WAKHIWO
TO THE OOHTKHDUra STATES OF MeHCIUB's TIXB.

I. ^ff ^^， 一 （ no righteous battles." Both
Chfto Ch'l and CM Hsi make 戰- 戰伐之

S" * the affairs of fighting and smiting/ i.e.
the operAtioiiB of war detailed in the Ch'un-
ch'iCL And rightly ； for Mencius himself uses

the assertion in the former {Mtragnph. In the
wars recorded by Confucius, one State or chief

was said to j^j^ another, which oould not be

acoording to the meaning of the term. By

PT. II, CH. IV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

479

無學善 鬮血仁 人取； r;

敵 I 爲 fi 之伐無

而 仁>爲 人
征天 職曰,

J: 匕 下大我

而下 >E 於信
何以夹 。武氰
其

至 仁§滅 則

Chap. III. i. Mencius said, ' It would be better to be without
the Book of History than to give entire credit to it.

2. * In the "Completion of the War," I select two or three
passages only, which I believe.

3. ' " The benevolent man has no enemy under heaven. When
the prince the most benevolent was engaged against him who was
the most the opposite, how could the blood of the people have flowed
till it floated the pestles of the mortars ？"'

Chap. IV. i. Mencius said, ' There are men who say 一 "I am
skilful at marshalling troops, I am skilful at conducting a battle!" ~
They are great criminals.

2. ' If the ruler of a State love benevolence, he will have no
enemy in the kingdom.

3. * When Tang was executing his work of correction ia the

h is intended the sovereign ； by "|\ the

princes. Compare Bk. VI. Pt. II. vii. a.

8. With what besebyatioh Mekcitts bead
THE Sh^-cuiko. This is a difficult chapter for

Chinefle commentatora Ghfto Ch*i takes .^t

of the Shii-ching, which is the only fair inter-
pretation. Others understand it of books in
neral. Thus J alien translates *Si tmnino
adhibeas libria.* Many say that Mencius
in view only the portion of the Shu-cbing
to which he refers in the next paragraph, but
euSti a restriction of his language is entirely
arbitrary. The strangest view is that of the

author of the 四 拓 whose

judgments generally are sound and sensible.
But he says here that Mencius is anticipating
the attempts that would be made in after-ages
to corrupt the classics, and testifying against
them. We can see how the remarks were
directed against the propensity to warfare
which characterized his contemporaries* a.

is the title of the third Book in the

fifth Part of the Shd-ching, professing to be an
account by king Wfl of his enterprise against
the tyrant Ch&u. The words quoted in the

next paragraph are found in par. 8. 3. For
there are different readings ； see the

in loc Doubtless there is much exaggeration
in the language, but Mencius misinterprets the
whole passage. The bloodshed was not done
by the troops of king Wd, but by the forces of
the tyrant turning against one Another.

4. Counsel to prinobs wot to allow thjsk-
sblybs to be deceiysd bt ken who would adyiss
THEK TO WAR. I. Compare Bk. IV. Pt. I. xiv. 3.
a. Compare £k. I. Pt I. v. 6. 3. See Bk. L

Pt. II. xi, et oZ. 4. J^， * leathern car-
riages, or chariots/ said by some to be baggage-
waggons, but, more probably, by others, chariots
of war, each one of which had aeventy-two foot-
soldiers attached to it, so that Wft's army would

480

THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS

[BK. V 篁 I.

圜 人圜用 爲姓王 《i 革奚狄

孟规 孟驄。 言 也 曰、 車 爲怨,
于矩于 正若無 三後東

也、 崩畏, 百我。 面

各 厥苹闲 > 武 3 而
欲氣爾 虎王征

稽也賁 > 之
已！; 非 三伐夷
也征嚇 千殷怨 1
焉之百 人 。也、 曰,

south, the rude tribes on the north murmured. When he was
executing it in the east, the rude tribes on the west mummrecL
Their cry was ~ " Why does he make us last ？ "

4. * When king WA punished Yin, he had only three hundred
chariots of war, and three thousand life-guards.

5. ' The king said, "Do not fear. Let me give you repose. I am
no enemy to the people 1 On this, they bowed tneir heads to the
earth, like the horns of animals falling off."

6. ' " Royal correction " is but another word for rectifying.
Each State wishing itself to be corrected, what need is there for
fighting ？ ，

Chap. V. Mencius said, * A carpenter or a carriage-maker may
give a man the circle and square, but cannot make him skilful
the vse of (hem'

Chap. VI. Mencius said/ Shuns manner of eating his parched
grain and herbs was as if he were to be doing so all his life. When

be well to retain the sound of in the trans-
lation, and say, * Now chd/ng means to rectify/
^gr TP 已, 'each people wishes the
(hing-er to correct itself/

5. Real AHAnmERT xuht be made bt thb
LEABHER FOB HixBELF. Compare Pt.

also in Chwang-tsze, Bk. xiii. par. zo.

see Bk. III. Pt. IL iv. 3.

6. The equakimity of Shuh in foyxbtt

must be taken as:

number fli,6oo, few as compared wi
forces of his opponent, used for

3rd tone, a nmneratiye for carriages.

Qpdn) ~> these appear to have been of the
ter of life-gaarde, named from their tiger-like
courage and bearing. 5. See the Shii-ching,
Pt. V. i. Sect. IL 9. But the text of the Classic
is hardly recognisable in Menoius's version of
it. The original is: — 'Rouse ye, my heroes.
Do not think that he is not to be feared, but
rather hold that he cannot be withstood. The
people are fall of awe, as if their horns were
fklUng from their heads.' 6. Perhaps it would

I.xU.
梓

AB SOTEBBIGir.

is a word used for ^^， applied to eatii

PT. IT. CH. VIII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

481

暴 q 孟蘸

今; 于
之 0.

^iLi 爲

將 闘
以 也,

Ml

暴。 以

he became sovereign, and had the embroidered robes to wear, the
lute to play, and the two daughters of Ydo to wait on him, he was
as if those things belonged to him as a matter of course/

Chap. VII. Mencius said, 《 From this time forth I know the
heavy consequences of killing a man's near relatious. When a man
kills another's father, that other will kill his father ； when a man
kills another's elder brother, that other will kill his elder brother.
So he does not himself indeed do the act, but there is only an
interval between him and it*

Chap. VIII. i. Mencius said, * Anciently, the establishment of
the frontier-gates was to guard against violence.

2. * Nowadays, it is to exercise violence/

herbs. = ^^， < to eat , The * embroidered
robes' are the royal dress. On Shim's lute,
see Bk.V. Pt I. ii. 3. ^ used for |j||(u»),
* a female attendant.'

7. How THE THOUGHT OF ITB OOIIBBQUENCES
SHOULD KAKE XEH OABEFUL OF THEIB COHDUOT.

Chd Hai observes that this remark must have
m made with some speeial reference, 一
^ It is a maxim of Chinese

shing, that 'a man may not live under the
same heaven with the slajer of his father, nor
in the same State with the slayer of his elder
brother ；' but Mencius does not seem to think
of that, but rather takes occasion from it to

VOL. II. I

warn rulers to make their government firm in
the attachment of their subjects, and not pro-
voke their animositj by oppressive acts. — »
閒 一 * there is only one interval ； ' that

is, the death of a man's father or l>rother is
the retribution for his previous conduct, the
slayer or avenger only intervening.

8. The beihsyolbkce aitd selfishness of an-
cmvT AKD KODKBN BULB coNTRAfiTSD. Compare
Bk. I. Pt IL V. 3 ; Bk. II. Pt. I. vi. a. But
one does not see exactly how the ancient rule
of examining the person, and not taking the
goods, guarded against violence. Here, as else-
where at times, Mencius is led away by his
fondness for antithesis.

482

THE WORKS OF MENdUS.

[bk. tii.

圈豆千 g 能： r 、国行 於圔

乘 2

亂。 能

^m .

于見 ^ 于 ^于 妻于、 于

周 曰, 于。 使 a

:t 、色 > 苟好

仁 其之
^ 人人

簞言 g

只 n

于周

者, 利
邪者、
世 W
：？^ 年

人身

以行

堪 ^

追》

能行

Chap. IX. Mencius said, * If a man himself do not walk in the
rtaht path, it will not be walked in even by his wife and children.
If he order men according to what is not the right way, he will not
be able to get the obedience of even bis wife and children.'

Chap. X. Mencius said, ' A bad year cannot prove the cause of
death to him whose stores of gain are large ； an age of corruption
cannot confound him whose equipment of virtue is complete.'

Chap. XL Mencius said, 'A man who loves fame may be
able to decline a State of a thousand chariotfi ； but if he be not
really the man to do such a thing, it will appear in his countenance,
in the matter of a dish of rice or a platter of soup.'

Chap. XIL i. Mencius said, * If men of virtue and ability be
not confided in, a State will become empty and void.

9. A XAir'0 OnPLXTXKOE DEPSRIMI oh HIB FIB80HAL

EXAXPLB AKD ooHDUCT. To the Becond we

are to suppose as the nominative, while
the third is like a verb in the hfphU conjogation.
Thesis not so much aa ^^j^ other men.'

The whole simply - 出

'la* JS, * W his orders are not acooiding
to reaflon/

10. COBBVFT mnS abb PBOTIDED ▲aAQTBT BT

nrrABLiBBXD ram 不 能 殺, 不 能

I， may be taken either actively or passiyely.

禾 j 'he who is complete in
eain/ i.e. he who has gained much, and laid

much by. The
有

貲，:

MAH'S

expands this into

11. A MAH'S TBUS
APFEAB m SMALL
PAME MAT HAVE OARRTICD

OH WILL OITXV
WHEN A LOTI OF
OVSE GBKA.T DIP-

ChU Hfii here
不 於其所
然 後可以

A man is seen not bo much in things

which require an effort, as in things which he
might easily despise. By bearing this in mind
when we observe him| we can see what he
really rests in.'
12. Three things ncFOBTAitT ih thb adkehib-

TBATioK OF A State. I. -jg, 'be not con-

PT, II. CH. XIV.]

THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS

483

是吸

有仁得

玄 I

用

故 稷 孟— 。而 國孟 7
得次于 得者 > 予足

乎之 > 曰> 天有曰 >
丘君民 下 >

！下 S

、 亂 /iUt

o"" 川、

2. * Without the rules of propriety and distinctioDS of right, the
high and the low will be thrown into confusion.

3. ' Without the great principles of government and their various
business, there will not be wealth sufficient for the expenditure.'

Chap. XIII. Mencius said, * There are instances of individuals
without benevolence, who have got possession of a single State,
but there has been no instance of the throne's being got by one
without benevolence/

Chap. XIV. i. Mencius said, * The people are the most im-
portant element in a nation; the spirits of the land and grain are
the next ； the sovereign is the lightest.

2. * Therefore to gain the peasantry is the way to become sovereign ；

fided ft);' perhaps rather ' confided in,* 'Will
become empty and void/ 一 Gh&o Ch'l Bupple-
ments thus : 一 * If the prince do not consort with
and confide in the virtuous and able, then tbey
will go away, and a country without 8uch per-
sons is said to be empty and void.' a， 3. * The
high and the low,' 一 that is, the distinction of

ranks. IfS may be considered a hen-

diadys, and so jRT in the next paragraph.

is the right, or rigMnesSj on which the rules

of propriety are founded, and is the ▼arious

business that flows from the right prinoiples
of goTermneni.

18. OhLT BT BEHSYOLENGB CAS THE THBOIVB BB

OCT. Many commentators put

potential mood, as if it were

This is not allowable. Facts may
that seem to be in opposition to the

statement. The commentatorTa&u (:

le dynasty of Ch'in downwj

cases, when the throne was got by
tout benevolence, but in sach cases it
lost again after one or two reigns.'

DIFFEBXHT SLEMEHTS OF A XTATIOir 一
>PLEy TUIBLAKX SpmiTB, Ain> SOTSBEIOH,

XH KMBPgaCT OF THEIB IXPOBTAXCB. I. JSt

properly the altar, or resting-place of the spirit
or spirits of the ground, and then used for

saorifioe to that spirit or those spirits.

一 ' pannicled millet,, and then generally tne
spirit or spirits presiding over grain. Together,
the characters denote the * tutelary spirits of
a country/ on whom its prosperity depends,
and to sacrifice to whom was the prerogative

of its Bovereign. 一 It is often said that the Jf\[

was * to saorifioe to the spirits of the five kinds

of ground, and the to sacrifice to those of

the five kinds of grain.' But this is merely
one of the numerical fancies of which Chinese
writers are fond. The fiye kinds of ground are

mountains and forests (山 ^^), rivers and
marshes (川 ^^), mounds (J^ |^), places

of tombs (jl 負 ^^)， and plains (原 ^ ^ ).

But it would be easy to make another division,
just as we have six, eight, and other ways of
speaking about the kindis of grain. The regular
sacrifices to these tutelary spirits were three : 一
one in spring, to pray for a good harrest ； one
in autumn, to give thanks for the hanrest ；
and a third in the first month of winter.

* 丘民" ^田野 S 民，' tt^epeopleof
2

484

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII

師園 畳時、 旣侯侯 、爲

胜然) ^危 一

― 危督

夫遣 i 子 AS 条 ft 牟

有夷 患曰.

g 之柳聖

fl^ 、風 X 人、

甚盒 "5*

蒙 j m

天
于,

旱盛稷 > 諸楚

乾旣 則侯, #
水潔 > 變翁天

溢, 祭 见大 于、

是世

4.^

MIJ 祀 微。 ®

13 胜 諸囊諸

to gain the sovereign is the way to become a prince of a State ； to
gain the prince of a State is the way to become a great officer.

3. ' When a prince endangers the altars of the spirits of the land
and grain, he is changed, and another appointed in his place.

4. * When the sacrificial victims have been perfect, the millet in
its vessels all pure, and the sacrifices offered at their proper seasons,
if yet there ensue drought, or the waters overflow, the spirits of
the land and grain are changed, and others appointed in their
place.*

Chap. XV. Mencius said, 《 A sage is the teacher of a hundred
generations : ~ this is true of Po-1 and HAi of Li^-hsi&. Therefore
when men now hear the character of Po-1, the corrupt become
pure, and the weak acquire determination. When they hear the
character of HAi of LiA-hsiA, the mean become generous, and the

the fields and wilds,' the peasantry. According
to the Ch&u Lt, nine husbandmeiii heads of

fiftmilies, formed a feiw(^f^); four iging formed

a yih (邑) ； and four yih formed a k*ew (丘 )，

which would thus contain 144 families. But

the phrase ^^， Bignifying the peasantry,

is yet equivalent to * the people.' Menoius uses
U, his discourse being of the spirits of the land

and grain. 3. The change of the is

taken by most commentators as merely a de-
Btroyiog of the altars and building others. This

is ChA Hal's interpretation : 一

桿患， 則鼓其

《 when the spirits of

the ground and grain cannot ward off calamities
and evils from the people, then their altars and
fences are thrown down and others in diiferent
places erected/ Ch&o Ghl is more brief. He

simply says that in such a case yf* |^

^^， which may mean that they de*

Btroyed the altars or displaced the spirits them-
selyes. A changing of the altars merely does
not supply a parallel to the remoYal of the
princes in the preceding paragraph. And there
are traces of deposing the spirits in such a case,
and appointing others in their pUoes. See the

四書拓 餘說，
15. That Po-1 asj> "Kti oFLit^-RsiX were sages

PROVED BY THX PKBMAITENGE OF THSIB IHFLUSIICB.

Compare Bk. V. Pt II. i, ei cd. *A hundred
generations ， is spoken generally. Between the

PT. II. CH. xvn.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

485

淅 也曰,

而去孔

也教非
者 1 炙聖

也、 上, 簿

人 之人之 i

之道日 >

遨 ilL 遲

若者奢

niffgardly become liberal. Those two made themselves distinguished
a hundred generations ago, and after a hundred generations, those
■who hear of them, are all aroused in this manner. Could such effects
be produced by them, if they had not been sages ？ And how much
more did they affect those who were in contiguity with them, and
felt their inspiring influence ！ ，

Chap, XVI. Mencius said, ' Benevolence is the distinguishing
characteristic of man. As embodied in mans conduct, it is called
the path of duty'

Chap. XVII. Mencius said, * When Confucius was leaving
LA, he said, "I will set out by-and-by ；" 一 this was the way in
which to leave the State of his parents. When he was leaving Ch'i,
he strained off with his hand the water in which his rice was being
rinsed, took the rice, and went away ； 一 this was the way in which to
leave a strange State. ，

two worthies themselves, seyeral hundred years
intervened.

16. ThS BXLATIOIT OF BEVEYOUeRCE TO XAH.

This chapter is quite enigmatic. is taken
a8=>^" -^p < unite beneyolence

with man's person/ and as the

of the Chung-yung. The gloasarist of

Gh&o Ch'l refers to Analects, XY. zxviii, which
is very good* CM Hsi, however, mentions

that in an edition of Mencius found in Gorea,
after there follow accounts of * right-

eousness/ * propriety,' and < wisdom;, —

者 宜也， 云云' If that waa the
original reading, the final clause would be ： 一
* These, all united and named, are the path of
reason.'

17. How CoirFuonjs's lkayiho aitd Ch*1
WAS DiFFEBEirr. Compare Bk. V. Pt. II. i. 4.

486

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. ？ II.

厥:^ 于 詩 ^ 傷 理 g 上麼！
問, 殄群云 、也、 於 lan^K 、孟

t 口。 稽 之陳予

ft 孟妇、 交 蔡曰、

也。 亦子悄 兹子稽 >也。^ 君
：?^4>悄>多曰>大 間 > 予
隕犀& 口。 無^ 無之

Chap. XVIII. Mencius said, * The reason why the superior
man was reduced to straits between Ch'Sn and Ts'^i was because
neither the princes of the time nor their ministers sympathized or
communicated with him/

Chap. XIX. i • Mo Ch'i said, 《 Greatly am I from anything to
depend upon from the mouths of men.*

2. Mencius observed, * There is no harm in that. Scholars are
more exposed than others to suffer from the mouths of men.

3. ' It is said, in the Book of Poetry,

"My heart is disquieted and grieved,
I am hated by the crowd of mean creatures."
This might have been said by Confucius. And again,
"Though he did not remove their wrath,
He did not let fall his own fame."
This might be said of king WSn/

18. The reasoh or CoKFUoiuB'g bbiho in
8TRAJTB Bgfwjum Ch'^w AiTD Tb*Ai. See Aoalects,
XL ii. The speaking of Confucius simply by

the term 3* is to be noted ； oompare

Analects, X. vi. i, et <U, ChAo Ch*l obseires
that Confucius, in his exceeding modesty, said
that he was not equal to the threefold way of
the superior man (Analects, XIV. xxz), and
therefore he might be spoken of as a superior
man. It is difficult to see the point of this
obserration, nor does it meet the difficulty
which arises from the use of the designation

in the text. h -^ *， *the sovereigDB,' and

= , * their miniBters.' The princes did

not honour him and seek his services. Their
ministers did not honour him and recommend
him to employment. This is the meaning of

無 上卞之 变. The commentators, in

their quest for profound meanings, make out
the lesson to be that though a sage may be
reduced to straits, the way of truth cannot be
80 reduced.

19. Mehcius ooworcb Ho GH*f uhdbb caluvht

BT THE SEFLBCnOH THAT IT WAS THK OBDUTABY
LOT OP DIBTINOUIBHED MXN. I. Of Ho Ch'i,

nothing is known beyond what is here in-
timated. 3^ ia used in the seiuse of * to

depend on/ This is given to it in the diction-
ary, with a reference to this passage. The
meaning is that not only did he not have a good
word from men, but was spoken ill of by them.

a. >|^， it is concluded, from the comment of
GhAo Ch'i, is a mistake for jQ*, * to increase,'
and has substantially the same meaning.

Betaining however, and taking in its

sense of this or iheae, we get a tolerable meaning,
* The scholar hates those many mouths.' 3. For
the first quotation, see the Sbih-ohing, I, iii.
Ode I. Bt. 4， a description of her condition by
the ill-used wife of one of the dukes of Wei
(according to ChU HsI), and which Mencius
somewhat strangely would apply to Confucius.
For the second, see III. i. Ode III. at 8, descrip-

PT. II. CH. XXII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

487

― IW 矣、 路 I 之 _ .

曰>；^雷^今^蹊孟使使孟
以磬。 于茅 問開, 予人

追孟 5 曰, 塞 _

蠡。 予 禹予用 J

曰妇, 多之則 用
是 何 氣' 【、 茅之日 >

奚以尙 免塞 而
足言文 ^成徑

Chap. XX. Mendus said, * Anciently ^ men of virtue and talents
by means of their own enlightenment made others enlightened
Nowadays, it is tried, while they are themselves in darkness, and by
means of that darkness, to make others enlightened.'

Chap. XXI. Mencius said to the disciple Kio, * There are the
footpaths along the hills ； 一 if suddenly they be uised, they become
roads ； and if, as suddenly they are not used, the wild grass fills
them up. Now, the wild grass fills up your mind/

Chap. XXII. i. The disciple K&o said, ' The music of Ytt was
better than that of king Win/

2. Mencius observed, * On what ground do you say bo?, and
the other replied, * Because at the pivot the knob of Yil's bells is
nearly worn through/

3. Mencius said, * How can that be a sufficient proof ？ Are

ihre of the king T'M, though applied to W&n.
問 is in the sense of * report,' * reputa-
tion.'

20. «HO'W THB AHCmiTB LED ON MBV BT TUJSIK
EXAMPLE, WHILE THE BULEB8 Of liBNCnrB'S TIXE
TRUED TO XTBOE MXH OORTRABT TO THSTR EXAXPLB.

In translating, I supply 古 ^ before ^9^，
in contrast with the below. To Uie two

a very different force is giyen. The former

le constraining influence of example ； the
latter is the application of pains and penalties.

21. That ms cuLTiVATioir of the xnn> hat
KOT BS nmCBlflTTSD. j^, <8pao68 foF the

foot,' s footpaths ； |2j 1^ 間， 一 the

'footpathfl of the hill-ways,' (read cftid, as

according to GhA Hb!, though the diction-
ary does not give such a sound to the character,
nor do we find in it tl^e meaning which suits

this passage) * suddenly ；' nearly =« 陶〜

The KAo here must have been a disciple of
Menoius, different from the old K&o， 6k. VI.
Pt. II. iii. ChAo Ch'i says that after studying
with Mencius for some time, and before he ftiUy
understood his principles, he went off and
addicted himself to some other teacher, and
that the remark was made with reference to
this course, and its conaequenoes.
22. An absubd remabk of thb dibciplb KAo

ABOUT THE MUSIC OF Yu AHD KINO WIn. 3. j^，

一 read (ui, * the knob, or loop, of a bell,' the
part by which it is suspended, gfljr, 3rd tone.

488

THE WORKS OF MEXCIU9

[BK. VII

譽審 f ，是 導皆圍 力哉,
見 虎士, 婦爲 殆以齊 i 舆。 城

之

莫野、 榑也/ 復。 將臻 軌,

之有虎 > 晋
敢衆 人

之、 機 > 逐篇 有曰 > 發 A

7

之

the ruts at the gate of a city made by a single two-horsed
chariot ？ '

Chap. XXIII. i. When Ch'l was suffering from famine, Ch'an
Tsin said to MenduSy * The people are all thinking that you,
Master, will again ask that the granary of Tang be opened for them.
I apprehend you will not do so a second time.,

2, Mencius said, * To do it would be to act like Fang FA. There
was a man of that name in Tsin, famous for his skul in seizing
tigers. Afterwards he became a scholar of reputation, and going
once out to the wild country, he found the people all in pursuit of
a tiger. The tiger took refuge in a corner of a hill, where do one
dared to attack him, but when they saw Fang FA, they ran and
met him. Fang FA immediately bared his arms, and descended

takes the meaning bs I have given
it in the translation. Another view takes
in the sense of 申-， taking it in the 4th tone,

Se"h6 四書拓 餘說，

an insect that bores through wood ； hence,
metaphorically, anything haying the appear-
anoe of being eaten or worn away. 3. The
meaning is that what KAo noticed was only the
effect of time or long use, Yd being anterior to
king W&n, and did not necessarily imply any
superiority of the music of the one over that of
the other. The street contracts at the gate,
and all the carriages that have been running
over its breadth are obliged to ran in the same
ruts, which hence are deeper here than else-
where. ― There is much controTersy about the

phrase 兩馬 之 力 • ChAo Ch*l understands

E as meaning * two kinds of horses ； , 一

the '馬, levied from the State, and em-
ployed on what we may call the postal service,
and the or 'public horses,' principally

used in military service. On this view the
meaning would be that the rats in question
were not made by these two kinds of carriages
only. ChA HsI, after the commentator F&ng

as in chap. iv. 4
in loc.

28. How MsvcfiuB utew whebb to siop ahd
maihtaik his own DiaHrnr in his nrncBoouBSB
WITH THE PBiMCBB. I. At T*aiigy whoM name
is still preserved in the village of Kan-fang, in

the district of Ghl-mo (^|] ^^), in the depart-
ment of L&i-oh&u, the princes of Ch'l, it would
appear, kept grain in store, and on some previouB
occurrence of famine, Mencius had adviaed the
king to open the granaiy. In the meantime,
however, some difference had occurred between
him and the prince. He intended leayingCh'i,
and would not expose himself to a repulse by
making an application whidi might be rejected.

a. - -^ , *a good scholar,' or 《 officer,, but
is to be taken only as 應< skilful.'

PT. II. CH. XXIV.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

489

於 牲 也、 之之

於

君
臣

賢 也.

者

4.

也。 性 M 於
仁 《臭色
之有也 >4L

蚤

人
之

於

命四耳

焉 》 坡 之

§ 之於
罕於聲

3^ 安
謂侏

霊 i

予

曰 *

D

之
於

！ ft

士
若

之

from the carriage. The multitude were pleased with him, but
those who were scholars laughed at hiip/

Chap. XXIV. i . Mencius said, ' For the mouth to desire sweet
tastes, the eye to desire beautiful colours, the ear to desire pleasant
sounds, the nose to desire fragrant odours, and the four limbs to
desire ease and rest ； 一 these things are natural. But there is tbe
appointment of Heaven in connexion with them, and the superior
man does not say of his pursuit of them, " It is my nature."

2. * The exercise of love between father and son, the observance of
righteousness between sovereign and minister, the rules of ceremony
between guest and host, the display of knowledge in recognising the
talented, and the fulfilling the heavenly course oy the sage ； 一 these
are the appointment of Heaven. But there is an adaptation of our

， 一 之 It did not belong to F&ng

k, now an officer, to be fighting with tigers,
playing the part of a bravo.

24. How TBE BUPEBIOB MAF SUBJECTS THE
ORATIFICATIOH OV HIS HATUBAL APPRITBS TO THE
WILL OF HbAYXN, MXH PUBSUSB THB DODfO OF
GOOD WRHOUT IHIirKIllO THAT THX AKOUHT WHICH

HE OAir DO HAT BE LHOTED BT THAT WILL. I. 口

之 1^ ^fc> * 也 e mouth's relation to tastes ； ,
that 18, ite constitution so as to be pleased with
certain tastes. So, all the other clauses.

焉, * 化 ere is the appointment qf Heaven,' L e.

every appetite naturally desires its unlimited
gratificfttion, but a limited amount or an entire

denial may be the will of Heaven, a.

is not * the possession of knowledge

by the talented,' but the exercise of wisdom in
reference to them, recognising and appreciating
their excellence. The sentiment is well illus-
trated by the cafle of Yen Ying, the minister of
Ch% able and wise, and yet insensible to the
superior excellence of Confucius and his prin-
ciples. 一 Chii Hal says well upon this chapter : 一
* I have heard it observed by my master that the
things mentioned in both of these paragraphs
are in the constitution of our nature, and like-
wise ordained by Heaven. Mankind, however,
consider that the first five are more especially
natural, and, though they may be prevented
from obtainiDg them, still desire them ； and
that the last five are more especially appointed
by Heaven, so that if they do not come to them
readily, they do not go on to put forth their
strength to reach them. On this account,

490

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. tii.

了、 大 s 充 s 己信。 也 、于

可 而實之 曰 Hi 何

知化 ，

欲 也。 也、 7^ 命 命

^ 孟 害 也。
R PH 得 ^ PR MF ，于問 有

市。 聖。 之之善 。善汩 1 曰， 牲

之之有 f

3^ 光充 ^ 鑫

謂 輝 —―

1 0% 日》

，胃 謂 有

大。 美。 諸 謂人正

君

nature for them. The superior man does not say, in reference to them,
" It is the appointment of Heaven." ,

Chap. XXV. i • Hao-shftng PA-hai asked, saying, ' What sort
of man is Yo-cha.ng?' Mencius replied, ' He is a good man,
a real man/

2. ' What do you mean by " A good man/' " A real man ？ " '

3. The reply was, ' A man who commands our liking is what is
called a good man.

4. *He whose goodness is part of himself is what is called
a real man.

5. 'He whose goodness has been filled up is what is called
a beautiful man.

6. * He whose completed goodness is brightly displayed is what
is called a great man.

7. 《 When this great man exercises a transforming influence, he
is what is called a sage. 、

8. 《 When the sage is beyond our knowledge, he is what is called
a spirit-man.

9. ( Yo-chang is between the two first cbaracters, and below the
four last/

Menoius shows what is most important in each
case, that he may induce a broader way of
ihiBking in regard to the second class, and
repress the way of thinking in regard to the
first'

25. The ohabacter op thb dibciflb Yo-chIno.

DlFFBBEHT DBOBBEB OF ▲TTAnmEBT IN GHABAOTEB,
WHICH ARB TO BE AIMED AT. I. ChAo Ch*i tells

US that HAo-ah&ng is the surname and Pa-h&i
the name, and that the individual was a man
of Ch*i. This is all we know of him. 3. It ia
assumed here that the general verdict of man-

kind will be on the side of goodness. Hence
when a man is desircMe^ and oomnuuids

,1 liking, he must be a good man. 4.

已, < haying in himself;' i.e. when a

has the goodness, without hypocrisy or
pretence. Compare Bk. VL Pt. II, xiii. Good-
ness is an attribute entering into all the others,
and I have therefore thrice expreeaed it in the

translation. 8. 聖而不 ^ 知

JP^,— with this we may compare what is

PT. II. CH. XXVII.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

491

^其米 1 而如而 逃國于
^二之 S 招追 E 椽 5i 二
用緩征 予之。 放 夹。 必宇之

默^ 歸曰, 中，

ifit iBt 力

>^、 J 蓦

而 用之布

g 其征
子二、 君之

而于征

旣 之於逃
入與儒

之

。民用

J 楊歸, '乂、

i 墨 新歸也

落 辩受於
從 者之椽

Chap. XXYI. i. Mencius said, * Those who are fleeing from
the errors of Mo naturally turn to Yang, and those who are fleeing
from the errors of Yang naturally turn to orthodoxy. When they
BO turn, they should at once and simply be received.

2. ' Those who nowadays dispute with the followers of Yang
and Mo do so as if they were pursuing a stray pig, the leg of which,
after they have got it to enter the pen, they proceed to tie.'

Chap. XXVII. Mencius said, ' There are the exactions of
hempen-cloth and silk, of grain, and of personal service. The prince
requires but one of these at once, deferring the other two. If he
require two of them at once, then the people die of hunger. If he
require the three at once, then fathers and sons are separated/

lid in the Doctrine of the Mean, ^ffj
'the individual possessed of the most

iplete sincerity is like a
critical remarks in the

the

:,it is

said, indeed, that the ezpresnon in the text is
stronger than that there, but the two are sub-
stan^illj to the same effect. Some would

translate by * divine,* a rendering which

it never can admit of, and yet, in applying to
man the term appropriate to the actings and
influence of Him whose way ia in the sea, and
His judgments a great deep, Chinese writers
derogate from the prerogatives of God.

26. Rboovkbxd hebftics should be receiyed

"WITHOUT GASimO THEXB OLD ESBOBfl Dl THSIB

TSETH.

learned.'

*they turn to the

in Chinese phrase is
equivalent to our * the orthodox.' The name
is still claimed in China by the followers of

Confucius and other sages, in opposition to the
T&oists and Buddhists, a. The dispuiations
are with those who had been Yangists and

Mohiste' This sense of 招,' to tie the legs,'

is found in the dictionary with reference to
this passage.
27. The just ezactions of thb ooYEBnifEirr

▲RE TO BE MADS DISCBUflNATDrOLT AlVD OOM-

LATELT. ^jj ia cloth, made from flax,
'silken fibres not spun;' but here, pro-
bably, silk, spun or unspun. ' grain

unthreshed ；' yjf^f the same threshed : ~~ here

together, grain generally. The tax of cloth
and silk was due in summer, that of grain
after harvest, and personal service was for the

leisure of winter. = ^J*. The prince

might only require them, one at a time, and
in their proper seasons.

492

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII.

而 于曰, 問夹 國身。 人

于夹

其 曰 > 盆盆

之其曰
大爲夫

爲 夫成成
道人 于括。 栝
也, 何盆仕
則小 以成^
足有知 括齊,

, 其見孟

民暴

政子

珠侯

通 i /^^^

殺夫將 殺 k 于

其聞 見門曰 >
軀君殺 。人死

狭 二
^土

及地,

Chap. XXVIII. Mencius said, * The precious things of a prince
are three ； ~ the territory, the peojple, the government and its
business. If one value as most precious pearls and jade, calamity
is sure to befall him.'

Chap. XXIX. P*an-ch*ang Kwo having obtained an official
situation in Ch'l, Mencius said, ' He is a dead man, that Pan-ch'ang
Kwo ！ * P'an-ch'ang Kwo being put to death, the disciples asked,
saying, * How did you know, Master, that he would meet with
death ？， Mencius replied, * He was a man, who had a little ability,
but had not learned the great doctrines of the superior man. —
He was just qualified to bring death upon himself, but for nothing
more.

Chap. XXX. i • When Mencius went to T&ng, he was lodged
in the Upper palace. A sandal in the process of making had been

28. ThS PRBCI0U8 TKIKOfl OF ▲ FRhrCE, AXD
THE DAHOEB OF OVBHLOOKIKO THEM FOB OTHER

THiHGA. -J*, 《the productive ground/ and

^1^, ' land generally/ as distinguished

from = 《 officers/ but the terms are not

to be taken separately. So of jBj ^a. ； see
chap. xii.

29. How MbNCIUS FRIDIOTED BSFOHXHAin) THE

DEATH OF Pait-ch'Xno Kwo. Compare Con-
fiicius's prediction of Taze-lii's death. Analects,
XI. xiL Little is known of this Kwo. He is said
to have begun learning with Menoius, but to

hare soon gone away, disappointed by what
he heard.

30. The oenebous spirit of Mevcidb ih dis-
PEHsiivo HIS iNBTBUcnoHS. This, which is the
lesson of the chapter, only oomes out at the
end, and has been commemorated, as being
the remark of an individual not of extra-
ordinary ohnracter, and at first disposed to

find fault with Menciu8*B disciples, i.

勝, 一之 -往' 上宫, - company 雪
Bk. I. Pt II. iv. This was evidently a pah
appropriated by the duke of T&ng for the

lodging of honourable visitors. The first

PT. II. CH. XXXI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

493

義有達 国以也 、與。 度或

也。 所之孟 i 是往曰 > 也 。問於
人 5：?^ 於于心 者殆曰 、之

能爲, 其曰 >至

充達所 人斯追 > 4、 以若館
」 之忍 、皆 受釆夫 是是人

敎 於仁有 之者于 爲乎求

害其也 所而: 7^ 之

從之

入薪人 '7；已担> 設 屨者弗
之爲, 皆忍 > 夹。 苟科 來之得

{>laced there in a window, and when the keeper of the place came to
ook for it, he could not find it.

2. On this, some one asked Mencius, saying, * Is it thus that your
followers pilfer ？， Mencius replied, 'Do you think that they came
here to pilfer the sandal ？ ' The man said, * I apprehend not. But
you, Master, having arranged to give lessons, do not go back to
inquire into the past, and you do not reject those who come to you.
If they come with the mind to learn, you leceive them without any
more ado/

Chap. XXXI. i. Mencius said/AU men have some things which
they cannot bear ； 一 extend that feeling to what they can bear, and
benevolence will be the result. All men have some things which
they will not do ； 一 extend that feeling to the things which they do,
and righteousness will be the result.

2. * If a man can give full development to the feeling which

is a verb, < was lodged.' The second makes
a compound noun with j^, 一 the

dictionary has, with reference to this pa

己 ^ 而 未成曰

being done, but not oompletea, are

said to be Jj^.' a. Sdu * to hide,' «

to steal and hide. 曰， ~

* these/ referring to * followers.'

設 科 云 云， 一 McordiDg to CM Hrf, this

is the obseryatioD of Mencius's questioner, sud-
denly awaking to an understanding of the

philosopher. Anciently, was read

"^p, ' now, I,' and Mencius was supposed
to be himself the speaker. Chil Hal is, no

doubt, correct, 考峰 is better than

conveying the idea of * ezerci

suited to different capacities. -S* IhI

道 SA!L、.

81. A MAN HAS OITLT TO OIVB DEVSLOPMSHT TO
TBI PBHrCIPLBB OF OOOD WHICH ARK Ul Bill, AND
SHOW THBMSELYEB IH 80MB THUIOB, TO BE SMTIBBLT

GOOD AKD coRRBor. Thifl is a sentiment which
we have found continually ocourring in theae
analects. It supposes that man has more power

over himself than he really has. a. -

494

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII.

S ，^以 铦 ±8 之 勝充^

ifci 于 4

、用 無而

而近 >

之昼 f §11:2： 可

而 用

翁受義 iju

擊 街不入
是言 1。 汝可能

makes him shrink from injuring others, his benevolence will be more
than can be called into practice. If he can give full development
to the feeling which refuses to break through, or jump over, a waU,
his righteousness will be more than can be called into practice.

3. * If he can give full development to the real feeling of dislike
with which he receives the salutation, " Thou," " Thou/, he will act
righteously in all places and circumstances.

4. 'When a scholar speaks what he ought not to speak, by
guile of speech seeking to gain some end ； and when he does not
speak what he ought to speak, by guile of silence seeking to gain
some end ； 一 both these cases are of a piece with breaking through
a neighbours wall:

Chap. XXXII. i. Mencius said, * Words which are simple,
while their meaning is far-reaching, are good words. Principles
which, as held, are compendious, while their application is extensive.

* to make a hole through.' - j; 畜，

* to jump over a wall.' The two together are
equivalent to *to play the thief.' 3. * Thou/

* Thou,' is a style of address greatly at variance
with Chinese notions of propriety. It can only
be used to the very young and the very mean.
A man will revolt from it as used to himself,
and ( if he be careful to act so that men will
not dare to speak to him in this style, he will go
nowhere where he will not do rightoousness/ 一

This is rather far-fetched. 4. <to lick with
the tongue ；' = *to inyeigle. ' To find an antece-
dent to the we must understand the person

who is spoken to, or before whom silence is kept ；

or, perhaps, merely gives effect to the verb

in the general sense of ( to gain some end.'
82. Against aimiko at what is bexotk, aitd

raaLECTERO WHAT IS ITXAB. WhAT ABB GOOD
WOBDS AKD GOOD PBIKOIPLEB. I. Jf\ T\ iSS, 一

see the Book of Rites, Bk. I. Sect. II. iii. 15.
The ancients did not look at a person below
the girdle, so that all above that might be con-
sidered as near, beneath the eyes. The phraae

^ = * words which are near,' i.e. on

PT. II. CH. XXXIII.]

THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

495

以非 者 > 武

圍重 、而身 I 而道
篇 盛反孟 i 而芸 而道

也> 者之也 。曰, 以之 下焉。 子

至

觀 自 田 > 平。— 君 ^ 之

也 > 容舜, 任 所人圩

德哭周 牲者求 病之也

非 面,
以非

凝 者輕。 於舍守 J、

人 其修下

者田

ittfc

*rff

are good principles. The words of the superior man do not go
below the girdle, but great principles are contained in them.

2. 'The principle which the superior man holds is that of
personal cultivation, but the kingdom is thereby tranquillized.

3. * The disease of men is tms : 一 that they neglect their own
fields, and go to weed the fields of others, and that what they require
from others is great, while what the^ lay upon themselves is light.'

Chap. XXXIII. i. Mencius said, * Y&o and Shun were what
they were by nature ； T'ang and WA were so by returning to
natural virtue.

2. ' When all the movements, in the countenance and every turn
of the body, are exactly what is proper, that shows the extreme
degree of the complete virtue. Weeping for the dead should be
from real sorrow, and not because of the living. The regular path
of virtue is to be pursued without any bend, and from no view to
emolument. The words should all be necessarily sincere, not with
any desire to do what is right.

common subjects, simple, plain. So, Ghtl Hel ；
but the passage in the LI Chi is not so general
as his commentary* It gives the rule for look-
ing by the sovereign. He is not to raise his
eyes above a minister's collar, nor lower
them below the girdle. Ch&o Ch'I tries to ex-
plain the ezpresdon without referenoe to the
ancient rule for regulating the looking at men.
According to him, * words not below the girdle
are aU from near the heart' a. This is the

expUiuitioiiof 守約而 施傅； see Ana-

lects, VI. XXY. The paragraph is a good sum-
mary of the teaching of The Great Learning.

88. ThB FBBraOT TTBTUB OF THE HIGHSST SAOEly

A2n> HOW OTHXBS FOLLOW AFTKB IT. z. Compare

Pt. L zxz, but has not here a speoial

referenoe to certain virtues as there, a. This
is an exhibition of the highest style of virtue ~
that of Yfto and Shun, which does everything
right, with no motive beyond the doing ao.
* Weeping is from real sorrow, and not because
of the living/ i.e. there is nothing of show in
it, and no wish to make an impression on

496

THE WOBKS OF MENCTOS.

[BE. VII,

之皆 千也、 丈, 数視

WJLD

E 正

制我 氣般待 凡其孟 i 夹。 气了
也、 所我 樂妾我 " ―

吾 7: i f 火数 f …

何 爲 志/ 酒、 百 志 、然 。說

弗驅 人弗堂 ^ 大
彼在 爲囀我 爲高入

哉。 我 llL> 田得也 、教則

者 > 在 獵 > 志 > 食 4

皆彼 後弗前 *
古者, 車爲 方題勿

也

君 5
于

I

以

俟

而

3. f The superior man performs the law of rights and thereby
waits simply for what has been appointed.'

Chap. XXXIV. i. Mencius said, * Those who give counsel to
the great should despise them, and not look at their pomp and

display. •

2. * Halls several times eight cubits high, with beams projecting
several cubits ； 一 these, if my wishes were to be realized, I would not
have. Food spread before me over ten cubits square, and attendants
and concubines to the amount of hundreds ； 一 these, though my wishes
were realized, I would not have. Pleasure and wine, and the daah
of hunting, with thousands of chariots following after me ； 一 these,
though my wishes were realized, I would not have. What they
esteem are what I would have nothing to do with ； what I esteem
are the rules of the ancients. 一 Why should I stand in awe of them V

others. 3. Describes the virtue that is next in
degree, equally observant of right, but by an

intellectual constraint

^^， * the proper course

principles/

84. Hb who UlTDEBTAKES TO OOURSXL THE
GREAT, SHOULD BE MO&ALLT ABOVE THEM. I.

人， 'great men.' The phrase is to be under-
stood not of the truly great, as in ch. xxv. 6,
et oZ" but of the socially great, with an especial
reference to the princes of the time, dignified
their position, but without corresponding

3： :zr，

under

moral qualities. 2.
all the corresponding claui
government of some words like

* those great men have/ to which

*I would not do,, respond.

these may be seen in the more important tern
pies and public buildings throughout Chi

projecting all round, beneath the eaves.
m,-«ee Bk. IL Pt L iv. 4. 麼將
* spurring and galloping in hunting.'

PT, II. CH. XXXVI.]

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

497

炙、 孫羊食 国存者 、某

羊而 丑菜羊 f 攝寡 f

棗 bM 棗。 眷 者 夹、 冬

所食 然美。 公 5 嗜寡 其也、 Pi

獨羊 則孟' 孫 羊夹。 爲寒養

瞥于 ^

臺、

也 f

諱曰、 于曰 > 間而
名膾 何膾曰 、曾

爲炎

諱@ 食哉。 炙

紘 i 膾公與

人 欲 Jh\
也雖莫
多有確

欲 1 _
雖存寡

有焉欲 >

Chap. XXXV. Mencius said, ' To nourish the mind there is
nothing better than to make the desires few. Here is a man whose
desires are few : 一 in some things he may not be able to keep his ,
heart, but they will be few. Here is a man whose desires are
many : 一 in some things he may be able to keep bis heart, but they
will be few/

Chap. XXXVI. i . Mencius said, ' Ts&ng Hsi was fond of
Bheep-dates, and his son^ the philosopher Ts&ng, could not bear to
eat sheep-dates/

2. Kung-sun Ch'Au asked, saying, ' Which is best, — minced meat
and broiled meat, or sheep-dates ？, Mencius said, ' Mince and broiled
meat, to be sure,' Kung-sun Ch'&u went on, ' Then why did the
philosopher TsS.ng eat mince and broiled meat, and would not eat
sheep-dates ？ , Mencius answered, * For mince and broiled meat

, * what are in them/ the things which they
im so. ^ff. ^Sr -« the things which I

85. The bxguiatioh of thb dxsibeb is
tial to ths noubibhuert ov thb mivd.
must be taken in a bad, or at least an inferior
sense -B the appetites, while is the heart

naturally disposed to all virtue, ^fjj^ >^ Jf\

* although there are' ― rirtues of the
heart, mat is ― * which are not preseryed/

VOL. II.

86. The filial fselhto or TbIkc

XV HIS HOT EATnro JUHTBss. I. HK * shoep*

jujubes/ the small black northern frait, so called
from its reeembling sheep's dirt. Such is Chd
Hat's account of the fruit. The writer of the

p[| 3^ ^Qj, in loc, however, seems

to make out a ease for being a kind

of persimmon. Still, why call it a date, or
jujube ？ See Bretschneider'B Botanicon Sinicunij
p. ti8. a. Hsl Inust have eaten both the
jujubes and the cooked meat, but his liking

k

498

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

[BK. VII.

there is a common liking, while that for sheep-dates was peculiar.
We avoid the name, but do not avoid the surname. The surname
is common ； the name is peculiar/

Chap. XXXVII. i. Wan Chang asked, saying, * Confucius,
when he was in Ch'ftn, said : " Let me return. The scholars of my
school are ambitious, but hasty. They are for advancing and seizing
their object, but cannot forget their early ways." Why (fid Confucius,
when he was in Ch*ftn, think of the ambitious scholars of LA?*

2. MeDcius replied, * Confucius not getting men pursuing the
true medium, to whom he might communicate his instructions,
determined to take the ardent and the cautiously-decided. The
ardent would advance to seize their object ； the cautiously-decided
would keep themselves from certain things. It is not to be thought
that Confucius did not wish to get men pursuing the true medium,
but being unable to assure himself of finding such, he therefore
thought of the next class.'

3. ' I venture to ask what sort of men they were who could be
stvled " The ambitious ？ ",

for the jujubes was peculiar, and therefore the
sight of them brought him viyidly up to his
son, and he oould not bear to eat them. But
8U0I& points are not important to illustrate the
meaning here.

87. To CALL TO THB PUBHUIT OF THE BIOBT
MEDITO WAS THB OBJECT OF GOKFUCrUS AJW

MxHciuB. Vabious ohabaotebs who fail to

PUBSUE THO, OB ABE OPPOSED TO IT. I. See

AnalectB,y. zzi. The differenoes between that
text and what we have here will be noted.
Perhaps Wan Chang was quoting from memory,
a. See Analeota, XUI. zzi. As Meneius quotes
that chapter, some think that there should be

豈 K 欲中 i

in

思其次 i

PT. II. CH. XXXVII.] THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

499

曰> 其門 >4/^焉>^ 狂孔狂

何推 面是屑 古也 q 于夹

如鄕: ^ 叉 ：yj 也&之

斯縻入 i 潔

可乎、 我次 之者、 夷

謂鄕室 >也。 士又 考!！

之 0； 我孔 * 而： r 、其 膠夹。 t

缠德 不于與 3fi 然' M，>
廐 之憾曰 、之 、得, 而曰 牧

—皮

夹, 賊焉過 是欲: ^古言 _
曰》 也 > 者, 我猥得 掩 之之者 >

4. * Such,' replied Mencius, *as Ch'in Chang, TsSng Hsl, and
MA Fei, were those whom Confucius styled " ambitious?"'

5. * Why were they styled " ambitious ？ ，， ，

6. The reply was, ' Their aim led them to talk magniloquently,
saying, "The ancients!" "The ancients!" But their actions, where we
fairly compare them with their words, did not correspond with them.

7. ' When he found also that he could not get such as were thus
ambitious, he wanted to get scholars who would consider anything
impure as beneath them. Those were the cautiously-decided, 一
a dass next to the former/

8. Chang pursued his questioning, * Confucius said, " They are only
your good careful people of the villages at whom I feel no indigna-
tion, when they pass my door without entering my house. Your
good careful people of the villages are the thieves of virtue."
What sort of people were they who could be styled " Your good
careful people of the villages ？,， ，

a 曰 in the text after -^. 4. Gh'in

Chang is the Lfto mentioned, Analects, IX vl.
So, according to Chtt Hsl, who quotes an in-
stance from the T&oist phUosopher Ghwang, of
the waywardness of lAo, but Ch Wang's accounts
of ConAicius and his disciples are not to be
trusted. The identification of the individual
in the text with Lfto, however, ia no doubt cor-
rect, though GhAo Ch'i makes him to be the
Shih of the Analects, referring to XL zrii 3,

* Shih is specious,' aiid adding that he played
well on the ch'in, and was therefore styled Ch'in.

See the DH ^ ^ ffr, in loc. Of Wi

Pei nothing is kirown. 6. 一 in the sense
of * even.' ^^， * evenly examining.'

^f^y * to cover,' * to make good. 8. The first

part of the saying here attributed to Confociiia
is not found in the Analects. For the Beeond,

K k 2

500

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[BK. VII.

衆 ^也> 以人 是也、 爲顚何
"^世 爲焉, 鄉 善蹒言 、以

居之 > 德無 If 斯 瞒則是
之、 之無 之所也 ^ 可凉曰 、嘐
自似剌 賊>往 萬一、 涼洁膠

以忠也 > 何而章

^ 生之 iL

爲信, 同 哉。 7i 曰, 然斯 人言
是行 乎曰? 爲一 媚世古 ：7

而 之流非 腐鄕於 也> 之顚

T 、似 俗, 之 、人皆 世爲人
可廉哙 無孔稱 也斯行

潔 > 乎舉 于麝者 、世何

9. Mencius replied, ' They are those who say, " Why are they so
magniloquent ？ Their words have not respect to their actions, and
their actions have not respect to their words, but they say, ― The
ancients ！ The ancients ！ Why do they act so peculiarly, and are
80 cold and distant ？ Born in this age, we should be of this age, to
be good is all that is needed." Eunuch-like, flattering their genera-
tion ； 一 such are your good careful men of the villages.'

10. Wan Chang said, * Their whole village styles those men good
and careful. In all their conduct they are so. How was it that
Confucius considered them the thieves of virtue ？ ,

1 1. Mencius replied, *If you would blame them, you find nothing
to allege. If you would criticise them, you have nothing to criticise.
They agree with the current customs. They consent with an impure
age. Their principles have a semblance of right-heaxtedness and
truth. Their conduct has a semblance of disinterestedness and
purity. All men are pleased with them, and they think themselves
right, so that it is impossible to proceed with them to the principles

see XVIL ziii. 9. Before this paragraph we
must understand 孟 子 曰. The 曰 in

the text has for its subject Ij^, or we may
take it in the infinitive, making the whole para-
graph down to Jjh. the antecedent subject

to the 是 that follows. 善 渐 可矣, <to

be good is enough/ i.e. to be accounted good by
the age in which they live is enough for them.

J^，《Uie appearance of walking alone/ i.e.
aating peculiarly. 11. is literally our

PT. II. CH. XXXVIII.] THE WORKS OF MENCIXJS

501

圆庶 反也、 恐惡

孟 s 民

惡萁刺

餘 于與, 而鄕亂 口, 苗

歳 > 曰 、斯 E 膩 樂恐也

舜 愿 jEi

狗> 至夹

4

L 紫, 信恐非 曰、

我 賊

與 ^ 于朱聲 > 也, 恐也

of Yko and Shun. On this account they are called " The thieves
of virtue."

12. ' Confucius said, " I hate a semblance which is not the reality.
I hate the darnel, lest it be confounded with the corn. I hate glib-
tonguedness, lest it be confounded with righteousness. I hate
sharpness of tongue, lest it be confounded with sincerity. I hate
the music of Chang, lest it be confounded with the true music.
I hate the reddish blue, lest it be confounded with vermilion.
I hate your good careful men of the villages, lest they be confounded
with the truly virtuous."

1 3. * The superior man seeks simply to bring back the unchanging
standard, and, that being correct, the masses are roused to virtue.
When they are so aroused, forthwith perversities and glossed
wickedness disappear/

Chap. XXXVIII. i . Mencius said, * From Y4o and Shun down
to Tang were 500 years and more. As to Yu and E4o Y4o, they

<<3urTent customs,' but J^， at the same time,
stigmatizes the cuBtoms as bad. JS ^ =

於心者 ；行 行 S 於

I a. These are sayings of Confucius which

only found here. Such a string of them is
not in the sage's style. H 箇 ~^， * lest

it confound the corn,' 一 be confounded with it.
So in the other phrases. jSR ^t， 一 see Ana-

lects, XV. X. 一 see Analects, X. tL a.

13. This paragraph explains the rest of the
chapter. The j^， or ' unchanging standard/

is the 中 诣 、 * the right medium/ which the

sage himself pursues, and to which he seeks to
recall others.
88. On the tkahsxibbioh of the um or

DOOTSniE FROM YlO TO MeXOIUS's OWW TUB.

Compare Bk. U. Pt. IL xiii ； Bk. III. Ft. II. z ；
et oL I. From the commencement of Shim's

502

THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

[bk. vii.

之人 于知餘 知朱, 於知

居、 之而之 、歳、 之。 則文之 >

亦若世 、來、 若若由 ^ 見 王 > 若
無此 若至孔 太文而 五湯、

有其此 於于、 余王 知百則

乎甚 其今則 £ 至之、 有聞

I、 未百 閬散於 若餘而

歸

然遠 有而宜 孔文歲 I 知

而也 知生 >于 、王考 :5
無近 m 之。 則五 則伊由

有 罌去由 S 見百 聞尹、 湯

乎人聖 孔而有 而萊至

saw those earliest sages, and so knew their doctrines, while T'ang
heard their doctrines as transmitted, and so knew them.

2. ' From T'ang to king WSn were 500 years and more. As to
1 Yin, and L&i ChA, they saw Tang and knew his doctrines, while
king Wftn heard them as transmitted, and so knew them.

3. 'From king Win to Confucius Were 500 years and more. As to
T*4i-kiing Wang and San l-shftng, they saw Wdn, and so knew his
doctrines, while Confucius heard them as transmitted, and so knew
them.

4. 'From Confucius downwards until now, there are only 100
years and somewhat more. The distance in time from the sage is
80 far from being remote, and so very near at hand was the sage's
residence. In these circumstances, is there no one to transmit his
doctrines ？ Yea, is there no one to do soV

reign to that of T'ang's were 489 years, while
from T'ang to the rise of the Gh&u dynasty
were 644 years. Here, aa before, Bk. IL Pt. II.
xiii， MenoiuB uses 500 as a round number. In

J^， the refers to the doctrines of the

a. Lfti Chii is not exactly identified.

make him the same with T'ang's minister,
Chnng-hili ； see the Shfl-ching, IV. ii. 3. T*ai-
kung Wang,— see Bk. IV. Pt I, xiii. Of San
t-sh&ng more oan hardly be said to be known
than that he was an able minister of king W&n.

CM Hsi seems to be wrong, however, in making
San, instead of San-i, to be the surname. See

the

」 書拓餘 1^ in he, 4. The con-
cluding sentences here wonderfiilly rex com.
mentaiors. In the ' Supplemental Gommentaiy ，

湾 4^) are found five different interpre-
tations of them. Bat all agn»e that Hencios
somehow takes upon himself the duty and
responsibility of handing down the doctrines
of the sage.

INDEXES.

INDEX I.

OF SUBJECTS.

The r^areno98 U> the Book, Part, Chapter, and Paragraph are marked thUB—l, i. 1. i. In the Jhrst edUioUf far

Parts i and ii the eharacten 卜 and 下 were uasd maUihe Indexes.

Absurdity of a ruler not following wise coon-
aellora, I, ii. 9.

Acknowledged fetvoura, how MenciuB, VL ii. 5.

Action, f&ith necessary to firmness in, VI. ii. 12.

Adherence to one special course, against ob-
stinacy, VII. i. 26.

Advantages, the greatest, of friendship, V. ii 8.

AdTioe of Mencias with regard to mourning,
IIL i. 2.

Adviser of the princes might always be perfectly

satisfied, how an, VII. i. 9.
Affliction, benefits of, VII. i. 18.
Aged, the, were Dourished by the government

of king W&n, VII. i. 22.
Ages, different conduct of great men in different,

reooncileuble, IV. ii. 29.
Agreement of sages not affected by place or time,

IV. ii. 1.

Agricolture, importance of a ruler attending to,
III. L 3 : a raler should not labour at, with
hijB own hands, III. i. 4.

Air, how one's material position affects hiB, VII.
i. 86.

Ambition and avarice, evils of, L it 11 : of

king HiU of Liang, VII. ii. 1.
Ambitious, who were the, VII. ii 87.
Ancient(8), the, shared their pleasures with the

people, I. i. 2 : surpaaBed other men in what,

I. L 7 ： the music of the, I. ii. 1 : sovereigns,
touiB of inspection made by, L ii. 4 : VL ii. 7:
coffins used by the, IL iL 7: sages, how all
men may beoome equal to the, IIL i. 1 : kings
practised benevolent goverament, III. ii. 5 :
Hencius appeals to the example and maxims
of the. III. iL 7 : kings, the example and prin-
ciples off must be studied, IV. L 1 ; 2 : the,
ezohanged sonB, each one teaching the son of
the other, IV. i. 18 : making friends of 參 e,

V. ii. 8 : the, cultivated the nobility that is of
Heaven, VL i. 16 : sokolarB maintained the
dignity of their characters, how, VII. i. 8 :
and modem rule contrasted, VIL ii. 8 : the,
led men by their example, VIL ii. 20.

Animals, man how much different from, IV.
iL 19.

Antiquity, the example of, VII. i. 9.
Appetites, the superior man subjects his to the

will of Heaven, VII. ii. 24.
Archer, he who would be benevolent is like an,

II. i. 7.

Archery, learning, IV. ii. 24 : VI. i. 20.
Arrangement of dignities and emoluments ao-

oording to the dynasty of Gh&u, V. ii. 2.
Ajssociation, influence of, IIL ii 6 : VI. i. 9 :

with those of whom one does not approve,

unavoidable, IIL ii. 10.
Attainment, real, must be made by the learner

for himself^ VIL ii. 6.
Authority, punishment should be inflicted only

by the proper, IL iL 8.

Barbarians, influence of the Chinese on, III. i.
i ； ii. 9.

Barley, illustration taken from, VI. i. 7.

Beauty, the love of, compatible with royal
govemment, I. ii. 5 : only moral is truly
excellent, IV. ii. 25.

Behaviour of Mencius with an unworthy asso-
ciate, II. ii. 6.

Benefits of trouble and affliction, VII. i. 18.

Benevolenoe and righteousness, I. i. 1 : VI. ii.
4 : belongs naturally to man, II. i. 6 : IV. i.
10 : VL L 1 : VII. i. 15 ； ii. 16 : exhortation
tOy IL L 7 : importance to all of exercising^ IV.
L 2 : the only security of a prince, IV. L 7； 8;
9 : filial piety the richest fruit of, IV. i. 27:
the superior man preserves, IV. ii. 28: and
righteousness equally internal, VI. L 4; 5:
it is necessary to practise with all one's might,
VL i. 18 : mu«t be matured, VL i. 19 : and
righteousness, the difference between YAo and
Shun, T*ang and WtL, and the five Chiefs in
relation to, VII. i. 80 : the throne can be got
only by, VII. iL 18.

Benevolent government, I. i. 5 ; 7: IIL i. 8 :
IV. i. 1: safety and prosperity lie in, I. ii. 11:
affections of the people secured by, I. ii. 12 :
glory the reBolt of, II. i. 4 : the prince who sets
about practising, has none to fear, IIL ii. 6.

Bodily defects, how men are sensible of, VI. ii.
12 : organisation, only a sage can satisfy the
design of his, VII. i. 88.

Book of Rites, quotations from, II. iL 2 : IIL ii.
8 : IV. i. 1.

Brilliant Palace, the, or Hall of Distmotion, I.
ii. 5.

Burial, Mencius's, of his mother, I. ii. 16 : II. ii.
7 : of Mo's parents, III. i. 5.

Calamity and happiness are men's own seeking,

504

OF SUBJECTS.

[INDEX L

II. i. 4 : the superior man is beyond the reach
of calamity, IV. ii. 28.

Calumny, comfort under, VII. ii. 19.

Careful, the thought of oonsequenoes should
make men, VII. ii. 7.

Cattle and sheep, illiuHfcntion taken from feed-
ing, II. ii. 4.

Character, how men judge wrongly of, VII. i.
84 : different degrees of attainment in, VII.
u. 25.

Charge of one's self the greatest of chai^ges, IV.
i. 19.

Chess-playiog, illustration from, VI. i. 9.
Chief ministers, the duties of, V. ii. 9.
Chiefs of the princes, the five, VI. ii. 7.
Chieftain of the princes not a sovereign of the

kingdom, II. i. 8 : influence of a, different

from that of a true sovereign ， VII. i. 18.
Childlike, the great man is, IV. ii. 12.
Common relations of life, importance of, to the

prosperity of the kingdom, IV. i. 11.
Compass and square, use of the, IV. i. 2.
Concert, the character of Confucius a complete,

V. ii. 1.

Condemnation of king HAi of Liang, VIL ii. 1.
Confidence of the sovereign, how to obtain, IV.
i. 12.

Consequences, the thought of, should make men
careful, VII. ii. 7.

Conspicuous mound, monopolizing the, II. ii. 10.

Conatitution, benevolenoe and righteousness
part of man's, VII. i. 15.

Conyiciion, how MeDcius brought home, II. ii. 4.

Cookery, t Yin's knowledge of, V. i. 7.

Corn, assisting, to grow^ II. i. 2.

Corrupt times are provided against by estab-
lished virtue, VII. ii. 10.

Counselling princes from the ground of profit,
danger of, YL iL 4.

Counsellors of great men should be morally
above them, VIL ii. 84.

Gounaels for the government of a kingdom, III.

i. 8.

Courses, two, open to a prince pursued by his
enemies, I. ii. 15 : of YAo and Shun, open to
all, VI. iL 2.

Conrt, MenciuB would not pay, to a favourite,

IV. ii. 27.

Caltiyation, men's disregard of self-, VI. i. IS:
men may become Y&os and Shuns by the, of
their principles and ways, VI. ii. 2 : of the
mind most not be intermitted, VII. ii. 21.

Death or flight, which should be choflen, I. ii.

15 : there are things which men dislike more

than death, VI. i. 10 : how Mencius predicted

the, of Fin Ch'ang-kwo, VII. ii. 29.
Decencies may not be expected, where yiitues

are wanting, VIL i. "•
Decrees of Heaven, man's duty as affected by

the, VII. i. 2.
Deeds, not words or manners, prove mental

qualities, IV. i. 16.
Defects, men are sensible of bodily, but not of

mental or moral, VI. i. 12.
Defence, of Shun's conduct, V. i. 2 ; 8 : of 1 Yin,

V. i. 7 ： of Confucius, V. i. 8 : of accepting
pieaentB from oppressors of the people, V.

ii. 4.

Degeneracy, the progress of, from the three
kings to the five chiefs of the princes, and
from those princes to their ministers, VI. ii. 7.

Deluge, the Ghineae, IIL i. 4, note 7; iL 9 : IV.

a 26: VL ii. 11.
Desires, the regalation of, essential, VII. iL S5.
I>eveloping their natural goodness may make

men eqiud to the ancient aages, III, i. 1： VII.

ii. 31.

Dignities, arrangement of, in the ChAu dynsatj,
V. ii. 2.

Dignity, how the ancient scholars maintained

their, VII. L 8 : how Mencius maintained

hiB， with the princes, VIL ii. 28.
Disappointment of Mencius with the king

Haiang, I. i. 6.
Discrimination of what is right and wrong must

precede vigorous right-doing, IV. ii. 8.
Disgraceful means which men take to seek

wealth and honour, IV. ii. 38.
Disposition, a man's true, will often appear in

small matters, VII. ii. 11.
Disputing, Menoius, not fond of, III. ii. 9.
Dissatis&ction with a parent, not neoeaaarily

unfilial, VI. ii. 8.
Division of labour, propriety of the, III. i. 4.
Doctrine, of the Mohists refuted. III. L 5 ：

heretical, III. ii. 9 ： of the Mean, quotation

from the, IV. i. 12 : of the sagee, to be ad-

Tanced to by suooessiye steps, VII. i. 24 : on

the transmission of, from Yfto to Mencius's

own time, VII. ii. 88.
Duties which the virtuoas and talented owe to

the young and ignorant, IV. ii. 7 : of different

classes of chief ministers, V. iL 9.
Duty, man's, how affected by the decrees of

Heaven, VIL i. 2 : benevolence the path of,

VIL ii. 16.

Dynasties, HsiA, Yin, and Chftu， IL i. 1 : III.

i. 8 : V. i. 6 ： Gbftu, IL ii. 18 : V. ii. 2 : the
three, III. i. 8 : IV. i. 8 ; ii. 20 : HsiA and Yin,
IV. i. 2 : Shang or Yin and ChAu, IV. L 7.

Earth, advantages of situation afforded by the,
II. ii. 1.

Earth-worm, an over-fustidioas scholar 00m-

pared to an, III. ii. 10.
Education, importance of a ruler attending to,

m. i. 8.

Elated by riches, not to be, a proof of superiori-
ty, VII. i. 11.

Emoluments, arrangement of, in the ChAa
dynasty, V. ii. 2.

End, the, may justify the meana, VII. i. 81.

Enjoyment, man's nature the source of his irae,
VII. L 21.

Equanimity of Shun in poverty, and as sove-

reign, VII. ii. 6.
Error of a Mohist refuted, III. i. 5 ； ii. 9.
Errors of Yang, Mo, and Tsze-mo, VII. i. 26 ；

ii. 26.

EvlL a warning to the violently, and the weakly,
m, i. 10 : speaking, brings with it evil con-
sequences, IV. ii. 9.

Exactions just, should be made with discrimina-
tion, VII. ii. 27.

Example, influence of, IIL ii. 6 : influence of
a ruler's, IV. ii. 6 : the ancients led men by,
VII. ii. 20.

Excellence, how a prince cannot subdue men

merely by hiSj IV. it 16.
Excusing of errors, how Mencius beat down the,

II. ii. 9.

Exhortation to benevolenoe, II. i. 7.
Explanation of friendly intercourse with

INDEX I.]

OF SUBJECTS

505

K'wang Ghangy IV. ii. 30: of the different
conduct of l^&ng and Taze-sze, IV. ii. 81 : of
Shun's conduct towards his brofcher, V. i. 8,
and towards the soToreig^ TAo, and his father
Ktl-s&u, V. i. 4 : of the odes HsiAo P*An and
K'Ai F&ng, VI. it S.
£ztreme cases must not be pressed to invalidate
a principle, VI. ii. 1.

Failures in evident duty will be aooompanied
by failures in all duty, VIL i. "•

Faith, the neoeasily of, VI. ii. 12.

Fame, a love of, may cany a man over great
difBeulties, VII. ii. 11.

Father, why a, does not himself teach his own
son, IV. i. 18.

Favour to individnals, good goYomment does
not lie in, IV. ii. 2 : how Mencius acknow-
ledged a, VI. ii. 5.

Favourite, Mencius would not pay court to a,
IV. ii. 27.

Filial piety, to have posterity, the greatest part
of, IV. i. 26 : in relation to benevolenoe, Ac,
TV. i. 27 ： how Shim valued and exemplified,
rV. i. 28 : seen in the obsequies of parents,
IV. ii. 18 : of K'wang Chang, IV. ii 80 : great,
of Shun, V. i. 1 ; 4 : of Ts&ng-tsze seen, VIL
iL 36.

Firmness of HAi of litk-hsiA, VII. i. 28.
First judgments ore not always correct, IV.
ii. 28.

Five things which are unfilial, IV. ii. SO : in-
junctions at an assembly of the princes, VL
ii 7： ways in which the sage teaches, VII.

i. 40.

Force, submission secured by, II. i. 8.
Forester refusing to come to the kiog of Oh，t

when called by a flag, V. ii. 7.
Four limbs, principles of the mind compared

to the, II. L 6 : cUfferent classes of ministerSi

VII. i. 19.

Fraternal obedience, in relation to righteousness,

IV. i. 27： affection of Shun, V. i. 8.
Freedom of Mencius, as unsalaried, to speak

out his mind, II. ii. 5.
Friends, carefulness in making, IV. ii. 24.
Friendship, the principles of, V. ii. 8 ； 7; 8.

Gain, the love of, and the love of good^ con-
trasted, VII. i. 25.
GeneTosi^ of Mencius in receiving pupils, VII.

ii. SO.

Gifts of princes, how MenciuB declined or ac-
cepted, II. il. S.
Glory the result of benevolent; government^ II.

God, ralen and teachers assisting to, I. iL 8 :
the ordinances of, IL i. 4 : IV. i. i : the decree
of, IV. i. 7 : who may aaorifice to, IV. ii 25.

Good, sages and worthies delighted in what is,
IL i. 8 ： importance to a government of loving
what is, VTL ii. 13 : man is fitted for, and
happy in doing, VII. i. 4 (see Nature) : people
should get their inspiration to， in themselves,
VII. i. 10 : the love of, and the love of gain
contrasted, VIL i. 25 : words and principles,
what are, VII. ii. 82.

Goodness, different degrees of, VII. ii. 25.

Government, character of king Htd's, I. i. 8 ; 4 :
the love of music eubservient to good, I. ii. 1 :
bad, of the king of Ch% I. ii. 6 : of ft kingdom,
cotinselfi for the. III. i. S : there is an art of,

which requires to be studied by rulers and
their xuiniHters, IV. i. 1 : the adminiBtration
of, not difficult, IV. i. 6 : the influence of king
W&n'a, IV. i. 13 : good, lies in equal measures
for the general good, IV. ii 2 : the aged were
nourished by king W&n's, VIL i. 22 : the well-
being of the people the first care of a, VII.

i. 28.

Grain, illustration from growing, I. i. 6.

Great, houses, a ruler should secure the esteem
of the, IV. i. 6 : services, Heaven prepares
men for, how, VI, ii. 16.

Great man, Menoius's conception of the, III. ii.
2 : makes no mistakes in propriety and right-
eousness, IV. ii. 6 : simply pursues what is
right, IV. ii. 11 : is childlike, IV. ii. 12 : in
good men a reconciling principle will be found
for the outwardly different conduct of, IV. ii.
29 : how some are, VI. i. 15 : he who counsels,
should be morally above them, VII. ii. 84.

Grief of Mencius at not finding an opportunity
to do good, II. ii. 13.

Half-measures of little use, I. L 8.

Hearts, of men, importance of getting the, IL

ii. 1 : IV. i. 9 : the pupil of the eye index of
the, rV. i. 16 : how to nourish the, VII. ii. 85.

Heaven, delighting in, and fearing, I. ii. 8 :
attaining to the royal dignity rests with, I. ii.
14 : a man's way in life is ordered by, I.
ii. 16 : V. i. 8 : be who has no enemy in tho
kingdom is the minister of, II. i. 5 : opportuni-
ties vouchsafed by, II. ii. 1 ： only the minister
of| may smite a nation, II. iL 8 : the superior
man does not murmur against, II. ii. IS : sub-
mission of States determined by, IV. i. 7 : Shun
got the throne by the gift of,V.i. 5 : Heaven's
plan in the production of mankind, V. i. 7 ;
ii. 1 : Heaven's places, offices, and emoluments^
V.ii. 8: has given U8,what,yi.i. 15 : the nobil-
ity of， VI. i. 16 ； prepares men by trials and
hardships, VI. ii. 15: by the study of oureelves
we ooxne to the knowledge of, VII. i. 1 ： what
may be correctly ascribed to the appointment
of， VII. i. 2 : conferred nature, the bodily
oi^ns a part of the, VII. i. 88 : how the
superior man regards the will of. VII. ii. 24.

Hereditary monarchy, Mencius's views on, V. i.
6; 6.

Heretics, recovered, should not have their old
errors cast in their teeth, VII. ii. 26.

Hire, the labourer is worthy of his, III. ii. 4.

History, quotations from, III. i 2 ； ii. 1.

Honour, the true, which men should desire. VI.
i. 17.

Husbandry, importance of， III. i. 3 ： VII. i.

22 ; 28 : a ruler should not labour at, with

his own hands, III. i. 4.
Hypocrisy, Shun defended against a charge of,

V. i. 2.

Imperial or royal govemment, characteristic of,

I. i. 7 ： dignity, attained by true royal govern-
ment, I. ii. 6 : II. i. 5 ； and by doing what is
good and right, I. ii. 14 : government, Mencius
wished to eee, and could have realized, a true,

II. i. 1 : sovereign should arise every 600 years,
II. ii. 18 : sway, not one of the things in which
the superior man delights, VII. i. 20.

Impulses must be weighed in the balance of

reason, IV. ii. 23.
Inability, defined, I. i. 7.

506

OF SUBJECTS

[index I.

InauspiciouB words, what are most truly, IV.
ii. 17.

Influence, of king W&n's goyenunenty IV. i. 13 :
a man's, depends on Ms personal example
and conduct, VII. ii. 9 : Po-! Ac., proved to
be BBges by the permanence of their, VII.
ii. 15.

Iigonctions, five, in an assembly of the princes,
VL ii. 7.

InsinuationB of Shun-yti K'w&n, how Mencius

repelled the, VI. ii. 6.
Inspiration to good, people should get in them-

aelves, VII. i. 10.
Instrumentality of others affects one's way in

life, how far, I. ii. 16.
Intercourse with neighbouring kingdoms, I. ii.

8 : of HenciuB with the princes of his time,
III. ii. i.

Internal, the foundation of righteousness is, VI.

Judgment conoerning Po-1 and of lift-hsift,
IL i. 9.

Judgments, first, not always correct, IV. ii. 28 :
of character, how men form wrong, VIL i.
84.

Killing a soYereign, not necessarily murder, I.
ii. 8 : men, a prince should not have pleasure
in, I. i 6 : the character of, does not depend
on the infltniment used, I. i. 4 : the innocent,
coiuequences of, IV. ii. 4.

Kingdom, by whom the torn, may be united,
I. i. 6 : king H&i'a competence to obtain the,
L i. 7 ： employment of Mencius would be for
the good of the whole, II. ii. 12: the State, and
the Family, dependent on the Head of the
Kingdom, IV. i 5 : the way to get the, IV. i.

9 : VIL ii. 18 : tranquillity of， dependent on
what, IV. L 11 : a drowning, IV. i. 17 : how
Shun got the, V. i. 5 : how Shun would have
regarded giving up the, VII. i. 86.

Kingdoms, intercourse with neighbouring, I. ii.
8 : the disposal of, rests with the people, I.
ii. 10.

Kings, the three, VI. ii. 7.

Knowledge ought to be pursued, how, IV. ii. 26.

Labour, propriety of the division of. III. i. 4 :
only that, to be pursued which socomplishes
the object, VII. i. 29.

Labourer, the, is worthy of his hire. III. ii. 4.

Law in himself, a man has but to obey, the, VII.
i. 17.

Learner(8)) teachers of truth must not lower
their lessons to suit, VII. i. 41 : himself, real
attainment must be made by the, VIL ii. 5.

Learning inwrought into the mind, the value
of, IV. iL 14 : oonsists in seeking the lost
mind, VI. i. 11 : must not be by halves, VI.

i. 20.

Leaving JA and Ch'i, Gonfacius's different, VII.

ii. 17.

Leaaons, the, of the sage, reach to all classeSy VII.
L 40.

Lettered class oondacting government, propriety

of a, HI, i. 4.
Life, not nature, VI. i. 8 : there are things which

men like more than, VI. i. 10.
Limbs, the principles of the mind compared to

the, II. i. 6.

"ng, Mencius, in Ch*l, II. ii. 12.

iL 16.

Little men, how some are, VL i. 15.
Lords of reason, how some are, VI. i. 16.
I1O88M, how a ruler may t^ke flatifl&ctian for,

I. i. 6.

LoTing what is good, imporUnoe to goTem-
ment, VI. ii. 18.

Man, the nobility that is of, VI. L 16 : the
honour that is VI. i. 17 ： the duty as
affected by the decrees of Heayen,
is fitted for, and happy in doing
i. 4 : has but to obey the law in hii
i. 17 : beneyolenoe in relation to^

Marriage of Shim justified, IV. L 26 : V. i. 3.

Masters, be not many, IV. i. 28.

Mean, doctrine of the, referred toy IV. ii. 7 :
Gonfaoiiis kept the, IV. ii. 10 : Tang held
fast the, IV. ii. 20.

Means, the end may possibly juatiQ^ the, VH.
i. 81.

Measare, with what^ a man metes, it will be
measured to him again, IV. i. 4.

Medium, Gonfacius and Mencius called to the
piinuit of the right, VIL ii. 87.

Men, importuioe of a prince gaining the hearts
of, II. ii. 1.

Mental qualities proved by deeds, not by wordB,

IV. i. 16.

MesBenger, Mencius ofEended because a prince

sent for him by a, UL ii. 2.
Middle Kingdom, the, L i.7: HI. i. 4 : ii. 9 : V.

i. 6 : VL ii. 10.

Mind, all men are the same in, VL L 7 ： in
danger of being injured by poverty and a
mean condition, VII. L 27 : the cultivation
of the, must not be intdrmitted, VII. iL 21.

Minister(B), care to be exercised in employing, L

ii. 7 : the, of Heaven only may smite a. nation,

II. ii. 8 : Mencius condemns the pursuit of
warlike schemes by, IV. i. 14 : the truly j
directs his efforts to the sovereign's chari
TV, i 20 : will serve their sovereign aoooi
as he treats them, IV. ii. 8 : the duties of

V. ii. 9 ： of Mencius's time pandered to
Bovereign's thirst for wealth and power,
ii. 9 : four different classes of, VII. i. 19.

Moral, beauty alone truly excellent, IV. ii. 25 :
excellence, the superior man coltiyates, IV.
ii 28 : influences) the value of， to a ruler, VIL
i. 14.

Mountain, illustration from the trees of the New,

VI. i. 8.

Mourning for parents, L ii. 16 : IIL t 2 : V. i.

4; 5; 6: VII. i. 39 ； 46.
Hugwort, illustration taken from, IV. i. 9.
Murder, what Shun would have done if his

£ftther had committed a, VII. i. S5.
Murmur, at the hardest measuree, when the

people will not, VII. i 12.
Masio, the love of, I. ii. 1 : the richest fruit of，

IV. i. 27： of Yd and king W&n, VIL iL 22.
Music-master, the grand, I. ii. 4.

Nature, the, of man good, III. i. 1 : VL i 1; 2 ;
6 ; 7 : not to be confounded with the phe-
nomena of life, VI. i. 8 : appears as if it were
not good, how, VI. i. 8 ; 9 ： to love righteous-
ness more than life is proper to man's, VI. i.
10 : how men should seek the lost qualities
of their, VI. i. 11 : relative importance of the
different parts of the, VI. L " ： Heaven is
served by obeying our, VII. i. 1 ： man's own,

INDEX I.]

OF SUBJECTS

507

the most important thing to him, &c.， VIL i.
21 : of man, and the appointment of Heayen,
VII. ii. 24.

D'atunl beneyolence and righteousness of man,
only requires development to be more than
sufficient, VIL ii. 81.

19'eighbouring kingdoms, inierooune with, I.
ii. 8.

Nobility that is of Heaven and that is of man,
VI. i. 16.

Kouriflhment, the nature of man seems bad from
not receiving its proper, VI. L 8 : of the
different parts of the nature, VI. i. 14.

Object of Gonfdeius and Mencius, what was the,
VIL ii. 87.

Obflcurity, how what Shun was, discovered itself

in his greatest, VIL i. 16.
Obstinate adherence to a course deemed right,

agaiiut, VII. i 26.
Odes^ quotations from the, I. i. 2 ; 7; ii. 8 ; 5 :

U.i.8; 4: III. i.8; 4; ii. 1; 9 : lY. 1;2; 4;

7； 9: V. i. 2; 4; ii. 7： VI. L6; 17： VIL i.

82 ； ii. 19.

Office, HeneiuB giving up his, II. ii. 10 ； 11 ； 12 ；
18 ； 14 ： VI. ii. 6 ： to be sought, but only by
the proper path, III. ii. 3 : V. i. 8 : may be
taken on account of poverty, when, V. ii. 5 :
grounds of taking and leaving, VI. iL 14.

Officiouanees, Mencius repelling, II. ii. 11.

Opposition of Mencius to warliJLe ambition, VI.
ii. 8.

Ox, king Hai'8 compaasion for an, I. i. 7.

Parents, burial of, III. i. 6 (see Mourning) : the
right maimer of serving, IV. i. 19 ； ii. 18.

ParkiB and hunting, the love of, &o», I. ii. 2.

Parts of the nature, relative importance of
different, VI. i. 14.

Passion-nature, Mencius nourished his, II. i. 2.

Pecuniary considerations, Mencius not in-
fluenced by, IL ii. 10.

People, rulers must share their pleasures with
the, I. i. 2 : love of Talour may sabserve the
good of the, I. ii. S : the dispoiukl of kingdoms
rests with the, I. ii. 10 : the affections of, only
aeenred hj benevolent government, I. ii. 12 :
rV. i. 9 : people's happiness disregarded by
the ministers of Mencius's time, IV. i. 14 : the
part of the, in making a sovereign, V. i. 6 :
how to promote the virtu© of the, VII. i. 28 :
the most important element in a nationyYIL
ii. 14.

Personal character, importance of, IV. i. 5.
PheDomena, importance of oarefiilly studying,

IV. ii. 26.

Piotnres of Po-! and Hfd of Liii-hsiA, II. i. 9.
Pleasure, rulers most share with the people, I.

i. 2; ii. 1; 4.
Position, how one's material, affects his air, VII.

i. 86.

Poverty, when office may be taken on account of,

V. ii. 5 : importance of not allowing the mind
to be injured by, VIL i. 27 : equanimity of
Shan in， VII. ii. 6.

Praise and blame not always according to desert,
IV. i. 21.

Precious things, three, of a prince, VII. ii. 28.

Precipitate advances will be followed by speedy
retreats, VIL i. 44.

Prediction of Fan-ch'&ng Kwo's death by Men-
cius, VII. ii. 29.

Prepares himself for the duties to which he
aspires, how a scholar, VII. i. S3.

Precients, Menoius defends aocepting, from op-
pressors of the people, V. ii. 4 : of a prince to
a scholar, how to be made and accepted, V.
iL 6 : how Mencius acknowledged, VI. ii. 5.

Presumptuous idea of Po (PAi) Kwei, that he
could regulate the waters better than Ytt did,
VI. ii. 11.

Prince, a, should employ ministers, how, I. ii.
7 : should depend on himself, not on other
powers, I. ii. 18 : threatened by neighboora
should act, how, L ii. 14 : two courses open to,
when pursued by his enemies, I. ii. 16 : should
get the hearts of men, II. ii. 1 : slighting Men-
cius, II. ii. 2 : the, who aets about practiaing
beneyolent government has none to fear, IIL
ii. 5 : benevolence the only security of a, lY.
i. 7: a Ticious, the agent of hiB own ruin, IV.

i. 8 : importance of rectifying a, IV. i. 20 :
presents of a, to a scholar, how to he made
and accepted, V, ii. 6 : three precious things
of a, VII. ii. 28.

PrmooB, the only topics of Mencius with, I. i.
1 : a chieftain of the, not a sovereign of the
kingdom, II. i. 8 •• the, of Menoiua's time failed
in true royal government, II. i. 5 : Mencius
declining or accepting gifts of, II. ii. 5 : III.

ii. 4 : Mencius's reserve with the, of his time,

III. ii. 1 : MenoiuB defends himself for not
going to see the, III. ii. 7: why a scholar
should decline going to see, when called by
them, V. ii. 7 : danger of counselling, fh>m the
ground of profit, VL ii. 4 : influenoe of a chief
among the, different from that of a true
sovereign, VII. i. 18 : of his time, Menoius
censures the, VII. i. 46 : how Mencius main-
tained his own dignity with the, VII. ii. 84.

Principles, one must live or die with his, &c.,
VIL i. 42.

Profit, secondary to benevolence and righteous-
ness, I. i. 1 : VI. iL 4.

Progress of degeneracy in successive ages, VI.
ii. 7.

Prompt action, necessity of， at the right time,

IV. ii. 4.

Propriety, belongs naturally to man, II. i. 6:
nts should be served, &c" according to,
i. 2 : help to the world should be given
according to, IV. i. 17: the richest fruit of,
IV. i. 27 : the great man makes no mistakes
in, rV. ii. 6 : the superior man preserves, IV.
ii. 28 : iznportanoe of obseiTing the rules of,
VL ii. 1.

Prosperity of a country, on what dependent, I，
i. 1.

Pupil of the eye, the index of the heart, IV. i. 15.
Purity, pretended, of Gh'&n Chung, III. ii. 】0.

Record, quotation from a, III. ii. S.
Remote, against aiming at what is, VIL ii. 82.
Repelling offioiousness, Mencius, II. ii. 11.
Beproof, the benefit of, IV. i. 22 : Mencius'Sy of

Yo-ching, IV. i. 24 ; 25 : of Kung-san Gh'ftu,

VIL i. 89.

Beputation, the value of, to a roler, VII. i. 14.
Beserve, Mencius defends his, with the princes

of his time, III. ii. 1.
Respected, that a Boholar be, is essential to his

engaging in a prince's service, VII. i 87.
Riches, not to be elated by, a proof of superiority,

VIL i. 11.

508

OF SUBJECTS

[IXDEX L

RighteouHcess belongs naturally to man, II. i.

6: VI. i 1: the straight path, IV. i. 10 :

fraternal obedience the richest fruit of, IV. i.

27 : the great man makes no mistakes in, IV.

ii.6 : internal, not external, VI. i. 4 ; 5 : to be

loved more than life, VI. i. ]0.
Ripe grain, illustration from, VI. i. 19.
Ritual Usages, quotation from the. III. ii. 2.
Royal government^ the great principles of, I. i.

8 ; 4 : will assuredly raise to the supreme

dignity, I. ii. 6 : various points of, neglected

in Mencius'tt time, II. i. 5.
Ruin, a yiciouB prince the agent of his own, IV.

L 8.

Rulers, should share their pleasures with the
people, I. i. 2 : should follow the advioo of the
wise, L ii. 9: should sympathize with the
people in their joys and sorrows, I. ii. 4:
should not labour at husbandry with their
own hands, III. i. 4 : should study the example
and principles of the ancient kings, IV. i. 1 ；
2 : importance of benevolence to, IV. i. 8 ：
ruler's example, influence of, IV. iL 6 : will
not be murmured at when their aim is evi-
dently the people's good, VII. i. 12 : the value
of reputation and moral influenoes to, VII.
i. 14.

Rules, the neoessity of governing according to,

IV. L 1 ; 2.

Sacrifice, allusions to, III. i. 2 ； iL 8 ； 5: IV. ii.

25; 38: VI. ii. 6 : VII. ii. 14.
Sage, MenciuB not a, II. i. 2 : only with a, does

the body act according to its design, VII. i.

88 : the lessons of the, reach to all classes,

VIL i. 40.

Sages, when they arise, will agree with Men-
ciu8， III. ii. 9 ： the human relations perfectly
exhibited by, IV. i. 2 : the agreement of, not
affected by place or time, IV. ii. 1 : are dis-
tinguished from other men, how, IV. ii. 1 ；
19 ; 20 ; 21 ; 22 : just like other men, IV. ii.
82 : VI. i. 7 : Confuoius superior to all other,

V. ii. 1 : the, great doctrines of the, to be
advanced to, by successive steps, VII. i. 24 :
Po-1, &c, proved to be, by the permanence
of their influence, VII. ii. 16 : definition of a,
VII. ii. 25 : the perfect virtue of the highest,
VII. ii. 88.

Satisfied, how an adriaer of the princes may be
always perfectly, VII. L 9.

8cholar(s), the, ought to be remunerated, III.
iL 4 : may accept presents from a prince, on
what principles, V. ii. 6 : should decline going
to see the princes when called by them, why,
V. ii. 7 : forming friendships, rules for, V. ii.
8 : ancient, maintained the dignity of their
character, &c" how, VIL i. S : prepares him-
self for the duties to which he aspires, VII. L
83 : muBt be respected in order to his engaging
in the servioe of a prince, VII. i. 87.

Self, the charge of, greatest, IV. i. 19.

Self-cultiyation, men's disregard of, VL i. 18.

Seif-examination reoommended, IV. i. 4: the
superior man practises, IV. ii. 28.

Self-restraint necessary to a ruler, I. ii. 4.

Selling himself, P&i-li HsI yindicated from the
charge of, V. i. 9.

Senaes, all men haye the same, VI. i. 7 : some
are slaves of the, VI. i. 15.

Settling the kingdom, I. i. 6.

、 the value of the feeling of, VII. i. 6; 7.

Sheep-dates, Ts&ng-tsze could not eat, VII- ii. S6.
Shifts, MenciuB put to, II. ii. 2.
Shii-ching, quotations from the, I. i. 2 ; ii. S; 11：
II. i. 4: ILL i. 1; ii. 5; 9: IV. i. 8: V. i.5:

VI. iL 5 : with what resenration Meneias n«d
the, VIL ii. 3.

Sickness, Mencius pretends, II. ii. 2.

Sincerity, the great work of men should be to
strive after perfect, IV. i. 12.

Slaves of sense, how some are, VL L 15.

Sorrow of Shun on account of his parents' aliena-
tion from him, V. i. 1.

Sovereign, killing a， not neoeasarily murder, L
ii. 8 : of the kingdom, who is a, IL i. 3 : im-
portanoe of having viriuous men about a, IIL
ii. 6 : sovereign's example, influence of, IV.
ii. 6 : influenoe of a true, VIL i. 18 : m, the
least important element of a nation, VIL ii.
14.

Sovereigns, will be seryed by their miniaten
aoooiding as they treat them, IV. ii. 3 : the
ministers of Menoius's time pandered to their,
VL ii. 9.

Spirit-man, who is a, VII. ii. 25.

Spirits, tutelftiy, the importance of^ to a nation,

VII. ii. 14.

'Spring and Autumn/ the, referred to, III.ii.9:

IV. ii. 21 : VII. ii. 2.
State, three things important in the administxm-

tion of a, VII. ii. 12.
States, interoourae of neighbouring, I. ii. S; rise

and fall of, dependent on benevolence, IV. i.

8 : subjection of， to one another, 'determined

differently at different times, IV. i. 7-
Straits, why Gonfiicius was reduced to, VII.

ii. 18.

Subjection of one State to another, how deter-
mined, at different times, IV. i. 7.

Successive steps, the doctiinee of the sages to be
advanced to, by, VII. i. 24.

Superior man， the, keeps away from, his cook-
room， I. i. 7 : helps men to practise virtue, II.

i. 8: will not follow narrow-mindedness, Ae^
II. i. 9 : will not take a bribe, IL ii. 3 ： will
not be niggardly in buiying his parents, II.

ii. 7 : of ancient and of modem times con-
trasted, II. ii. 9 : does not murmur against
Heaven, &c" II. ii. 13 : makes difficulty about
taking office, why, III. ii. 8 : the spirit
nourished by, may be known, how, III. ii.
7 : does not himself teach his son, why, IV.
i. 18 : wishes to get hold of what he learns,
as in himself, IV. ii. 14 ； 15 : is ashamed of
a reputation beyond his merits, IV. ii. 18:
cultivates moral excellence, Ac" IV. ii. 28:
may be deceived, in what respects, V. i. 2:
all do not undentand the conduct of, VI. ii.
6 : seryes his prince, how, VI. ii. 8 : taking
and leaving office, grounds of, VI. ii. 14 : has
three things in which he delights, VII. i, 20:
finds his true enjoyment in his own nature,
VIL i. 21 : superior man's services to a
oountiy, without his being in office, entitle
him to support, VII. i. 82 : is kind to crea-
tures, loving to men, and affectionate to his
relatives, VII. i. 45 : speaks of his nature, and
of the will of Heayen, how, VII. ii. 2i : the
words and the principles of, VIL ii. 32.

Superiority, not to be eUted by riches, a proof

of, VII. i. 11.
Sympathy of a ruler with the people in their joy

and sorrows, L ii. 4.

INDEX I.]

OF SUBJECTS

509

Talents, and virtue, how to know men of, I. ii.
7 : a ruler should be guided by men of, I. ii. 9 :
duties owing by men to those who have
not, IV. ii. 7.

Taxation, III. i. 8 ; ii. 8: VL ii. 10.

Teacher, a, in a higher place than a minifltor,
IV. u. 81 : of truth, must not lower his lessons
to suit learners, VII. i. 41.

Teaching, refusing to teach, may also be a way
of, VI. ii. 16.

Territory, emoluments regulated according to
the extent of, in a State, V. ii. 2.

Thought, how many act without, VII. i. 5.

Three, things universally acknowledged to be
honourable, II. ii. 2 : kings, the, VI. ii. 7 :
things in which the superior man delights,
VIL i. 20 : things important in the adminiB-
tration of a State, VII. ii. 12 : precious things
of a prince, VIL ii. 28.

Throne, the, descended to YO's son, and not to
his minister, why, V. i. 6.

Thumb amongst the fingers, Ch'&n Chung com-
pared to the, in. ii. 10.

Topics of MenciuBy with princefl, I. i. 1 ; 7 : II<
ii. 2.

Touch, males and females must not allow their

hands to, IV. i. 17.
Tours of inspection of the ancient kings, I. ii.

4 : VI. ii. 7.

Tranquillity of the kingdom dependent on the
discharge of the common duties of life, FV.
i. 11.

TransmisBion of doctrine from Y&o to Mencius,
Vn. ii 88.

Trials and hardships, bow Heaven prepares

men by, VI. ii. 16.
Trifles, Mencius censures the princes of his time

for occupying themselves with, VIL i. 46.
Trouble and aSftiction, the benefits of, VII. i.

18.

Truth, how Mencius required the simple pursuit

of, in his pupils, VII. L 48.
Tyrant, what will be the fate of a, IV. i. 2.

Ulcer-doctor, ConAicioa charged with lodging

with an, V. i. 8.
Unfilial, five things which are, IV. ii. 80.
Unperturbed mind, Mencius had attained to an,

II. i. 2.

Unsalaried, Mencius free to speak his opinion,

&c" because, IL ii. 6 ； 14.
Unworthy associate, Hencius^s behaviour with

an, II. ii. 6.

Valour, the love of, I. ii. 8 : how nourished, II.

i. 2.

Villages, the good carefdl people of the, described,
VII. ii. 87.

y indication of 1 Yin, V. i. 7 : of Confucius from
the charge of lodging with unworthy charac-
ters, V. i. 8 : of P&i-ll Hai， V. i. 9 : of Mencius
from the charge of eating the bread of idleness,
VII. i. 32.

Virtue, real, submission secured only by, IL i.
8 : friendship must have reference to the, of
the friend, V. ii. 8 : is sure to be gained by
seeking it, but external things not, VII. i. 8 :
man may attain to perfect, VII. i. 4 : of the
people, how to promote, VII. i. 28 : corrupt
timeeare proTided against by established, VIL

ii. 10 : of the highest sages, VII. ii. SS.
Virtuous men, importance of having, about a

sovereign's person, III. ii. 6.
Vox populi vox Dei, V. i. 5.

Warlike and other schemes of the minifltera of
his time condemned by Menoius, IV. ii 14 :
VI. ii. 8.

Warning to the violently evil and the weakly
eyil, IV. i 10: to Sung Ch'ang, VI. ii. 4 : to
the contending States of Mencius's time, VII.
ii. 2.

Ware, all the, in the Gh*un-ch'iil were un-
righteous, VII. ii. 2 : counselB againsfc, VII.
ii. 4. .

Way, a man's, in life, ordered by Heaven, L ii.
16 : of truth like a great road, VL ii. 2.

Wealth, the love of, compatible with royal
government, I. ii. 5 : disgraceful means which
men take to seek, IV. ii. S3: and power,
the ministers of Mencius's time pandered to
their sovereigns' thirst for, VL ii. 9.

Well-being of the people, the first care of a
government, in order to their virtue, VII.

i. 28.

Well, diggimg a, VII. i. 29.
Will, the, is the leader of the passion-nature,
II. i. 2.

Willow, man's nature compared to the chi, VI.

Wisdom, the richest fruit of, IV. i. 27.
Words, Mencius understood, II. i. 2 : what are

most truly inauspicious, IV. ii. 17.
World, one cannot avoid all connexion with

those whom he disapproves, in the, III.

ii. 10.

Wrongs should be put right at once, III. ii. 8.

INDEX II

OF PBOPEB NAMES*

Kamea in ItaUea wiU be found in their oten plaeea in this Index, wiih addiUonal re/erenca.

Chang t， • celebrated acholar of Wei, III. ii. 2.
Chang K*UM9tg Chang, a minister of Ch'l, IV. ii. 80.
Ch'ang Hat, a diaciple of Kung-ming KAo, V.

i. 1 ; il. 8.

Ch&ng, the State of, IV. ii. 2 ; 24: V. i.2: VIL

ii. 87.

Ch&ngy a miniBter of the State of Gh'&n, V. L 8.
Ch'&ng Chien, a person whose words are

quoted, III. i. 1.
CV&n, the State of, V. i. 8 : YU. ii. 18 ； 87.
Ch'&n Gh&n, a disciple of Mencius, II. ii. 8; 10:

VI. ii. 14 : VIL ii. 23.
Ch'&n Chi&, an officer of Ch'l, IL ii. 9.
Ch'&n Chung, an ascetic of Ch'l, III. ii. 10 :

VIL i. 84.

Ch'&n Hsiang, a disciple of Ch'&n Liang, III.
L 4.

Ch'&n Liang, a philosopher, IIL i. 4.
Ch'&n T&i, a disciple of Hencius, III. ii. 1.
GhAo Chien, a noble of Tsin, III. ii. I.
GhAo the Great, a title borne by different

ministers of Tain, VI. i. 17.
Ch&o-wft^ a hill in the north of Ch'l, L ii. 4.
ChAu, a city on the northern border of Ch'l, ,

II. ii. 11 ； 12.
ChAu, the prince of Ch'&n in the time of Con-
fucius, V. i. 8.

Ch&u, the State and dynasty, I. il. 8 : II. i. 1 ；

li. 13: m. i. 8; u. 5: IV. i. 7 ； ii. 1: V. i.

4 ; 6; ii. 2; 4; 7.
Oh&u, the tyrant, the last sovereign of the

Yin dynasty, I. ii. 8 : II. i. 1 : III. ii 9: IV.

i. 1; 9; 18: V. i. 6; ii. 1: VL i. 6: VII.

i. 22.

ChAu HbIAo, a scholar of Wei, III. ii. 8.
Ch&u-kungy or the duke of Ch&u, II. L 1 ; ii.
9: IIL i. 1 ； 4; ii. 9： IV. ii. 20 : V.i.«: VI.

ii. 8.

Ch'&u, name of the disciple of Mencius, Kung-
sun Ch'Au, II. i. 1 ; ii. 2 ; 6 ; 14 ; et al.

Chiang, the lady of， I. ii. 5.

Chiang, the Yang-tsze river, III. i. 4 ； ii. 9.

Chieh, the tyrant, I. i. 2 ； ii. 8: IV. i. 9 ： V. i.
6 ; 7 : VI. iL 2 ; 6 ; 9 ; 10.

Chih, a famous robber of the time of Confucius,

III. ii. 10 : VII. i. 25.
Ch'ih WA, chief criminal judge of Ch'i. II. ii. 5.
Chi family, the flunily of Ohl K'ang of La, IV.

L 14.

Chi (Ts!), name of a stream, III. i. 4. 7.
Chi, HAu-chl| Minister of Agriculture to YAo

and Shun, IV. ii. 29.
Chi Hwan, a favourite of the king of Ch*i, V.

i. 8.

Chi Hwan, the Head of the Chi family in the

latter days of Confucius, V. i. 4,
Cht-shAOy name of a piece of music, I. ii. 4. la
Ch'i, a mountain in Ho-nan, V. i. 6.
o.h% a small State in Shan-hs!, II. i. 1.

Ch*!, name of a mountain, and also of the old
State of ChAu, L a 5 ; 14 ; 15 : IV. ii. L

Ch'l, the name of a stream, VI. iL 6. 5.

Ch*!, the son of the Great YiS, V. i. 6.

Ch't， the State of， 1. i. 6 ; 7; ii. 1; 11； 18; 14:
IL L 1;2; a 2-14: m.Ll; iL 1; 5; 6; 10:
IV. L 7； 24 ； ii 8; 21 ; SI ; 83 : V.t 4; 8; ii.
1 ; 7； 8: VI. u. 6; 6; 8: Vn. I 84; 86; S9;
ii. 17； 28; 29.

Ch'i Liang, an officer of Ch'l, alain in battle^
VI. ii. 6.

Ch'in, the State of, I. i. 5 ; 7: II. il. 2 : V. i. 9 :
VL i. 4 ; 12 ; iL 4 ; 6.

Ch'in Chang, named L&o, a diBciple of Con-
fucius, VIL ii. 87.

Ching, a place or people, punished by the duke
Hal of Lt, IIL i. 4 ; ii. 9.

Ching, the duke or ruler of Ch% I. ii. 4 : III.
i. 1 ; ii. 1 : IV. i. 7: V. ii. 7.

Ching Ch'&Uf an officer of Ch'i， II. ii. 2.

Ching Ch'un, a man who plumed himaelf on
his versatility, III. ii. 2.

Chio-shAo, name of a piece of music, I. iL 4. xo.

Chiii, the name of Zan Ch'itk, a disciple of Con-
fucius, rv. i. 14.

Ch'ia, in tLe name of Oonfucius's Work, the
Ch'un-ch'iA.

Ch*iii, Chess Ch'itk, a famous chess-player, VI.

i. 9.

Ch*a, a miniBter of Ch% IV. iL 32: VI. iL 5.
Ch'a, the State of, L i. 5; 7; ii. 6 ; 18 : II. ii. 2 :
lit i. ii. 6; 6; IV. iL21: VLi. 4; 12;

ii. 4.

ChQ, name of a State, I. iL 3.
ChQ-hsin, name of the governor of P'mg'lu,
II. ii. 4.

Ch'a, name of a place in Tain, fkmoua for its

breed of horses, V. i. 9.
Ch'iU-chi, a place in Tain famous for gems, V.

i. 9. a.

Chung-ni, a name of Confucius, denoting his
place in the family, I. i. 4; 7: III. i. 4 : IV.
il 18.

Chung-a&n, a son of Tang, the founder of the

Shang dynasty, V. i. 6.
Ch'ung, a place in Ch*l, II. ii. 14.
Oh'ung, the mountain, V. i. 3.
Oh'ung Yfl, a disciple of Mencius, IL ii. 7.
Ghwang, a street in the capital of Ch'i, III.

ii. 6.

Chwsng P&o, a minister at the court of Ch% I.
ii 1.

Confucius, II. i. 1-4 : III. i. 4 ; ii. 1 ; 3 ; 7 ; 9 :
IV. i. 2; 7; 14 ； ii. 18 ; 21 ; 22; 29 : V. i. 4;6;
8 ； ii. 1; 4; 7: VL i. 6 ； 8; ii. 8; 6: VII. i.
24; ii. 17; 19; 87； 38.

Fan, a city of Ch'l, VII. i. 86.
F&ng Fu, an officer of Tsin, VII. ii.

INDEX II.]

OF PROPER NAMES

511

Fei-lien, a &yourite minister of the tyrant

GhAu, IIL ii 9.
FiA-hsiA, a place where Shun dwelt, IV. ii. 1.
Fii TQehi the miniBter of the sovereign KAo-

tsung, of the Shang dynasty, VI. it 15.

H&i Tang, a famooB worthy of Tedn, V. ii. 8.
Han, one of the three great families or dans
of Tsin, which afterwards divided the State,
and finally claimed to be independent king-
doms, VIL i 11,
Han, the name of a river, still so called, III. i. 4.
HAo-sh&ng Pii-h&i, a man of Chi, VII. iL 25.
Ho, name of noiihem streams, the Yellow
River, III. ii. 9.

a fj&Yourite of ChAo Chien, a noble of Tsin,
[L ii 1.

【， the lady, a celebrated beauty of the time
of GonfdcitiB, IV. ii. 25.
HsiA, the dynasty, L ii 4 : U. i. 1 : III. i. 8 :

IV. i. 2 : V. i. 6 ; 7 ； ii 4.

Hsiang, honorary epithet of Ho， king of Liang,
Li. 6.

Hwiang, the half-broiher of Shun, V. i. 2 ; 8 :

VI. i. 6.
HsiAo, a duke of Wei, V. ii 4.
Haieh, Shim's Minister of Inatruotion, IIL i. 4.
Hsieh, the name of an ancient principality

acyoining T*ang， I. ii. 14 : II. ii. 4.
Hsieh ChCi-ch&u, a minister of Sung, III. ii. 6.
Hsieh IdtL, Tsas-UUf a disciple of the ConfuciAn

school, U. ii. 11 : III. ii. 8.
Hsien-ch'iA M&ng, a disciple of Menoius, V. i. 4.
Hsin, the native place of t Yin, in Ho-nan, V.

i. 7.

Hsin, the yoiinger brother of Ch'&n Hsiang,
IIL i. 4.

HsiO, a place in the difltrict ofT&ng, in preeent

deparbnent of Yen-ch&o, IL ii. 14.
Hsd Hsing, a heresiarch, III. i. 4.
HsQ Pil, a disciple of Mencius, IIL i. 5 : IV.

ii. 18.

HsQan, king of Ch'l, L i. 7 ； ii. 1-11 : IV. ii. 8 :

V. ii. 9 : VII. i. 89.

HstUi-yfl, a tribe of barbarians, L ii. 8.

"ELU Ho, name of a man of Oh% I. i. 7.

HCd, a duke of Pi, V. U. S.

HM， posthumous epithet of Yung, king of

Liang, I. i. 1-6 : VIL ii. 1.
Hiii of Idtk-hsiA, posthmnous title of Cban

Hwa, an officer of La, IL i. 9 : V. ii. 1 : VI.

ii 6 : VIL i. 88 ； ii. 15.
Hwa Ch&u, an officer of Ch'i, slain in battle,

TL ii. 6. 5.
Hwfti, the name of a river, IIL i. 4 ； ii. 9.
Hwan, the duke of Ch'l, I. i. 7; ii 2 : IV. ii.

21 : VL ii. 7.
Hwan-tlko, YAo's Miniater of Instruction, Y . i. 8.
Hwan TOi, a Great Officer of Sung, V. i. 8.

t, a fainoua archer, about b.o. a 150, IV. ii. 24 :

VI. i. 20 : VII. i. 41.

1 Chih, a follower of Mo， ILL i. 6.

t Yin, the minister of ITang the Successful, II.

i. 2; u. 2: V 丄 6; 7； u. 1： VI.ii. 6: VII. i.

81 ； ii. 88.

or Ko, a city in Ch'i， II. ii. 6 ： III. ii. 10.
K&ng, younger brother of the prince of T'ang,

VII. i. 48.

K'ang, honorary epithet of F&ng, a younger
brother of king Wii, V. ii. 4.

K&o, Mencius's opponent on the nature of

man, named Pu-h&i, II. i. 2 : VI. i. 1-4 ； 6.
KAo, a disciple of Mencius, II. ii. 12 : VII. ii.

21 ； 22.

KAo, a disciple of TB2e-hsi&, VI. ii. 8.

KAo-ko, an able minister of the tyrant Ghftu,

II. i. 1: VI. ii 15.

KAo-t'ang, a place in the west of Ch"l, VI.
ii. 6.

KAo YAo, Shun's Minister of Justice, III, i. 4 :

Vn. i. 86 ； ii. 88.
KAa-eh*ien, a prince of YQeh, neighbour and

opponent of the king of W% in the time of

the lieh Kwo, I. ii. 3.
Ko, the name of a State in the present Ho*

nan, I. ii. 8 ; 11 : III. ii. 6.
Ka-sAu, Shun's father, IV. i. 28 : V. i. 2 ; 4:

VI. i. 6 : vn. i. 35.
Kung Chih-cli% an officer of the State of Yfl,

V. i. 9.

Kung^i, chief minister of LH, VI. ii. 6.
Kung-Uangy an officer of Ch% IV. ii. 27.
Kung-liQ, duke Li% an ancestor of the House

of Gh&u, I, ii. 5.
Kung-ming I, a disoiple first of Tsze-chang,

and then of TB&ng Sh&n, IIL i. 1 ； ii. 8 ； 4 :

IV. ii. 24.

KuDg-miug K&o, a disciple of Ts&ng Sh&n, V.
L 1.

Kung-shfk, a celebrated mechanist otL% named
Pan, now the tutelary spirit of carpenters,

Kong-san Ch'&u, a disciple of Menoius, II.

i. 1 ； 2 ; li. 2 ; 6 ; 14 : IIL ii. 7 : IV. i. 18 ：

VI. ii. S ； IS: VII. i. 81 ； 82; 89 ; 41 ; ii.
1; 86.

KungHBun Yen, a celebrated scholar of Wei,

III. ii. 2.

Kung-tvi, a disciple of Mencius, II. ii. 5 : III.

ii. 9: IV. ii. 80: VI. i. 6 ; 6 ; 16: VII. i.
43.

K'ung, the surname of Confucius. See Con-

fiicius.
K'ung Ohfi-ham, II. ii. 4.
Kw&n, the, barbarians, I. ii. 8.
Kwan Chung, named I-wO, minister of Hwan,

duke of Ch% II. i. 1 ; ii. 2 : VI. ii. 16.
Kwan-ahfl, an elder brother of the duke of

GhAu, II. ii. 9.
K'w&n, the father of the great Yd, V. i. 8.
E^wang, music-maBter &nd wise oounsellor of

Tsin,IV. i. 1: VI. i. 7.
KVang Chang, a minister of Ch% III. ii. 10 :

IV. ii 80.

K'wei-ch'iA, a place where duke Hwan of Chi
aasembled the prinoes, VI. ii. 7.

lAi Cha, a minister of Tang, VIL ii. 88.
Lang-yd, a mountain and eity in Ch'l, I. ii. 4.
Li, a cruel sovereign of the ChAu dynasty, VI.

i. 6.

Li JAxLf called also LI Chii, a man of the time
of Hwang Tt， of very acute yision, IV. i. 1.

Liang, the State of Wei in l^in, so oalled from
its capital, I. i. 1-6 : VII. ii. 1.

Ling, a duke of Wei, V. ii. 4.

Ling-ch'itl, a city on the border of Ch% II.

ii. 6.

Li!l, the native State of GonfuduSy I. ii. 12; 16 :
II. ii. 7 : IIL i. 2 : IV. iL 21 : V. i 8 ; ii. 6 ；
8 ; 18: vn. i. 24 ; 86 ; ii. 17 ； 87.

Lung, an ancient worthy, III. i. 8 : VI. i. 7.

512

OF PROPER NAMES.

[index II.

M&ng Ghl, probably a younger brother of H&ng

Chung, VI. i. 5.
M&ng Chung, a nephew, or perhaps a son, of

Mencius, II. ii. 2.
H&ng Hsien, a worthy minister of LA, V. ii. 8.
M&ng P&n, a bravo of Ch'I, II. i. 2.
M&ng Shih-shd, a man of valour, II. i. 2.
M&ng-tsze, Menoius, passim. His name was

K'o, I. ii. 16.
M!， an unworthy favourite of duke Ling of

Wei, V. i. 8.
Mien Ch% a man of Ch't, who taught a slow

style of singing, VI. ii. 6.
Min Taze-ch'ien, a disciple of Confucius, II.

i. 2.

Ming-t'iAo, the pUoe where Shun died, IV. ii. 1.
Mo, barbarous tribes of the North, VI. ii. 10.
Mo Chi, a person whose worda are quoted,
VII. ii. 19.

Mo Ti, the hereBiaroh, III. i. 5 ; ii. 9 ： VII. L
26.

MA, the posthumous epithet of a duke of LCk,

I. ii. 12 ： II. ii. 11: V. ii. 6; 7： VI. ii. 6.
KH, the residence of the tyrant Chieh, V. i. 7.
Mii Chung, a ftiend of MAng Hsien, V. ii. 8.
Md P*ei， a disciple of Confaoias, described as

ambitious, VII. ii. 87.

Nan-yang, the name of a plaoe, VI. ii. 8.
Nid mountain, the, VI. i. 8.
North Sea， the, V. ii. 1*

F&ZL Oh'&ng-kwo, an officer of Ch'i'YII. ii. 29.
P*&ng K&ng, a disciple of Mencius, III. ii. 4.
Kang M&Dgf the pupil and muiderer of the

archer 1 IV. ii. 24.
Pei-kung t， an officer of Wei, V. ii. 2.
Pei-kung Y(k， a bravo of Wei, II. i. 2.
PI, a city in LCk, V. ii. 8.
Pi Chan, a minister of the State of T&ng, III.

i. 8.

Pl-kang, an uncle of the tymnt Ch&u, II. i. 1 ：

VI. i. 6.

Pl-ying, the place where king W&n died, FV.
it 1.

Pin, a settlement founded by Kung lAti, I. ii.
14.

Fing, a duke of lA, I. ii. 16.

Fing, a duke of Tsin, V. ii. 8.

P*iiig~l&, a city on the southern border of Ch'l,

II. ii. i : VI. ii. 6.

Po, a city in the present Ho-nan, the capital

of r&ng, III. ii. 6 : V. i. 6 ; 7.
Po, a famous worthy of the Shang dynasty, II.

i. 2; 9: III. ii. 10 ； IV. i. 13 : V. ii. 1 •• VI.

ii. 6 : VII. i. 22 ； ii. 15.

Po Kwei, styled Tan, an asoetio of Ch&u, VI.
ii. 10 ； 11.

Po (or P&i)-ll Hs!, chief minister of duke MCI
of Ch'in, V. i. 9 : VI. ii. 6 ； 16.

San l-Bh&ng, an able minister of king W&n,

VII. ii. 88.

San-miAo, the State of, V. i. 8.

San-wei| a region in the West, V. i. 8.

dh&n Hkang, a son of Tsze-chang, one of Con-

fucios's disciples, II. ii. 11.
Sh&n Ka-U, a minister of Ltt, VI. ii. 8.
Sh&n-n&ngi the second of the five early T"

III. i. 4.

Sh&n Tung, a minister of Ch*l, II. iL 8.
Sh&n-yil Hsing, a diBciple and friend of Tsftng-

tsze, and a member of the Sh&n-yA cUm, FV.
ii. 81.

Shang, the dynasty, III. ii. 5 : IV. i. 7.

Shih, an officer of Chi, II. ii. 10.

Shih-ch*itl, a place in Sung, YL ii. 4.

Shun, the ancient sovereign, styled TI, II. L 2 ；
8; ii. 2: III. i. l;4;ii. 4; 9: IV. i. 1;2;26；
28 ； ii. 1 ; 19; 28; 82: V. i. 1-7 ； ii.1; S;6:

VI. i. 6 ; ii. 2; 8; 8; 10; 15: VII. i. 16; 25;
SO ； 85 ； 46 ； ii. 6 ； 38 ； 87 ； 38.

Shun-ytk K'w&n， a famouji sophist of Ch'i, IV.

i. 17 : VI. ii. 6.
South river, the, V. i. 6.

Sun-sha A.O, chief minister of king Chwang

of Ch'd, VL ii. 15.
Sung, the State of, II. i. 2 ; ii. 4 : IIL L 1 ; 4 ;

ii. 6 : V. i. 8 : VII. i. 86.

Sung K'&ng, a travelling scholar, VT. ii. 4.
Sung KAu-chien, a travelling scholar, VII. i. 9.
8ze, the name of a stream, III. i. 4.

Tftif elder brother of Ch'&n Chung, IH. ii. 10.
Tfti Pa-shiiDg, a minister of Sung, III. ii. 6.
T&i Ying^hiliy a Great Officer of Sung, III. ii. 8.
TA, the name of a stream, III. i. 4.
r&i, an ancestor of the House of ChAu, the

duke T'an-fUf who reoeiyed from king Wu

the title of king, I. ii. 5 ; 14 ; 16.
T*Ai, the mountain on the border between LA

and Ch% I. i. 7： II. i. 2 : VII. i. 24.
T&i-chiA, son and successor of ITang, II. i. 4 ••

IV. i. 8 : V. i. 6 : VII. i. 31.
T*&i-kung， the great counsellor of kings W&n

and Wft, IV. i. 18 : VII. i. 22 ； ii. S8.
TAi-ting, the eldest son of Tang, V. i. 6.
Tan-ch<i, the son of YAo, V. i. 6.
Tan-fft, TAi, an ancestor of the House of ChAa.

I. ii. 5.

Tang, the founder of the Shang dynasty, L i.
2; ii. 8; 8; 11: II. i.l;d; ii. 2; 12 : III. ii.
5 : IV. i. 9 ; ii. 20 : V. i. 8 ; 7： VI. u. 2 ; 6 ：

VII. i. SO ； ii. 4 ; 88 ; 9S.

Tang, a place where grain was stored in Ch'i,
VII. ii. 28.

r&ng, the snuJl State of, L ii 13 ; 14 ; 15 : II.

ii. 6 : III. i. 1-4 : VII. i. 48 ; ii. 80.
V&o Ying, a disciple of Menoius, VII. L S5.
Tien, a son of a king of Ch% VII. i. S3.
Ting, a duke of T&ng, III. I 2.
TsAi Wo, a disciple of Confiicius, II. i 2.
TB'&i, the State of, VIL ii. 18.
Tsang Ts'ang, a favourite of duke P*ing of Lu,

I. ii. 16.

Ts'ang-liang, a stream in Shaa-tung, IV. i, 8.
TB&ng Sh&n, the disciple of GonfuciuB and

philosopher, I. ii. 12 : IL i. 2 ; ii. 2 : III. i.

2 ; 4 ; iL 7 ： IV. i. 19 ; 81 : VII. it 86.
Ts&ng HbI, Ts&ng Sh&n's father, IV. i. 19 : VH.

ii. 86 ； 87.

Ts&ng Hst, the grandson of Ts&ng Sh&n, IL i. 1.
Ts&ng Ydan, son of Ts&ng Sh&n, IV. i. 19.
Ts'&o, the principality of, VI. ii 2.
Tsftii, the native State of Mencius, I, i. 7； ii.

12 : II. ii. 12 : III. I 2: VI. ii. 1; 2; 5.
Tain, a river in the State of GhAng, IV. iL 2.
Tsin, the State of, I. i. 1, note; 6; 7： III. ii. 8:

IV. ii. 21 : V. i. 9 ; ii. 8 : VIL ii. 23.
Texe'kOf Wang Htoan, the governor of KA in.

Ch% rV. i. 24 ； 25 ； ii. 27.
Tszo-ch'an, named Kung-sun GhiAo, the chief

minister of Ch&ng, IV. ii. 2 : V. i. 2.
Tsz6«ohaiig, a disciple of Confticius, II. i. 2 ； 4.

I^DRX II.]

OF PBOPER NA.MES.

Tsze-chih, the minister of Tsze-k'w&i of Ten,

II. ii. 8.

Tsze-cho Ztij an archer of, IV. ii. 24.
7sze-haiA, a disciple of Confucius, II. i. 2 : III.

T'sze-hsiang, a disciple of Ts&ng-tsze, II. i. 2.
Xsze-kung, a disciple of Confuoimc II. i. 2 :

III. i. 4.

Tsze-kVfti, a king of Yen, II. ii. 8.

Tsze-liO, Hsieh Liu, VI. ii. 6.

Tsze-lCl, the designation of Chung YA, a disciple

of Confucius, II. i. 1 ； 8 : III. ii. 7: V. i. 8.
Tsze-mo, a philosopher of LA, VII. i. 26.
TTsze-abCl 1, a man who pushed himself into

the service of government, II. ii. 10.
Tsze-sze, the grandaon of ConfuciuSy IL ii. 11 :

IV. ii. 81 : V. ii. 3 ; 6 ; 7： VI. ii. 6.
Tsze-tfk, an officer of Ch&ng, remarkable for

his beautj, VI. i. 7.
Tsze-yii, a disciple of Confucius, II. i. 2 ； 4.
Tung-kwo family, the, a branch of the fuoiily

of duke Hwan of Ch% II. ii. 2.
Twan Kan-mil, a scholar of Wei, IIL ii. 7.

"W&i-ping, a son of the sovereign TVuag, V. i. 6.
Wftn, the king, I. i. 2 ; 7； ii. 2 ； 8 ; 5; 10: II.

i. 1 ; 8 : III. i. 1; 8 ; ii. 6; 9: IV. i. 7； 18;
u. 1 ; 20 : VI. i. 6 ; ii. 2 : VII. i. 10; 22 ； ii.
19 • 22 • 88

W&n,' the duke of T&ng, I. ii. 18; 14: III. i.

W&n, the duke of Tain, I. i. 7: IV. ii. 21.
Wan Chang, a disciple of Mencius, III. ii. 5 :

V. i. 1 ; 2 ; 8 ; 6-9 ； ii. S; 4;6; 8: VII. ii. 87-
"Wang Hwan, Tsze-fto, the governor of K& in

Ch% II. ii. 6.
"Wang Liang, charioteer to ChAo Chien, III.

ii. 1.

Wang P*fto， a man of Wei, teacher of an abrupt

style of singing, VI. ii. 6.
"Wang Shun, an officer of the duke of PI, V. ii.3.
Wei, the State of， IV. ii. 24 •• V. i. 8 ; ii. 4.
"Wei, one of the three families which ruled the

State of Tain. VH. i. 11.
"Wei, a fonall State in what is now Shan-hs!,

II. i. 1 : VI. i, 6.
"Wei, a river in Ch&ng, IV. ii. 2.
Via, the State of, I. ii. 3 : FV. i. 7； 81.
WO, son of king W&n, and joint founder of

the GMu dynasty, I. ii. 8 ; 8 ; 10 : II. i. 1 ；

ii. 7: III. ii. 9: IV. i. 9 ; ii. 20: VI. i. 6 :

VII. i. 30 ; ii. 4 ; 33.
Wfl-ch'ing, a city in LO, IV. ii. 81.
Wd Hwo, a man noted for his strength, VL

ii. 2.

Wii-lmg, a wild place in what is now the
department of Tsl-nan, III. ii. 10.

Wa-lu, a disciple of Mencius, VI. ii. 1 ； 5.
Wji-ting, a sovereign of the Shang dynasty, II.

Yang Ch*&ng, a city in what is now Ho-nan,
V. i. 6.

Yang CM, a heresiarch, probably between the

times of Confucius and Menoius, III. ii. 9 :

VII. i. 26 ； ii. 26.
Yang Ha， the chief minister of the Ch'l family

in LA, III. i. 8 ； ii. 7.
YAo, the Ti sovereign, IL i. 2 ; ii. 2 : IIL i. 1 ；

4 ； ii. 4; 9: IV. i. 1 ; 2 ; ii. 82 : V. i. 8-7 ； ii.

1 ; 6: VI. i. 6; ii. 6; 8; 10: VII. i. 30; 46 ；

ii. 6; 32; 87； 88.
Yellow River, the, VI. ii. 6.
Yen, the kingdom of, III. ii. 9.
Yen, the State of, I. ii. 10 ； 11 : II. u. 8 ; 9.
Yen, chief minister of Ch% I. ii 4 : II. i. 1.

(Written also Ngan and Oan.)
Yen Ch'Au-yii, a worthy officer of Wei, V. i. 8.
Yen HCd, the favourite disciple of Gonfuciasy^

IV. ii. 29.

Yen Pan, a son of Yen H(U above, V. ii. 8.
Yen Yiian, t. 9. Yen Hiii, II. i. 2 : III. i. 1.
Yi, a minister of Shun and of Ya, III. i. 4: V.
i. 6.

Yl-yA, the cook of duke Hwan of Ch'i, VI. i. 7.
Yin, State and dynasty of, II. i. 1 ； ii. 9: III.

i. 8 : IV. i. 2 ; 7 ： V. ii. 4 : VII. ii. 4.
Tin-kung T*o， a &xnous archer, IV. ii. 24.
Yin Sze» a man of Ch'i, II. ii. 12.
Ying, a place between Ch*i and Ld, II. ii. 7.
Yo， a quarter in the capital of Ch'i, III. ii. 6.
Yo-ch&ng, a disciple of Mencius, I. ii. 16 : IV.

i. 24; 25: VI. ii. 18 : VII. ii. 25.
Yo-ch&ng Ch'it^ a friend of M&ng Haien, V.

ii. 2.

Ya, a cruel sovereign of the ChAu dynasty, VI.

i. 6.

Yd-chAu, a place somewhere about the north
of the present Chih-li, V. i. 8.

YQ Zo, a disciple of Confucius, II. i. 2.

Yii, the Great, founder of the Hsift dynasty
and of the feudal State, II. i. 8 : III. i. 4; 9:
IV. ii. 20 ; 26 ; 29 : V. i. 6 : VI. ii. 11 : VU.

ii. 22 ； 88.

Yu, a small State adjoining Tsin, V. i. 9 : VI. ii. 6.
Yii, the mountain, V. i. 8.
Tu-kong Sze， an archer of Wei, IV. ii. 24.
Yueh, the State of, IV. ii. 81 : VL ii 8.

2%n, a small State, VI. ii. 1 ； 5.
Zan NiA, a disciple of Confucius, II. i. 2.
Zan YA, grand-tutor of the prince of T*&iig, III.
i. 2.

Zuj the name of a streaxxii III. i 4.

VOL. II,

Ll

614

CHINESE CHABACTEBS AND PHRASES

[index izl

INDEX III.

OP CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHKASES;

IMTBlfDEO ALSO TO HKLP TOWABOS THE FOBKATIOK OF A DZCmORABT AKD OOlTOOKIkASCK

rOB THE CLASSIOS.

In the r^(Brenc$8, Books are separated ly a colon; Paris qf the same Book, cand ChapUrSy by a aemiodoiL

丁

ting
七

丈

Chang

THE In BADICAL, >^ *•

(I) One ； sometimes ^a, Li. 7. 6^10, 17;
ii. 8. 5 ; 4. 5, etcUibif aaepe. — • every
single individual of all the people, II. i. 1. 8L
— • 國, any one State, and a whole
State, IV. i6. i. ~ » 心， all the heart,

VII. ii. 87. 10. ~ . VII. ii. 87. 10.
— ' ^^， once with a reference to the
sovereign, 1. ii. 8. 7. — a ninth,

— ； a tenth, -4- — a twen-
tieth, III. i. S. 6, 15； u. 5. 4; 8. z : VL
ii 10. I, 4. Sb> ―—, to hold to one

point, be obstinate, VIL i. 26. 3, 4. (a)
One and the same, exactly similar, VI. i.
14.4; ii. 9.3: VII. i. 20. a, etal, (3) To unite,
to be united, I. i. 6. a, 3, 4. (4) As an
adverb and conjunction : once, once for
all, as soon as, I. i. 5. i ; ii. 8. 6, 8 ; 11. a :
III. u. 1. I ; 2. I ： IV. i. 20, d oL (5)

. . . — one . . . another, now ♦ . .

now, II. ii. 18. 2 : III. ii. 9. 9.

J , a son of the sovereign Pang,
V. L 6. 5. J , a sovereign of the

Yin dynasty, II. i. 1. 8.

Seven, I. L 8. 4 ; 7. 34 ; ii. 2. a ; 11. 1，
et ai Mat be used for the seyenth. I. i.
6.6.

(I) Ten cubits, VIL u. 84. a. (a)
^t, a man, III. i. 1. 4.

夫， IL it 10. 7; 12. 6.

III. ii. 2. I, a, 3. AT -5P aa son, a man-
child, III. ii. 8. 6. Z、

(I) Three, L ii. 12. i; 16. 9： II. ii. I.9;
2. 6 : IIL i. 2. a, 3, ei aL. aaepe,

the armies of a great State, II. i. 2. 5, et cU,
4j^f the three dynasties of HsiA,
Shang, and Gh&u, IIL i. 8. 10, et oL

, the founders of the three dynasties,
IV. ii 20. 5. 三 聖, the three sages,

shang

Yd, Gh&a-kung, and Confucius, IIL iL 9.
13. \ ^p, the three worthiesy Pchi,
I YinTand Hui of Lid-haiA, VI. iL fi. a.
~ flgl, the three highest offioen of a
State, VL ii. 6. i. 三 the three
highest dignitaries at the soyereign's
court,VII.L28. ,VILL20. 三

寶, VU.ii.28. May be uaod for the Ukird^
VI. ii. 7. 3, et al. (a) Adverbially, thrice,
IL ii. 4. I ； 12. I, 4, et al, (3) 二 三

•， my children, I. iL 15. i. (4)

, the name of a State, V. iL 3. x

^^， the name of a place, V, ii. 8. a.

(I) He, she, it, this, that, which is
above, with the oorraponding plurals, 一
spoken of place, time, and rank. Bassim.

卜 Hhi constantly appear as correlates,

纖 superiors and inferiors: high and low;

above and below. 卜 ^^， on

the high grounds, on the lowgiounda, or
they who were above, they who were

below, IIL ii. 9. 3. J* W*, the highest

antiquity, III. i. 6. 4. 上刑，
severest punishment, IV. i. 14. 3.
士, V. iL 2. 3, 6, 7, 8. ^* V. ^ 2.

9. p/^jjr, V. ii. 6. 6. (a) A prepoeition,
following the noun, sometimes with
between them, and the noun sometimes
preceded by ~J^、 and J^, upon, above,
by, I. i.7.4: IL i. 6. a: III. iilO.i: VII.
ii. 15; 80. 1. (3) God> Oie most

High God, L ii. 8. 7: IV. i. 7.5; ii. 25. 3.
(4) I xuune of a palace, VIL ii. SO. i.

The 3rd tone. To ascend, L ii. 4. 7.

Anciently, the grd tone, (i) He, she,
it, this, that, which is below, with the
corresponding ploralsi spoken of place,

the

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBASES.

515

time, and rank. Passim. On 上下， as
correlates^ eee 上. 其卞, the lowest
5, VL ii. 14. 4. Without ：^：, V. il 2. 9.
, 士， V' 比 2. 3, 6, 7, 8.' 、(a) A pre-
>8ition, used like above. (3) 下
to go below the girdle, VII. ii. 82. i.
\ 下, dig to a great depth, IV. i 1. 6.

(4) 天 下, the world, -ihe kingdom,
I. i. 8. 5; 6. I ; 6. 2, 6： V. 1. 3, 4； 3. a;
【, 3 ; 5. I, a, 5, 6， et oL, saepisnme,
之 下, V. i. 4. a. (5) In the name
下惠, L 9. a, 3, etal.
I、 A verb, to descend, IV. it 8. 3， 4. "j^
似 tVS ^,toram,LL6.6. 下 ， 車， to descend
>m a carriage, VII. ii. 28. a. So, 下 。
匸， III. L 4. 15. ？ 以 下， HI. i.8. 16：
and L ii. 4. 7.

(I) Not. Ptwstm. With other nega-
tivesj —莫, 無, 非, it makes a

strong afflrmatiye. (a) J^, a name,
III. ii. 6. 1. 不害, also a name, VII.

(I) The name of one of Menoiua's dis-
ciples, Kung-son Gh'ATi, II. i. 1. 1 ； 2. i ;
u. 2.2； 6. a; 14. I， etal. (a) The name of
an officer of Ch'i, ChingCh'&u, II. ii. 2. 4.

夕卜 丙, * of the sovereign T*ang,
said, according to the interpretation of
some, to have reigned two years, V. i. 6. 5.

(I) And, and moreover, II. i. 1. ti;
2. 19; ii 7, 4; 9. a, 4, et al., aatpe.

c 夫， HI' 比 1. 3. (a) And, » and jet,
and even ilj carrying the mind on to
anticipate a reply, which is often given

by 况 orf^ 决… 乎， L".5: II.
ii. 9. 3 ： VI. ii. 10. 6. With this meaning,
w find B 3B6, II.i.l. 7; ii. 2. 10： VII.

丑
cA'du

丙

jfHng

且

ch'ieh

2

p'ei

世

8hih

18.

Obserre

will, or let me, III, i. 5.
Great, UI. ii. 9. 6.

II. ii. 12. 1 ： VI. ii. 8. 3, 8.

f ni. i. 4. 16. (3) 且-

2.

(I) An age, a generation ； ages. May
often be translated by— the world, I. i. 7.
a; ii. 14. 3 : IX.ii.2.6: IV.i. l.a; ii. 1. 3 ；

22. 1, et aLj sa^, 世 俗, the manners

of the age, I. ii. 1. a, et cU. 名 世 者,

famous in their generation, II. ii, 18. 3 ；

compare VII. i. 9. 6. 龙 世， -their

character in their timerV! ii a a. (a)
Hereditary ； from age to age, 1. ii. 5. 3 ;
7.1； 16. a: m.i.8.8; iilCs.

Ll

丘

ch'iu

中

chufig

中 3

Chung

丹

tan

主

chU

乃

ndi

有 天 下, to possess the throne
by her^Uaiy succession, V. i. 6. 4,
( I) A hillock, 丘 J§|, II. i. 2. 98. 丘

III. ii, 1. 5. the peasantry

(but 丘 is there a territorial designation),
VII. ii. 14. a. (a) The name of Confucius,
IV. ii. 21. 3. (3) 咸丘， a double sur-
name, V. i. 4. 1, a. (4) 靈 丘， a city of
Ch'l, II. ii. 5. 1 . 石 , a place in Sung,
VI. ii. 4. I, a. 奏 丘, the place of a
famous meeting of princes, VI. ii. 7. 3.
Together, m.i. 4. 3. Also written -^jj^.

THE SwD RADICAL, | •

The middle, (i) TJaed as a preposition,
after the noun, often with ^ or some
other preposition before the noun. 丄
also is often between the noun and
I- ii. 2.3; 11. 3： IL ii. 10. 6 ： III. i. 4. 5 ;
|i' 6. 5; 9. 4, d al., saepe. (a)
in the heart's core, II. i. 3. a ： III. i. 5. ^.
中, and 國 中, in the middle of
the kingdom, II. iL 10. 3 ： III. i. 8. 15 ； 4.
17: IV. u. 38. I here only = city Y
^ , the central one, III. i. S. 19.
, to burn at heart, V. i. 1.5. pf| 牛
an officer of the middle class, V. ii. 2. In
the same chapter, 中 simply, of the
jjiddle quality. (3) A mean, average,
IIL 1. 8. 7. (4) The Mean, IV. ii. 20. a.
To keep the Mean, IV. ii. 7. (5) pj^ ^

下 iff) JUL* ^ stand in the centre of
the nation, VII. i. 21. a ; compare 41. 3 ；
26.3； ii.87.a. (6) 中 幽， the Middle'
Kingdom, III. i. 4. 7, la ； ii. 9. 3 ： VI. ii. 10. 5.

The 4tli tone. To hit the mark, ILi7.5 ••
V. ii. 1. 7. P|l' Jf^ VII. ii. 83. a.

THE 3rd radical, 、 .
(I) 丹 朱

the name of TAo's son,

V. i. 6. a. (a) The name of I±l VL
u. 11. 1. "

(I) To count ~ be counted "― as the prin-
cipal thing, IL ii. 2. 4. (a) To preside
over, V. i. 6. 6. (3) Being a host, V. ii 8.
5 : VII. ii. 24. a. (4) To make one's host, i.e.
to lodge with, V. i. 8. i, a. Observe pars.

3， 4， 其 所爲主 and 其 所主.

THE 4th radical, J .

(I) To be, I. i. 7. 8, 9 ; ii. 4. 6 : V. i. 4. i.
(a) An initial particle^ofyaxying power, 一
fleeing this, but, now, &c" I. ii. 16. i ： IL

2

516

CHINESE CHAKACTERS AND PHRASES.

[IKDEX ni

久

chiA

之

chih

Obeerre

: IV. iL28.7: VI.L
B 乃 …乃， VLi«<

6. 5； ii 6w 6.
«.5.

A long time, for a long iiine ； to be
a long time, IL L 1. 3, 8 ; 2. aa; ii. 14. 3 :
IILii.9.a:y.i.6.a; iLl.4: VILLSO.a.

(I) Of, = the sign of the poaenhre cue.
Bui it would often be very harsh to traiu-
late it hjo/jV. i. 1. 4; 3. 1,3,4, 0^02., aaepissime.

The regent follows the and the regi-
men precedes it. They may be respectively
a noun, a phnse, or a larger cUnae.
followed by ia very oommon in Men-

cius ； e.g.yiL iL 24. (a) Him, her, it,
them. Bataim. (3) It is often difficult to

determine the antecedent to y^. It has

to be gathered from the context ； and

sometimes merges in the verb, making

it an emphatic neuter, or 應 a passive ； e.g.
I. i.8.a; 6.6; 7.4: IV. u. 14 ； 15: VII 丄

8.1； 5; 13. 3； 80. 1. (4) 有 and 有之，

as in (a、, but also impersonally, » there
is . . I. iL 8. I ; 8. 1, et saepe. So, the

negative >^， where the

attracts the to itself. The same is
to be observed of • (s) We have

之 ftl."\l7; 爲 S 辭，"
9.4; 與之 處, III. i.4. I； and other
similar expressions, where we may sup-
pose two objeotiveB, the being =>
to, for, Ac, him, it, them. Observe
especially L iL 12. i, and

與 S ，本 之， (6)
is called, or is what is called,
g 醫， II. i. 4. 6. We might reduce thii
(i), ... is the saying qf this. But this
cannot be done where 吾醫 is followed by
an adjective or other words, e. g. VII. ii.
25. comes under (a), compare

名； |^,IV.L2.4; 何^; 2： 有，
IV. iL 8. 4 ； "pf fl^^ ii.9. I；

and 是；^ & 南， IV. ii 18. a. (7)
jjjl 4Sfi how, L ii. 6. 1 ； 14. i, et aaepe,

(8) Observe 草尙; 風， L 2. 4^

(9) In names, 之 寄， ^ 丄"； 之 師
and 之他, IV. ii. 2"; 通； 2：, III.

ii. 8. 1 ； 手 之, II. ii. & I ； and 夷 ；^,

III. i. 6. 1, 9. (10) As a yerb. To go, or
come, to, V. i. 5. 7 ; 6. z ； 9. 3, et cU.f saepe.

Suddenly, II. i. 6L 3.

乏

乗

8h&ng

九

乞

ch'i

也

(i) A paitiele of interrogation^ Foosd
alone ； pi

ftB

€*

^,I.il.9; 2.1： rLii.9.a: III.LSL2:

IV. ii. 27. 3: V. i. 7. 7; it 6. 3 : VL iL L
S, S, et aL, saepe. Alao in indirect inter-
rogation, n. ii 2. 3: IV. iL 82. i. (a， A
pwtiele of ezeUmation, I. L 7. 7; ii, 5. 4:

III. i. ^, 11, ddU Preoeded by 兹， TIL
i. 36. I； followed by I. i. 8. 4; pre-
ceded by 4Sf and followed by ^^， U- ii-
2. 6. (3) Partly interrogative and partly
exelamatoiy. Alone; preceded bj ,
[g| , and L it 1. 1, 3 ; 2.a:Il£iL

9.8: VLu. 6.1: VIL iL 87. a, 7, etf oL Im-
tely preceded by II.L2. 18. 19.
？ by III' ii- 10. d. (4) A preposition,
Terbs, and adjectiTes, in, of^ to,

. I ： n.

from, ke" I. iL 12. a; 15. i : 11. 1. 1.3, 10;
2. 38; ii. 11. 3: IIL L 3. 3, 7, oLy tagft.

Observe 在 乎, VL L 19. i. (5) Th^n,

in comparisons, H. il 2. 4 ; L 8. 5. (6)

Observe 有 時 乎, V. ii. 6. i ； -^,

V. ii.7.4; ^ 歸 乎來,
有 乎 胃, VIL ii.8&4-

窮乏者 ，冗 Ll。.7， &
^ impoYerishy VL iL 15. a.

To mount upon, IIL L 3. 9. To take
adyantage of, XL i. 1. 9.

匚 ii* 16. !•
, the

,■、 , ,，、 w—w ,'， - p- ，

kingdom, a great State, the possessions
of the chief of a large clan, I. i. I.4, ol.
The classifier of carriages, III. iL 4. i:
IV. ii. 2. I ： VII. ii. 84. a. (a) To driv©
a carriage, III. iL 1. 4. (3) A team of
four horses, V. i. 9. 2. (4) A set of four
arrows, IV. iL 24. a. (5) Name of a Book,

IV. ii 21. a. (6) 由， name of Con-

fuciu&'s office, when in charge of the
public fields, V. ii. 6. 4.

THE 5th radical, 乙.

Nine, VII. i. 29: TL ii. 2. a, et oL 九
―, a ninth, I. ii. 6. 3. But in ITL i. 3.
15, — • refers to a mode of terri-
torial division.

To beg, IV. ii. 38. i. -4% A ,a bernr,
VL i. 10. 6. O 八

(i) A final particle, used both at the end
of Bentenoes, and of clauses, or separate
members of a sentence. Sometimes wo
miss it, where it might be; and sometimes
it might be dispensed with, L i. 2. a, 3 ;
8. I， a, 3, 4, etpcusim. (a) After the ad-
verb ； after proper names (though

INDKX III. J

CHINESE OHARACTEBS AND PHJRABES

517

予

rarely in Mencius), and very often after
a olauBe in the first member of a sen-
tenoe : it 一 quoad, now, or may often be left
untranslated. In these cases, it is often,
but far from always, followed by other
particles, L i.S.i ; 7. 8, ai, aa : IV. i. 14. i,

et passim, (3) Ab correlate of con-
cluding the explanation of the character
or sentiment which precedes The

however, is often wanting, I. ii. 4.
9, 3; 10. a; 11. I： IL i. 2. 9: IIL i. 8.6,
10， 9t saepe. (4) -ra. is found at the
end of sentenoesy sometimes preceded by

and sometimes not. ^^， however,
may generally be explained independent
of the Jjh., L L 1. 5 ; it 8. fly 5, 9aepe,

(5) Jj^ in the first member of a sen-
tence resumes a word or subject, and the
explanation or account of it follows, IL
i. 9. z : VII. ii 87. 9, al. We find 也
^^， however, at the commencement of

a ohaptor, where no discourse is resamed,
VII. ii. 16. Ob8eryeyi.i.8.a. (6) It is

often interrogative, following ^af,

jfP, &C., L i. 8. I； 4. 5; ii. 1. 6^ 7; 4. 4，

平 i^， dry, drought, VIL ii. 14. 4.

To oonfound, IIL L 4. 18 : VI. ii. 16. a :
VII. ii. 10. SI - » to be confounded with.

VIL ii. 87. za. BebelliouB, III. ii. 9. iz.
To be in confdsion ； a state of oonfdsion,
IL i. 2. aa: IIL ii 9. a, 5： IV. ii. 29. a:
V. ii. 1. I, a: VII. ii. 12. a.

THE Gth radical, J •

I, me, we, my, L i. 2. 4; 7. 9; ii. 16. 3 :

II. i. 1. 3 ; 2. 16^ 96; 4. 3， et ai; saepe,

(i) Affairs ； doings, achievements ； busi-
ness, I. i. 7. 1, a: VII. i.83. 1,3; ii. 28. i,

" aL, saepe. 無非 事者， • • • were for

real busmess, I. ii. 4. s 必有 事焉,
there must be the practice of . . . , IL i.
2. 16. fltf. without doing service,

III. ii. 4. a; without difficulty, IV. ii. 26. 9.

. . • 申， to make ~ one's bnai-

11688， V. L 8. I. one who

is fond of Btrange things, V. i. 8. i ； 9. i.

Compare 申 and "J^ in IIL ii. 4. 3， and

VI. ii. 0. 5. (a) To Berve— parents, a
sovereign, a teacher, a greater State, sc.,

1. i. 5. 3 ; 7. ai, aa, et aL, scupe,

事 小, I. ii 8. I， a.

r

于

ton

井

ching

chi

m

ch'i

亡

loang

亡

wu

交

chido

THE 7th radical, 二.

( I) Two ； the second, III. i.3. 17； 6.3,e<
oZ. (a) 二 三 子, see 三, (a). But

一- yS « two or three passageB^YIL
ii. 8. a.

(i) A preposition ― by , to, in, on, for,
saepe. It occurs commonly in quotations
from the older classics. Mencius him-
self prefers "j^i though he does also use
"J^. (a) In the double surname, {^"^P,

IV. i 17. I : VI. ii. 6. I, 5.

(I) Says. In a quotation, V. i 4. 1.

Observe V. ii. 8. 4. (a) -y-- ttf, closing

a sentence, or the member of a sentence.
It is difficult to translate, and Wang
Yin-chih regards it simply as a final par-
ticle, IL ii. 2. 4 : IIL ii. 6. 7 : IV. ii.24.z:

Vn. i 89. a. So^ J^,V. ii 7. 4.

Five. Saepe. 五 "he fifth, IV. ii.

80. a. Adverbially, 雕 five times, VI. ii.
6. a.

(i) A well, II. i. 6. 3 •• IIL i.5.3: V. i.

2.3： vn.i.29. Tfir # »

scholar living unemployed in a city or
market-place, V. ii. 7. i. (a) A system
of dividing the ground on a plan of nine
squares, III. i. 8. 13， 18， 19.

In haste, quickly; to be in haste, I. i.
2. 3 : IIL i. 8. a.

The and tone. Frequently, IV. it 18.
I： V. ii.6. 4, 5； 7. 4： VIL i. 8. i.

THE 8th radical,

(I) To expire, die, I. i. 2.4: VI. ii. 6. 4.

死 亡, I. i 7. ai， 99： IV. L 8.4; 9. 5.

To be utterly lost; to perish, I. ii. 4. 6, 7，
8: IV. i. 2. 4; 8. 9; 7. I； 8. I； ii. 21. 1：

V. L9.3: VI. i. 8.4; 16. 3; 18. a; ii. 15. 4.

囊 not to be found, gone away, I. ii 7. i.

(a) To cause to die or perish, VL i. 8. a,
(3) Not at home, III. ii. 7. 3.

Used for not being, not haying,

IV. L19. 3; ii. 28. 7. Used actively, and
■sto disown, VII. i. 84.

(I) Intercourse ； to have intercourse
with, I.ii. 8. I： V. u. 4. 3, 4 : VI.i. 16. a;

ii. 5. I : VII. ii. 18. ^« mutually, L
i 1. 4* to deal with and ex-

change, III. i. C 5. intereoime,

and its expression by presents, V. ii. 4. i.
To be intermingled, to cross one another,

III 丄 4. 7. ^ ^ ^ . . . , to seek the

favour of . . . , II. i. 6. 3. «to treat

as, VII. i. 87. 1, (a) A man's name, VL iL
2. I, a, 6.

CHINESE CHARACT]

& AND PHRASES.

[INDEX UL

Also. Saepe, It is difficult sometimes,
and doubtful whether we ought, to bring
out the also in another language ； ~ as in

Li. 1.9,3； 7. 17: II. ii. 10. 6, etal. 不

亦… 乎, 亦… 而 c 已 w^ecommon

phraseologies, L ii. 2. a: II. iL 9. 3： VI.

it 6. 9： VIL i. 89. a. Observe M| 7^；,

II. ii. 4. 3 : IIL iL 10. 3. "^oK ]5K , where
^-8tiU, III. ii.6. I： VIL ii 19. 3 ; and

|[l|:5lJ;-yea,VILii.8a4.
A surname, V. ii. 8. 4.

(I) To present an offering ； an offering,
VL ii. 6. 4， 5. (a) To accept an offering—
as a saorifioe, V. i. 6. 6.

A capital, IV. i. 7. 5.

To hare faith, VL ii 12.

The name of Tang's capital, referred to
the present department of Kwei-tdh in
Ho-nan, III. ii. 6. a : V. i. 6. 5 ; 7. 9.

The name of king Tki, one of the an-
oeston of king W&d, L ii. 6. 5.

THE 9th radical, 人.

(I) A man, men ； other men. Passim,

- humanity, man's nature, VI. i La;
2. 3: VII. ii. 16. 人 人, all men, or
each man, IV. i. 11 ； ii. 2. 4, et dL (a) It
indicates offioera and rulers, in distinction
from the people, I. i. 2. 3 ： IL i. 1.
13, et al. So, perhaps, VII. ii. 28. — •
with reference to the sovereign, I.
ii. 8. 7. (3) Following names of States it
謹 native, natives, people. So

魯人, Amx&c 暴 But 殷人 an 气

III. i. 8. 6, are different, meaning the
founders of the Yin and ChAu dynasties.

So 國 the people of the State, or

merely a common man, L ii. 7. 4, 5 ： IL
ii. 8.9; 10.3: IV. U.8.3; 24. a, et al.
(4) With other characters, it forms con-
crete substantives, especially nouns ex-
pressing office or profession. We hare

lE 人 and 玉人, Ii"; 矢入
andgg 入, ILi«7; J|| 入, V. ii 6. 5 ;
入, V.il7.7; ffi ^,VILiL80;
A , V. i. 2. 4. (5) Observe also

A' 嬖々； 窮人；

^i; ffi* ^i, which means
country people, and unoultiyated

什

shih

仇

ch'du

今

chin

介

ehieh

介

chieh

仕

shih

他

fa

people ； 一 hnabandf IV. iL 8S. i;

侍人, V. & I ; 聖人， IL " 17.

90, 39, 25, 98 ; ii. 9. 3: ILL L i. a, 8, 13 ;
ii. 9. 5, 10, 14: IV. i. 1. 5 ; 2. I : V. L 7. 7 ：
VLi.7.3,8: VIL i. 28. 3; 24; 88; ii.15;

24.9； 88.4; 富 人， the humble <I， of

the prince of a State, L i. 8. i ; 4. i ； 5. i ；

7. 4， ti at. ！ the wife of a prince,

IIL ii. 8. 3; 夭人， m. L 4. 6: IV. L
20; ii.6; 11; 12： VIL L 19. 4; 8S. 3 ; iL
84. I； yj 、入, IL it 12. 7: m. i. 2. 4;

4. 6， et al. ； ffip ^^， the massea, the people,
I. i. 1.4: li!*iL 7. 9 : V.ii2.6, 7,8, «<ai. ；
disciples, nLi. 4. 13： VIL ii- 29;

牧人君 ，人臣 ，人子 ，人

, but the charactera here are possibly
not in apposition, but in regimen. (6)
爲人, VIL it 85.

—-, a tenth part, a tithe, TIT, i.

8. 6, 15; ii.8. I.

Benevolence, benevolent, to be bene-
volent. Passim. Mencius does not use the
term for 'perfect virtu©,* as Confiiciiis
does, thoogh it may sometimes have that
meaning. In VII. ii. 24. a, love seems the
proper rendering.

To show oneself an enemy to, III. ii.
6. 0.

Now, the present, modem time : also,
in the same way as our logical uae of

in disoouning. Passim, We find

*nd 今 c 夫； 今日， 今時，

- B|,and 當今 Sifr

, from this time forth, L iL 12. a, ef al.

(I) Firm purpose, VIL i. 28. (a) Used
for ^^， a stalk of the mustard plant,
a straw, V. i. 7. a.

In the 4th tone, "fh" tffc, suddenly,
VII. 121. 乂 出、

To take ~~ be in 一 office, IL i. S. aa ； ii. 14.
I: III.ii.8.i,5»6，rfaL Observe
V. ii. 7. 9. officers, L i. 7. 18 ; ii.

6. 3. So 4j-^ alone, II. iL a r.

(I) Other, another, L i. 7. 9 : V. i 8. a ;

ii. 4. 3 : VIL ii. 17. ^ 日， another day,

other days. It may mean formerly, next
day, and afterwards, I. iL 1. a ; 16. x : IL
ii. 4.4; 10.3: IIL i. 2. 4; 4. 13; 5. a, 4;

ii. 10. 5:IV.i. 14. I： VLu.5.a. ^
nothing else, for no other reason, L L 7.
19； iL 1.6,7： IL". 2.9: VI, i. 11. 4; ii. 8.
a:yiLi.l5.3; 2S.3; 86.3. 8o> 皇有

IWDE3C 111.]

CHINESE CHAKACTERS AND PHRASES

619

他哉, Liil0.4:VI."" 曹

spoke of something else, L ii 6. 3.
他, went elsewhere, IV. ii. 88. i. (a) Bead
fo, a name, IV. ii. 2i. 3.

A measure of eight cubit«,YIL u.84. 2.

(I) Alternate, one after another, III. ii.
9. 5. For, instead of, V. ii. 2. 6, 7, 8. (a)

the three dynasties ； 一 Hsift,

id ChAu, III. i. 2.3； 8. 10: IV.

I S. I. (3) A name, 陳 代, UL iL 1. 1.

L To^employ, 令, to be employed,

The 4th tone, (i) An order ； to order,
I. ii 11. 4 : IV 丄 7. 9. (a) Good, VI. i. 17. 3.

(I) To take, to lue. But our idiom
requiree, for the most part, that it be
translated aa a preposition, by, atf with,
heecnue of, according io、 fte. It precedes the
principal verb of the senten

2 3» 女王 以民力
W&n used the people's st
his tower/ or 'made his

people's strength ；' or inV. i. 6.

夭 下舆錄 'YAo took
dom and gave it to Shun ；' or simply, (YAo
gave the kingdom to Shun.' It follows
the principal verb, and then its prepo*
sitional force is more apparent, e.g. L i.

I a, 入 fe, ' ^ kill a man with

a stick.* We mi^t indeed translate, ' to
kill a man, using a stick.' Its regimen

sometimes precede it, e.g. V, L 7. a, — •

以與人 ，一 介不以
* one straw .he would not

have taken and given to men, or taken and
received from men, or simply, 'he would
neither have given nor taken a single
straw.' This position of the regimen is
for the sake of emphafds. Examples, of
the first two usages especially, occur
very frequently. Julien argues (see the
'Treatise on Four Chinese Characters,'
appended to his Translatioii of Mencius)
that in many cases it is merely 睡 n sign
of the accusative case. And it is difficult
sometimee to give any other force to the

以, as in n. i. 1. 5： III. i. 4. 10: ^V. ii.

28j et cU,, yet a peculiar significanoy may

be traced in it. Observe fflr J^， that

by, for, from, which, — a force sometimes

sastained by alone ； J^, hence ；

and , whereby, or wherefore.

is found without any regimen, joined to
【• ii 12. a， et al,, saepe, >^ and

are abbreviations for >o

仲

chung

仰

yang

任
zdn

任

zdn

伊

傲

ch'i

以， 無 所以, I i.&»»3»"«^ ,J?
a sentence which has no accessory, jW[

—to 1186， to act, according to, &o., e.g. V.

ii.1.3. J^^S, and often with a regimen

of interireningy frequently means to

take to be, to consider, to be considered.
But by no means alwajTB. Sometimes also

the is omitted, (a) It often 一 the

conjunction because, II. L 2. 15, et al. (3)
To, so as to ； 一 often forming, with a verb
following, our inftnitive. Sometimes the

= * wherewith to,' * and thereby/ L L

1. 9; 7. 19, 15, 16, 31, aa,etaLf saepe. To

this belong 來, 卞, and 以

(4) It is often used after , forming

our potential mood, and 騰 the to， which is
fluppressed after our auxiliaries. Paasim,

(5) Used as «=。 已 , < to stop/ L i 7. a. (6)

01>««：76嚷以&我，1«17.19； "

以天 yLi".3; 以 美然， IL

ii. 7. 1 ； IM "yT, IV. ii 7 ； and some other
sporadic cases.

The second of brothers. It is used in

designationB, V. i 6. 5. J^, the

designation of Confucius, I. i. 4. 6; 7. a,
et aL It follows the surname, or what
is equivalent to it, without any other
character, and then may be taken as —
the name, II. ii. 2. 3 : ~~ II. i. 1. 8 : 一 II. i. 1.
I, a, 3, 4， 5 ; ii. 2. 8, 10 :— V. ii. 8. a III.
ii. 10. I, a, 3, 5, 6: VII. i. 2i.

To look up to, II. i 6. 6; ii. 9. 4: IV.
ii. 20. 5. pb 丝， rV. ii. 88. Used ad-
verbially with the correlate 聽 ftbovoy
below, I. i. 7. 91 : VII. L 20. 3.

(i) A chax^ office, YL ii. 15. 9. 《主一

business, purpose, L ii. 9. z. A burden,
VI. ii. 2. 3. (a) Aa a verb. To charge,
to burden, V. i. 7. 6; ii. 1. a. Observe

IV. i. 14. 3, and Ig ；^： fi V. ii

The and tone, (i) A burden, » bag-
gage, III. i. 4. 13. (a) The name of a

small State, VL ii. 1. 1 ; 6. ^ 任， the

younger brother of the chief of Ziai, VI.
ii. 5. 1.

A aumame. "S*, the minister of
T*ang, II. i. 2. aa, 33 ； ii. 2. 8, 10^ et al,
-fij- 前 I， the name of a Book in the Shii-
ching, V. i 7. 9.

The name of Confaoius's grandson, IV.
ii. 81. a : V. ii. 6. 4.

ffi Five men in rank or file, ffi 幽 ntnkSi
wa IL ^ t I， a.

CHINESE CHAKACTEBS AND PHRASES.

[INDSX la

To be lying down, L i. 2. 3.

(I) To smite, to attack; -^^-to pun-
ish, I. ii. 8. 1 ； 10. I, 4 ； 11. I : II. ii. 8. i,
9： IIL ii. 6. I, 6; 9. 6: IV. L 8. 4: V. i.

7. 6; 9. a: VII. ii. 2. a; 8.3; 4.4. g#

而]^ >^VLiL7.a» (a) To hew down,

to lop, ~~ applied to trees, and to the mind,
VL i. 8. I， a.

(I) Happiness ； to be happy, I. ii. 4. 5 :
III. ii. 5. 5. (a) The name of a place,
IL ii 14. I.

(I) The eldest of brothers, 伯 兄,
VI. i. 5. 3. (a) A title of nobility, V. ii.
2.3,4, So 齒伯， IV. il8.i: VII. i. 22.

I, 3. (3) In the designation IL
L 2.- aa, 93 ； 9. i， 3, et aL, aaepe. (4) Must
be used for a hundred, III. L 4. 18.

As; to be like to, I. i. 6. 9： II. i. 2. 6 :
VILi. 26.3； I； ii87. II. ； |sg

like one another, similar, IL ii. 2. 5 ： VL

i. 7. 3， 4， 5, 6. To be like what is right,

II. ii. 6. 1. >(W ^Cr, a semblance, VIL

ii. 87. 19. "

(I) Position, status, i. e. of dignity, IV.
i. 1. 7 ; 12. 1： V. i. 6. 7 ; ii. 2. 3, et al,

aaepe. ^fj^ ^jflr is frequent ^^-^^, the

correct place, i. e. propriety, III. ii. 2. 3.

4\f f all leffitimate dignities, V. ii 8. 4,

^fjr = to dethrone, V. ii. 9. i. (9)
osition, place. III. i. 2. 4 : IV. ii. 27. i, 3.

To assist, III. ii. 9. 6.

(I) What, why, what kind of, I. i. 1. 3,

6, et oZ" saepe, ^ 也, 何 。 與, "fSf

at the beginning or end of Miiteiices,

generally « why is this? how is it? I.
i. 8. 1 ; 7. 10 ； ii. 16. X. But sometimes

^Sf simply 画 is or was what? VI. i.

7. 8 ； ii. 6. 2， el al. In VI. L 9. a, 何哉
-is of what avail ？ Other characters
sometimes come between 'jnj* and the
particles, and with the same difference
of usage. 4Sf JW[, whereby, what to, I.
i. 1. 4j et cU" 9cupe, 'jnj* what from ？

how? L i. 7. 4. what do? why?

L ii. 5. 4 : VIL ii. 86. a. But observe

何 6 也哉， V.U3« 何之，
where are you going? VI. ii. 4. a. (a)

jjjl ^jfejf, generally with between,

B what, what is to be done? Difficulty,
surprise, or indignation is generally im-
plied, but not always. The phrase iffj

作

tso

來

lai

來 3

Idi

侈

ch'ih

貝 ij Pj how is the exigenej

to be met? is common, I. i. 4. 6 ; 5. i;
ii: 6. I, fl, 3 : V. ii. 2. 1， et aL, stupe. Other

words are found also between mj and
'^Sfi ftnd then the phrase = what has • • .
to do with—? L ii. 14. 3, oi. (3) ^
^jlH, what sort of? of what natore? in
what maimer? At the end of a sentence,
4SC ^Im-Bwhat do 70U think of? What
shall be said? L i. 3. a; 7.3: VII. ii 87.
3, 8, d ol" MMjM. (4) ^ what diffi-
culty is there? L ii. 6. 5 : VI. ii. 1. 4fetaL

Me, III. ii. 9. 3.

、 (I) Ease, enjoymenti VIL i 12; ii. 24.
(a) To be without office, in obscuritj,
佚, IL L 9. a: V. ii 1. 3.

(I) To rise up, arise, II. i. 1. 8, xi : IIL
ii. 9. 5, 7, 9, 10, etaL To be aroused, to

rise, to act, VL iL 15. 3. 3^ ^^， I

have become ill, IV. ii. 24. a. (a) To
make, to form ； to cause to be, I. i. 4. 6 ;
ii. 8. 7; 4. 6， 10: II. i. 4. 6: IV. L 8. 5.
To be made, IV. ii. 21. i.

Glib-toDguedness, VII. ii. 87. la.

(I) To cause, to make to ； to make to be,

1. i. 8. 3 ; 4. 6; 5. 3, 4 ; 7. 18, ai, et al^

saepe. Observe 或 J^， L iL
16. 3. 漏 to send (once, we have the

addition of 來), II. iL 2. i ; 6. 1， et aL,

saepe, (a) To employ, to command; no
other verb following, II. i. 2. aa; 5. i, et

al. (3) «= if, suppoeing that, II.

ii. 10. 5 : V. ii. 6. 5 : VL i. 7. 5. Without

the fpffyTL. i. 9. 3; ii. 14. 4.

The 4th tone. To be commiaaioned,
？ I. i. 7. 16. yj^j a messenger, V. iL

(I) To come, I. i. 1. a; 2. 3， «t oL, aaepe,
^jlj^ and ff^ xbc, downwards, EE. i.

2. 33, 37,38; 6.6; 11：18. 4 : VII. iL 88. 4.

Observe 盡 歸 乎 xt^, IV. i, 13. 1，

0t al (a) The coming, next, IIL ii. 8. i,
3.

The 4th tone. To lead on, III. i. i. 8.

Extravagance, wild licenae, L i. 7. ao.

To be by, in attendance on, IL ii. 10. a.
-^p , an attendant, with » bad mean-
ing, V. i. 8. I, a. 妾, attendant
girls, concubines, VII. ii 84. 6.

S 伏 A 伐. 力 休 1 伯 【t 似 si I 位 佑. a 何^

IVDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

521

in

To supply, to fiirnishi L i. 7. i6 : IIL
iL 8. 3 ; 5. 9 : y. ii. 4. 6.

To despise, insalt, II. i. 4. 3 : IV. i. 8.
4; 16.

(i) A title of nobility, V. ii. 2. 3,4. A
prince, 一 following the name of the State,

Liil6.3: V.L8.3. ^ ^01, the princes

of the kingdom. Scape, It often « one of
the princes, a prince, II. i. 2. 4: III. L
2， et oL Observe I. ii. 4. 6, where the

' Daily Headings ' has >J、

(a) An introductory particle, i.q.
iV. L 7. 5.

To make incuraions on ； to attack
stealthily, L ii. 14. a; 15. i: UI. u.6.6:
IV. ii. 24. a.

^^， attendants and favourites, L
i. 7. 16.

To bind, 係累， L ii 11. 3>

A man of distinction, ^» 'flfe, II. i.6.
I : VLU. 7. a.

Wooden images of the dead, I. i 4. 6.

Manners, practices, castoms, II. i. 1.8:

VI. ii. 6. 5 ; 9. 3. current cua-
toms fwith a bad meaning), VIL ii. 87. 1 1.
"nr the manners of the age, L ii. 1.
a : IV. ii. 80. 2.

(I) To protect and love, I. i. 7. 3, 4, 10,
za; iL 8. a, 3 : II. i. 6. 7 : III. i. 5. 3. (a)
To preserre, IV. i. 8. 3.

To wait for, II. ii. 2. 5 ; V. ii. 7. 9 ： VIL

i. 1. 3； ii. 88. 3.

(i) Truthfiilness, fidelity, I 丄 5. 3 : IIL
L 4. 8: VI. i. 16. 1 : VII. i. 82 ； ii. 27. 11，
13. True, real, V. i. 9. i : VIL ii. 26. 1，
a, 4 ; 88. a. (a) To believe ； to have con-
fidence in (it may be to obey or follow, as
principles ； or to employ, as officers), I. ii.
11. a: IV. i. 1. 8： V. i. 2. 4: VII. i. 84;

ii. 8. 1 ； 12. I. To be believed ； to obtain
the confidence of, IV. i. 12. i ； ii. 11. (3)
As an adverb, really, truly, II. i. 6. 6 :
ni. i. 5. 3: V. i. 2. I； 4. a: VI. 12. a.

In ist tone. To stretch out straight,
to straighten, VI. i. 12. i.

See 條.

To stoop, used adverbially, with the
correlate 'Ul},= below, I. i. 7. ai, 32：

VII. L20. 3.

Together ； « both, i.9.3: VIL i. 20. 9.

俱

A 'granary; a storehouse for grain
t^ng generally. Commonly found along with

[, a granary for rice, L U. 12. 2: IIL

pel

1

傅

i 4. 3: V. i. 1. 3; 2.3; ii 6.6. Used as

a verb, TL ii. 5. 4. (a) A name, j^，
I. ii. 16. I, 3.

(i) To rebel against, revolt from, III.
i. 4. la, 14. (a) Double, as much again
as, I. ii. 11. 3 : III. i. 4. 18 ： IV. i. 14. i ••
V. ii. 2. 6, 7, 8: VI. ii. 6. 7. In this
second sense, the character is aspirated,
and in the and tone, in the Canton
dialect.

Inverted, upside down, II. L 1. 13.

To be tiled, weary, IL i. 2. 19: VI. i.
16. I.

Children and youths, L ii 11. 4.

Always used wifch reference to ^^^j^,

the relationships of human society, II.
ii. 2. 4: III. i. 8. 10; 4. 8: IV. i. 2. i ;
ii 19. 9： V. i. 2. I: VL ii. 10. 5.

To bend, IIL i. 2. 4.

(i) To feign, pretend to, II. i. 8. z:
VII. i. 80. I. (a) To borrow, V. i. 9. a:
YL ii. 2. 6 : VII. i. 80. i.

Together with, L i. 2. 3, 4. As a verb,
II. i. 9. a.

To press upon, III. i. 4. 7.

Side, the aide, II. i. 9. a; ii. 9. 3: V.
ii. 1. 3，

A heroic character, "^j^, IL i. 6.

I : VI. ii. 7. 9. IIL i. 4. la:

VIL i. 10. 1. ^ ^

(I) A tutor (an official title), VIL i. 89.
3. To act as tutor, to teach, IIL ii. 6. i.

(9) gQl^, an ancient statesman, VL

ii. 15. 1. ^

All-complete ； to be prepared, ready,
III. i. 4, 6; ii. 8. 3: V. i. 1. 3; ii. 6. 6:
VII. i. 4. I ; 88. 3.

•(t) To transmit, hand down (used both
I" actively and passively), I. L 7. a: IV. ii.
28. 7: V. i. 6. I； 9. 3. (a) To communi-
cate, deliver, as an order, a pledge, IL i.
1. la: V. it 7. I.

The 4th tone. Becords, a Record, I. ii.
m 2. I； 8. I : IIL ii 8. i. Observe

flr 食於 諸侯， iiiii 丄' • s，

dictionaiy defines this use of 'iM by KB.

To hurt, wound, IL i. 7. i : IV. ii. 81. i.
wg Wounded, IV. ii. 20. 3. «： to be con-
trary to, IV. ii 28. m "A, there is
no harm, it does not matter, I. i 7. 8:
- s 。，何 傲哉， mii.

$1 舞 i 侯 .1 M 使 i 係 -I 俊 I 俑 I 俗.： 保 i 侯 S 信 I

倒 I 備 I 傳 5^ 倫 I 偃 I 假 1 偕 1 倡." 惻 I 傑 I

522

CHINESE CHARACTEBS AND PHRASES

[index III

僕

元

允

(I) A charioteer, driver, IV. ii. 24. a.

(a) ^^， an adverb, in a troubled

manner, V. ii. 6. 5.

Deceit ； deceitfully, III. i. 4. 17, 18:
V. i. 2. 4.

(I) Ceremonies, demonstrations of re-
spect, VI. iL 6. 4. (a) A name, "^，
III. ii. 2. I. ^ ^ III. i. 1.4；

ii.3. I； 9.9: IV.ii.24.i. (3) &儀,
a double surname, VI. ii. 6. 3.

A hundred thousand, IV. i. 7. 5.

Economical, III. i. 8. 4 : IV. i. 16. Nig-
gardly to, II. ii. 7. 5. To be limited to,
only to amount to, VI. iJL 8. 6.

^9 ^^， 也 e name of a place, I.ii.4.4.

and the learned, the fol-

lowers of Gonfuoius, the orthodox. III. i.
6.3: VII. ii. 26. I.

More than saf&cient, VI. ii. 18. 6.

The surname of a minister of Gh% IV.
ii. 82: VI. iL 6. 1， a, 3， 6.

THE 10th radical, 几.

(i)4J8edfor the head, III. ii. 1. 9： V.

ii. 7. 5. -J^, head officers, a name

appropriate to scholars of the first class
in the royal domain, V. ii. 2. 5. (a) A

name, 會 元, IV. L 19. 3.
To believe, accord with, V. i. 4. 4.

An elder brother, II. ii. 9. 3 : III. i. 6.
iung ^etoLf saepe. ^l^J^i the eldest brother,

VL i. 5. 3. ^ 兄, fathers and elder
brothers ； elder relatives, I. i. 5. 3 ; ii. 11.
3, et cU., saepe. oR, brothers, I. i. 7.

I a ; ii. 1 . 6, oZ" saepe. Embracing oousinB,

V. ii. 8. I. 兄《 sisters, V. i a a.

(I) To fill; to fill up, develop, carry
fh^ng out, II. i.6.7: III. ii. 10. 6: V. ii, 4. 5：
[. ii. 9. 1 : VII. ii. 25. 5， 6 ; 31. a, 3. ^
^, to stop up, III. ii. 9. 9. Full, I. ii.

12: 2. The filling up, II. i. 2. 9. (a) A
surname, II. ii. 7. i ； 13. i.

A prognostic, » a trial, V. ii. 4. 6.

(i) First (adverb and adjeciiye); before
(preposition); former, V. i. 9. 3 ; ii. 4. 6 ：

VI. i. 5.3; 7. 5,8; 16. 3; ii. 16. a : VIL

L46. 1 : II. i. 2. a. former princes,

III. i. 2. 3. ^ , the former (ancient)

sovereigns, I. ii. 1.9；4. 4, 8, ei al. jt^j
our master, you, master, IV. i. 24. a; ii.

81. I : VL ii. 4. a, 4, 5, 6. ^fe "^»°*^
grandfather, II. i. 1. 3. yr 4^, first
knowmg ； -^q first apprehending,

V. i. 7. 5; ii. 1. a. J^, the former

sages, IIL ii. 9. 10. (a) To make first

or chief, I. i. 1. ^etaL; yw\ jjA^ generally

appears as correlate. To take the initia-
tive, L ii 16. 1 : III. ii 7. 3 ： IV. ii. 8. 3.

(3) 之， to set the example, IIL L 2.

4. ^Ir -to excel him, IIL L 4. la.

Perhaps these examples, and those also

under (9), should be read -Jr. the 4th
tone.

The 4th tone. To precede, VL ii. 2. 4*

lightyVIL 1.24.3. glory, glorious,

W III. ii. 6. 6 : VII. ii. 26. 6. Observe VS(
光， I.iL5.4. 川

^ (I) To conquer, VL ii. 9. a.

fc*o grasping able ministersyYI. ii. 7. a. (9)

The name of "ip -3^, L iL 10. 3:

IV. ii. 24. 3.

To escape from, avoid. Followed by

jl^, I. i 4. 5 ; 7. ai, aa. Used abaolutely,

or actively, I. ii. 16. i: IV. it 28. 7 : VI.
ii. 14. 4.

A rabbit, a hare. ffi^ hare-
catchers, I. ii. 2. a.

f^t a minister of Shun, banished
byhim,V. i. 8. a.

THE lira RADICAL, 人

To enter, I. i. 8. 3 ; ii. 2. 3 ; 16. a,eiaLf
soi^. Used metaphorically, j^， to
go in and on to principles, VII. ii. 87. 11^
Used in correlation with 出 ， = at home,
at court, and abroad, L i. 5. 3 : IIL ii. 4.
3 : VI. ii. 15. 4. But in in. i. 8. 18,
agoing out and coming in; and in

VI. i. 8. 4 they are spoken of the mind.

(i) Within. A preposition, following

the noun, L i. 8. i ( fiT pu j ; 7. 17.

When the noun has an adjectiTe joined

to it, a precedes 內 , I. ii. 2. 3 ; 6. 3 :

III. ii. 5. 3, 7, et al, (a) With 夕 [s " cor-

reUte. The seclusion of the house, the
harem, I. ii. 5. 5. The family, generally,
II. ii. 2， 4. Internal, what is internal,
within, VI. i. 4. i, a, 4 ; 6. i, a, 3, 5 ; iL6. 5.

Used for mh. (i) To receive, IIL ii
7. a. to foroe, V. i. 7. 6; ii. 1. a.

Ztt

內

na

鱼

"儒 傻 儲^

鬼§

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

523

in

lu
lu

(a) ^j?, to form a friendship with,
gain the favour of, II. i. 6. 3.

To be complete, perfect, IV. i. 21.

Two, a pair of, VIL iL 22. 3.

The 4th tone. A numerative for car-
xiages, VII. ii. 4. i.

THE 12iH RADICAL, 八.

Eight, I. i. 7. 17， a4, et al, 9aeipe» The
eighth, Lie. 6: IV. ii 18. 3.

(I) Public, III. i. 8. 9. 必赛 S

to take office sustained by the State,

V. i. 4. 7. (a) A title of nobility, trans-
lated by duAe,V. ii. 2. 3, 4 ; 8. 4 ； 6. 6， et al.

^^|^， the three highest officers at the

royal court, VII. i. 28. 一 It often follows
the names of States, and honorary titles

of the dukes. ^9 ^jV, IL L 1. 7, et al"
saepe. 7^ ^^、 I. ii. 4. 4, 10， et al, 一
桓善 ILj^2;tio, 产 《 ^-晋 平 A

Gi. 8. 4.— 秦 穆 ^,V. i 9. I， 3，fl* dU —
§ J|P ^ IL iL 11. 3, a'.— 5§ 2p
L iL 16. 1. —膝 定么， in 丄 2. 1. —
^ ^ I. iL 18. I, etal.-^^
L iL 12. H V. ii. 4. 7. —

衞孝^ V.ii. 4 . 7 - 費惠 <^，
V. ii 8. 3.—]^ V. L 9. 3. (3) Used
in double surnames, ^^^Y. L 1. a. 一
ULlh^etaL 在孫, IL i 1. 1, (rf oZ.
— IIL iL 2. 1. ^ IL ii.5.4: III.
u. 9. I, etaL ^ VL iL 6. 3. ^
輪, IV. L 1. I. ^ 行， IV. a 27. 1.

Compare 庚 and ^B* IV. iL
2" (4) 必刻， and 舌么寳 c 义，

anoestors of the Ch&u family, L ii. 5. 4, 5.
"TC* ./K and "IT* a minister of

the kings W&n and Wii, IV. i. 13. i : VL
it 8. 6 : VII. i. 22. 】

a

ii. 88. 3.
六 律, the pitch-
the six

六師，

Six, n. i

tubes, rv. L 1. i, 5

degrees of dignity, V. it 2. 3.
the royal forces, VI. ii. 7. a.

A particle, much used in poetry, IV. i.
& 9 : VII. i. 82. 1.

To have in oommon, III. i. 2. a ; 8. zo.
To share, y. ii. 8. 4.

兵

eh

具

冉

zan

ch'ung

冬

tung

htoang

冶

The ist tone, (i) , to perform,

discharge, V. i 1. a. (a) T.» a name

of office ； 一 the saperintendent of Works,
V. i. 8. 9.

Sharp weapons of war, I. i. 8. a， 5 ; 6. 3;
7. 14; u. 11. 3： II. ii. 1. 3, 4 ; 8. 4 : IV. i.
1. 9 : VL ii 4. 3.

The third personal pronoun ； the poa-
sessive pronoun of the third person ； the,
that. Both singalar and plural. Fiissim,

Completely provided with, II. i. 2. 90.

(i) A rale, a statute, 典 刑, V. L 6. 5.
" 飞， VI. ii. 8. 5. (a) A canon, ^fe

, name of a Book of the ShCl-ching,
V. i. 4. I.

Tounite, comprehend, embrace together;
together, IL i. 2. 18: IV. ii. 20. 5： VI.

i. 10. I ; 14. I ; VIL i, 9. 6. Obeerye III.

ii. 9. II. -9- .A^, * fine silver,' IL iL 8. i.
^^， Mo's principle of loying all
ly, IIL ii. 9. 9 : VII. i. 26. 9.

THE 18th radical, 门.

A surname. m. a disciple of
Confucius, IL i. 2. 18, aa

Twice, again, V. ii 6. 4, 5 : VI. ii 7.
a, 3.

A cap of full dress or ceremony, VI. ii.
6.6.

THE 14th radical, t^,

A cap, a bonnet, IL i. 9. i : IV. ii. 29.
6,7; V.ii. 1. 1. To wear a cap, III. i. 4. 4.

The 4th tone. To cap ； the ceremony
of capping. III. ii. 2. a.

S^, a prime minister, IIL L 2. 4.

THE 15tr radical, •
Winter, VL i. 5. 5.

More properly 说. How much more,

一 in the concluding member of a aen-
tenoe, IV. i. 14. a. It is generally followed

by at the end of the cluuse, V. i 7. 7 :
VIL i. 86. 9. 况 is sometimes imme-
diately preceded by Jf^, and in the
previous clause we have the particles
|g， ^ J3^， "^dJl, IL a 2. 10;
9. a: V. ii. 4.5； 7.3,4(1^ for 乎),
8 (况 乎… 乎)： VL^'u. 8.8; 10. 6:
VII. ii. 16.

To melt, fuse. 冶 = a founder, UL i
4.5.

524

CHINESE GHAIIACTEBS AND PHRASES

[index iil

几

chi

凡

fan

To freeze. suffer from oold,

L L 6. 4 ; ii. 6. I : VII. i. 22. 3.

THE 16th radical, 几.
A stool, II. ii. 11. a.

All, 一 preceding the noun or clause to
which it belongs, II. i.6.7: V. ii. 2. 3 (6w);
4.4： YL i. 7.3; 10.3; ii. 7.3: VIL i. 10.

huHxng

m

k*di 3,

The female of the phoenix,
the phoBniz, IL L 2. 98.

JSU 让 e name of an ode, VI. ii 8.

hsiung

出

ch'u

Aon

fan

初

ch*u

m

pieh

m

li

THE 17th radical, jj.

Bad| calamitous. Spoken of seasonsi
and joined to or j^^. L i 7. ai, aa;
ii. 12. a : II， u.4.3: IIL i. 8.7: VI. i.7.i:
VII. ii 10. Without ^ or^, I.L3. i.

(I) To go, or come, out, L i. 6. 9 ; ii. 4.

10; 16. 1, et aL, aa^. 出 and 出

to come out from, I. ii. 12. a: IL i.

2. a8; but 出 於 -to travel on, L L 7.

18， et al. (a) To send out, to issue, I. ii.

11. 4 : IV. i. 24. a. 出 -sto put away, to

divorce, IV. ii. 80. 5. (3) To quit, leave,
II. ii. 12. I, 4, 5, et al, (4) As correlate

with abroad, in opposition to at

home, I. i. 5. 3 : III. ii. 4. 3 ; in opposition

to at court, VI， ii. 15. 4. See

A cuirass, defensive armour, II. L 7. i.

THE 18ot radical, 刀.
A sharp weapon, I. i. 8. 2；-4. a, 3.

(I) To divide, III. i 8. 13. & -to
divide, impart to， III. i. 4. la (a) To
disfcinguish. "fc^, indifferent

to, VI. i. 2. 1, a." Difference, VIL i. 26. 3.

The 4th tone. The lot, apportionment,
VIL i. 21. 3.

(I) To punish ； panishxnents, I. L 5. 3 ;

7. ao: III. i. 8. 3 : IV. i. 14. 3. Penal
laws, II. i. 4. a: IV. i. 1. 8: V. i. 6. 5.
(a) To give an example to, 1. i. 7. za.

First, VL ii. 7. 3. Early ways, VII. ii.
87. 1.

The 4th tone. To distinguish, III. i.

8. 19. >«■ J^|J， to have separate func-
tions, III. i. 4. 8.

(I) Sharp, I. i. 6. 3. 禾 |j 口 ， Bharpneas
of tongue, VII. ii. 87. 19. (a) Gain, profit ；
to profit, I. i. 1. 3, 3， 4, 6, et al" aaepe, 禾 j

制

chih

剌

ch'ien

則

food

m，

adyanoement, IV. ii 88. a. 3|^|，

advantages of situation, II. ii. 1. i, a, 3,
4. To count profitable, IV. i. 8. i. C3)
NaturalneBs, being imconsindned, IV. iL
26. 1.

To make ； to regalate, I. i. 5. 3 ; 7. at,
99： IIL i. 8. 13: VU. i. 22. 3. Besnla-

Uoixa, rules, VII. ii. 34. a.

keep within certain rales,

制 -an allotment, V. ii. 2. 4.

To stab, II. L 2. 4. To criticise, VIL it
87. II. In I. i. 8. 5, where it means to
looundf it is said to be read ts't, in the 4th
tone.

To cut, to pare, = to dismember ； to
deprive of territory, IV. i. 2. 4: VI. iL 6.
3,4； 7. a.

(I) Before, in front of.

spread before me, VIL ii. 84. a.

before you, I. L 7. 16. "Jj^ ^HT, before
your Majesty, IL ii. 2. 4. (a) Fonner, L
iL 16. I, a. 日, formerly, IL iL S.

I； 7. I； 10. 2; 18. I.

(i) Then; denoting either a logical
sequence or a sequence of time, but
generally the former. The sequence is
often in the course of the thought, and we
find it difficult to iranalate the character

in English. Passim, 貝 |J, well then,

BO then, is very common. So is WfJ

何 (or 如 #) 貝 Ij 可' （a) A —
a pattern ； an example, V. i. 4. 3 : VI. L

6. 8. (3) To make a pattern of, to cor-
respond to, III. i. 4. 1 1. These two usages
are in quotations from the older classics.

In Mencias himself, B|| is simply the
particle.

Strong, IL i 2. 13.

To cut 割 烹 « cookery, V.i.7. i,a

To begin, to found, I. ii. 14. 3.

A sword, L ii 8. 5 : III. i. 2. 4.

>^ 资 J, an ancestor of jbhe kings of
the Oh&u dynasty, L ii. 5. 4.

THE 19th radical^ 力.

Strength, force ； yigorously, L L 2. 3 ；

7. 10: III. i. 8. la, et<a. 竭 力, to do
one's utmost, I. ii. 15. i : Y. i 1. s.

力， Li.7.i7. 目力， IVU.5»
力， to labour with the Btrongth, sthe
sweat of the brow, III. i. 4^6. 力 役,

INDBX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTEBS AND PHBASES

525

功

kung

加

chid

勃

mal service, VIL ii. 27. i. 窮 日,

* 力, to exert one's strength a whole

ly, 12. 6. 兩 馬 之 力 , caaaed

by a single two-horsed carriage, VIL ii.
22.3.

(I) Aohievement, work done, I. ii. 14.
3: IL i. 1. 3, 13: VL ii 6. 5. benefits,
merit, L i. 7. 10, la : IIL ii. 4. 4, 5.
"Juty an interchange of the productions of
laboiir,ni.ii.4.3. (a) yj 、功， a abort
period of mourning, VII. i. 46. 9.

To add to; to be added, YL i. 10. 7 ： YIL

21.3; 89.4. jfjH jj^^j to decrease,

to increase, L i. 8. i. To exercise to, 1. 1
7. la : VI. ii. 6. i : VIL i. 9. 6. To raise,
uppoint to; to be raised to, II. i. 2. i ：
V. ii 6. 6.

To help, I. ii. 8. 7; 4. 5： II. i. 2. 16 ； 6. 4；
ii. 1. 4: IIL ii. 8. 3 (N.B.)? VL ii 7. a.
The system of mutual aid, on which the
ground was divided by the ChAu dynasty,
IIL i. 8. 6, 7, 9, 15, 18.

^6 jWc, the appearance of being

moved, or of changing countenanoe, V.
ii. 9. a: VI. ii. a 4.

Valour, bravery ； brave, I. ii. 8. 4, 5, 6,
7, 8: IL i. 2. 4， 5, 6, 7: III. ii. l.a: IV.
ii. 28. I ; 80. 2 : V. ii. 7. 5.

To urge, 必、 之, you muat
exert yourself, III. i. 3. 13.

To move, excite, I. ii. 11. 3. To affect
others, TV. i. 12. 3. To stimulate, VI. ii.

15. a. ^t， movements of the co，

tenance, VII. ii. 88. a. 動 j(J^V, 不 -

to be perturbed, unperturbed, in

mind, IL i. 2. i, a, 3, 9, 10. |H| ^Jf,
B laborious toil, III. i. 8. 7. ^ 〜

To aim at, attend to chiefly, VI. ii. 8. 9 :
Vn. i. 46. I, a.

(I) To conquer, be superior to, subdue,
1. 1 7. 17; ii. 10. I： II. L 2. 5; 7. 5； it
1.9,5： VI. i. la I ; ii. 8. 3 : VIL ii. 1. a.

(9) In a name, 不 IIL ii 6. i.

The ist tone. To be equal to, to sust

L ii. 9. z. ^^^»tolift,yLu.2.3.

" followed by a verb, = more

. ..,LL8. 3; ii.l2. z: IV. il.5:
[. L 28. a; ii. 81. 9.

(i) To toil, III. i. 4.6: V. i. 4. a. To
make to toil, VI. ii. 16. 9. 勞 者, the
toiled, I. ii. 4. 6. So 勞, in VII. i. 12,
but inV. i. 1. a, 勞 -punished, (a) Ser-
▼ioesy VIL i. 48. a.

The 4th tone. To encourage, EEL i.4.8.

拳

chin

(I) Power, force, VII. i- 8: VL i. 2. 3.
(a) Opportunity, the circumstances of a
case, II. i. 1. 9 : IV. i. 18. 9.

Laborions, IIL L S. 7.

n

;n

勿

ITU

化

hwd

北

pei

[) MeritorioiiSj VII. i. 48. a. (a) 放
【， the highly Meritorious, an epithet
of Yfto, m. i. 4. 8 : V. i. 4. 1.
To advise, encourage, IL ii 8. a.

THE 2<>rH RADICAL, 力.

Do not ； 一 prohibitive, I. L 2. 3; 8. 4;
7. 34; ii. 6. 9 ； 7. 4,5； 10. a， 3; 15. a: IL

i. 2. 9, 16 ： V. ii 9. 3 : VIL ii. 84. i. Some-
times the prohibition is indirect, L i. 5.
6: II. iL 11. 3: VI. i. 10. 5: ？ IV. i.9. i.

To walk with the hands. 葡 to

crawl, as an infant, or one unable to walk,
III. i. 5. 3; ii. 10. I.

Lying on the ground. ^^|,

THE 2lOT RADICAL, 匕.

To influence, transform ； to be trans-
formed, IV. i. 28. a : VII. i. 18. 3; 40. a

(N.B.) ； ii. 25. 7. > ^匕 the dead,

those whose bodies are in course of decom-
position, IL ii. 7. 4.

(I) The north, IL i. 8. a. In the north,

III. L 4. za. 北 面, the face to the

north, the position of ministers in the
sovereign's presence, V. L 4. i ； ii. 6. 4.

3 匕 $t， 也 e nide tribes of the north, L

ii. ll.a:m.ii.6.4: VILii.4.3. :([jy^,

I. i. 7. II, $tal. ( 9) In a double sunuuney
IL i, 2. 4, 6 :— V. ii, 2. i.

THE 22in> RADICAL,

[& A workman, "~ properly in wood, IIL
Chiang ii 4. 3, 4: VIL ii. 6. i. L ii

9. 1. m， a master-workman, VL L

20. a : VII. i 41. 2.

A surname. K "^f, IIL ii 10. i : IV.
ii. 80. I. 1^ ^

A basket; to bring in baskets, IIL iL
5.5.

THE 28bd radical, "J^.

[/ii a common num, one without
any rank, L ii. 8. 5; 16. i: V. i. 8. 9; 6.
3; it 8. 5. Joined with 匹 婦, IIL
ii. 5. 3: V. i. 7. 6; ii. l.a: VII. i 22. a.
In VL ii 2. 3, should be taken aa
a numerative for fowls.
To conceal ； to hide themselyesy IIL L

匹

tS AND PHRASES. [iKDEX in.

m

chQsh

去

X

0*

及

Chi

反

fan

His, their. It oocnra only in quota-
tions from the Shih-cfaing and Shtk-ehin^,
L iL 8. 7； 5. 5： IIL L 1. 5; ii.6.5: VIL
ii4. 5; 19. 3.

(i) To oppress, IIL i. 4. ^ 5* W The
title of an unworthy sovereign, VL L6.a.

隱' The Cruel/ IV. L 2L 4.

To be satiAtod, IL i. 2. 19L

The ist tone, L q. jR. But the mean-

ing seems to be the same as abore, ~ to
be satisfied, L ii. 4. 7.

THE 2»m RADICAL, /v

(I) To go away from; to leave. Both
active and neuter, I. ii. 11. 4; 13. a; 14.
a ； 15. I， at， et al" saepe, (a) To be distant
from, II. i. 1. 8: rV. ii. 1. 3; 7: V. i. 6.
9 : VIL ii. 88. 4.

The 3rd tone. To put away; toremoTe,
L iL 7. 4： II. ii. 4. I : III. ii 8. x, e< al.

THE 2»iH RADICAL, 又.

Moreover, farther; ~ continuing a nmr-
rative by the addition of further particu-
Iats, L ii. 11. 3: IL i. 1. 8; 2. 8, 10^ 16^

et alf aaepe, ^^厘 and still, IIL iL 6. a.

(I) To come to; to reach to; to attain
to, I. ii. 13. a : II. ii. 11. 4： lU. L8. 9：
VL u. 6. 4 : VIL i. 27. a; 29; ii. 1. t,a;

28. I. 友- to wait for, V. i 3.
80 as to reach to, I. i. 7. lo, la.

L ii 11.4： n. a 2. 6: VIL L 41. i.

(a) At the commencement of clauses, a
conjunction, « and when, I. L 6. i ; 7.
90: II. i. 4. 9, 4; ii. 9. 4: IIL i. 2. 5； 3.
3; ii. 9. 5: VII. i. 15. a; 16; ii. 6. ,3)
Ab a preposition or conjunction, ^aiidy

I. i. 2. 4 ； along with, IV. L 9. 6.

(I) A friend, friends, I. ii. 6. i : II. i.

9. I, et aL Joined with J|j|, IL i. 6. 3：

III. i. 4.8: IV. u. 80. 4. (a) Maintaining
friendship with ； to be friendly, IL L 9.
I : III. i. 8. 18: V. ii. 3. 1,3,5; 7. 4. (3)

A name, 然 友， IIL L 2.

(I) To return (neuter), L ii. 4. 7; 12. a,
et oL Active ； sometimes - to recall, L ii.

II. 4: II. ii. 4. 3 ； 12. 4,et<ML 反^,

to report the execution of a commission,

III. i. 2. 5; ii. 1. 4, et al. (2) To turn
back to, I. i. 7. 1 7, 33, el al. ？ VIL ii.83. 1；
87. 13. (3) To turn the thoughts inwards,

L i 7. 9. Compare 自 self*

ination, II. i. 2. 7 ： IV. ii. 28. 4,5,6.

身, IV. L 12. I : VIL i. 4. I.

仁, ftc" IV. i. 4. (4) To turn round, IL

i. 1. 6. (5) On the oontrary, yet, II. L 2.

10. Contrary to what should be, IV. L

CHINESE CHARACT

THE 24th radical, 十.

Ten, tens, L i. 8. a, 4, ^ al,, aaepe.
— 一 月， the eleventh month,
the twelfth month, IV. u. 2. 3.

A thousand, L L 1. 9, 4 ; 7. 18, H aUf

CUOf, IL i. 1. 13: IIL ii 10. i.

Low, mean, Lii. 7. 3: II. L 1. 3: IIL
ii.6.9: y.ii.5. 3,3,5. To consider meaD,
-一. i 9. 9.

(I) To die, IV. ii. 1. i, 9. (a) At last,
nr. ii. 88. I : VIL ii. 28. a (afterwards).

2fi£, 然， abruptly, L L 6. a.

(i) South, aoutheni, IL i 8. a : V. L 6.
7. |m «in the aouth, L L 6. i.

to go southwards, L iL 4. 4.

the royal position, with the fiace to the
south, V. i. 4. I. But I. ii. 11. 9 : III. ii.
6. 4: and YII. ii 4. 3, are different, (a)

r, the name of a place, VL il 8. 3.

, a barbarian of the south, III. i
*. 14.

(I) EztenBiye ； extensively, IV. ii. 15:
VII. iL 82. X. Applied to the wide loose
garments of poverty, II. i. 2. 4， 7. (a)
To gamble, IV. ii. 80. a.

THE 26th radical, "[) .

(I) To be in peril, I. i. I.4: IV. i. 2. 4.
To endAnger, I. i. 7. 14： IV. ii. SO. a.

Perils, IV. i« 8. i. « is under a sense

of peril, VII. i. 18. a. (a) 三 危， the
name of a place, V. i. 8. a. *

(I) A particle, 麵 that is, indeed, I. i. 7.
6. (a) To approach, go to. III. i. 2. 4.

To refuse, decline, V. it 4. a, 3.

A noble ； a high dignitary or chief
minister, II. i.2. i; ii. 6. a ; 10. 6 : III.

2.3,5，

THE 27ra RADICAL, 厂，

Thick. - liberally, sumptuously,

IIL i. 6. 9. jS^ where one

should treat well, VII. i. 44. i.

An origin ； a fountain. Seems to be
used for 、源, IL ii. 14. i ； 18. a.

The 4th tone, i q. j^. Your good,
cmftil people, VII. ii. 87. 8, 9, 10.

s 十 I 千 I 半 I 卑 .a 卒. I ^^|南| 傅& 角 i ©I 郤 i€f 厚： i 原 rB£

；丄

■ t

od I

L 4

I

6

I

9

8. 7

L6.

INDBX III.]

CHINESE CHABACTERS AND PHRASES

527

取

ch'U

ts'dng

P

k'du

叩

k'du

吉

可

1& a; u.24.a. (6)^

again and again, V. ii. 9.
Obeenre IL ii. 6. i, a.

to repeat,
VI. 11. a.

(i) -jj^ a father's younger brother,

an uncle, VI. i. 5. 4, 5. (a) IS -Jj^, an

elder brother of Ch&u-kung, IL ii. 9. 9, 3.
(3) In surnames, YI. ii. 16. i.— II. ii. 10. 6.

To take, I.ii. 10.9,3; i ； l^si,etdl^
aaepe. To obtain, receive, I. L 1. 4. To
find ； choose ； approve of， III. i.5. 3: IV.
i. 8.3; ii. 18. I， 9; 21. 3; 24. 9,etal. To
seize, UL ii. 5. 5, 6» et ai.

To receiye, IL i. 2. 4 ; 9. i ； ii. 8. i, 3, 4 :
V. ii.4.9,3; 6.4,5, 9t W.， «a«pe. To aooept,

V. t 6. 5, 6. 其所赛 教， those
whose instructions they might receive,
IL ii. 2. 9. 6ir i& JjJ^, it was re-

ceived from a proper souroe, VII. i. 85. 4.

Venerable Sir, I. i.l.a; 6. z
that old KAo, VI. ii. 8. a.

A thicket, IV. i. 9. a.

高叟，

THE 8O1H RADICAL, 口.

(i) The mouth, L i. 7. 16: VI. L 7. 5, 8
(口 B the tongue, tongueSyVII. ii 19. a) ；
24. I ； 87. za. fj 體, the mouth and
body, -the body, IV. i. 19. 3. 口 &，

VI. i. 14.6: Vn.i 27. i. (a) 口 « indi-

Tiduals, a sort of numerative, I. i. 8.4; 7.
a4:yiLi. 22. a.

ii. 4. 10: II. ii.
,9>

To knock at, VII. i. 28. 3.

To call, to Bumrnon, I
2. 5, 7, 10 : V. ii. 7. a, 3,

句

kau

Antiquity, ancient, L it 1. 3 : II. i. 2.
aa, et oL^ aaq)e. is of fre-

quent occurrence, sometimes meaning the
ancients generally, but often the ancient
kings and worthies, I. i. 2. 3; 7. la: IL

ii. 1. 13, et oL "jji^ the ancients,
anciently, II. ii, 7. a: IV. i. 18. 3: IIL
ii. 7. 1, j^^f the ancient duke, the

title of @[ an ancestor of the Ch&u
fiamilyi iTii. 6. 5.

May. Passim. Like may in English,
p\ may represent possibility, liberty, or
ability, is yery frequent, ■» may.

The l/J may sometiines be explained by
ihtr^j thereuUh, but not always. (Ij is
not always an auxiliary, but often con-
▼eys a complete meaning. Obseire pj
and yj^ ^ij" in IIL ii. 1. 4, &a &o.

The 1st tone. In the name ^ Bfe,
L ii. 8. 1.— VII. i. 9. i, ^ "

史

ahih

右
yu

司

sxe

同

fung

名

ming

吏

m

chUn

History ； historical, IV. ii. 21. 3.

(i) The right, 左 ^gT, to— on—the
right and left, Lii.6.3: IL ii. 10. 7 : IV.
ii. 14. }^， the right « the west ―

ofCh*l,VL ii. 6. 5.) 右 《 attendants, I.
ii 7. 4, 5 : ？ disciples, IV. ii 81. i. (a)
師, 让 e title of a high officer at the
courts of the princes, IV. ii. 27. i, a.

To preside over. The phrase 司

應 < the officers/ generally those of inferior
rank, I.ii.l2. i，a; 16. 1： ni. i. 2. 4 ： VL

ii. 10. 4. ^ IL ii. 10. 7. ^

the minister of instruction, III. i.

8. 司 the minister of justice,

VL iL 6. 6. 司 ^^， the city-master,

V. i 8. 3. 司， Bg, the master of the
horse, V. i 8. 3.

Each, every, VIL i. 4. 6.

(1) To agree with, I. L 7. 9: IV. ii. 20.
5 : VII. ii. 87. 1 1, (a) To unite, IV. ii. 1.
3. Observe VII. ii. 16. i.

(i) The same, 1. ii. 16. a: II. i. 2. aa:
III. i. 4. 17, et a!" aaepe. Often = to be the

same, to agree, in or with. 13 ft ？ ，

are there points in which they a^^^ ？
II. i. 2. 94. To make the same, III. i. 4.
18. To consider as common, II. i. 8. 3.

agreeing with, VIL ii. 87. 11.

all in my court, II. ii. 10. s.

Adverbially, 一 together, in common, III.

i. 8. 19 : VII. i. IS. 3. (a) To share, I. ii.
1. 6, 7; 2. 9; 4. 2, et at. (3) A name, II.

ii. 8. I， a.

(I) A prince, a ruler, I. ii.JJ. a : III. ii.
6.4. (a) 一 -
great Tu,

Sometimes « the HsiA, dynasty/ or its
founder, IL i. 1. 10: III. i.8.6: IV. i. 2.

5： V. i. 6. 7. (3) 后 稷, the title of

Shun's minister of agriculture, Tsl (Chi>,
m. i. 4. 8: IV. ii. 29. i, a, 3， 4. '

(I ) The name, VIL ii. 86. a. To name,
nL".ii: IV.i2.4. 無名 之指,
the fourth finger, VL 1 12, i. (a) Fame,
VL a 6. I : VIL a 11. ； g ^
illustrious men, II. ii. 18. 3.

An officer, a minister, III. i. 8. 13 : V.

i 8. 3. ^fe^ the office first held by

Confucius, y. ii. 5. 4. -? f IL i. 6. 6;
ii. 8. a. 八 ^

A prince, a ruler. Posstm. It yery often
occurs in correlation with 臣 ,a minister.

528

CHINESE CHABACTERS AND PHRASES

[index in.

-^-j the superior man, a designation
of the individual high in talents and
virtue. Sometimes indicates station,

^ on y^、 a designation

of Shun, V. i. 2. 3.

To bark, IL i.

10.

(I)- No, I. i. 7. 10, 15， 16; ii. 16. a， et oL,
aaepe. (a) Or not, II. i. 2. i ; ii.2.3; 4. i.

The name of a State, I. ii 8. i : IV. L
7. a.

To tell, inform, announce to, I. ii. 1. 6，

7; 12. 9; 15.1； 16. a, 3, et al., aaepe. 無

the helpless, those who haye

none to whom they can tell their wants,
L ii. 6. 3.

To announce respectfiillj and request,

IV. i. 26. a ： V. i. 2. a.

(I) Paasinu I， my. (a) In the name
眷 夷吾, VLii.l5. I.

(I) Complete, VIL ii 10. (2) 周旋，

turning or wheeling about, VII. ii. 38. a.

(3) Lq. to help, give alms to, V. ii.

6. a, 3 ： VI. ii. U. 4. (4) Name of the
Chftu dynasty, or its original seat, L ii. 8.

6: II. i. 1. 10; ii. 18. 4, et oZ" saepe,

the founders of the Ch&u dynasty,

III. i. 8. 6. the famous duke

of Chku, IL i. 1. 7, e* ai,, aaepe, 周

V. ii. 7. 8. (5) A name, VI. it 6. 5.— V.

i. 8. 3. (6) A surname, III. ii. 8. i.

Taste, flayours, VL i. 7. 5, 8: 17. 3:
VIL ii. 24. I.

To call out, Vn. I 86. 3.

(I) To charge, admonish ； orders, III.

ii. 2. a; 3. 6: IV. i. 7. 3,3： V. i. 2. 4,etal.
To appoint. Applied very frequently to
the ordinances of a sovereign or ruler, I.
ii. 4. 6; 16. I, et al., saepe. Applied aJso
to the ordinances or appointments of
Heaven or God, II. i. 4. 6: III. i. 8. 13，

et oL = the Heaven-ordained, mean-
ing our nature, VII. i. 1. 3. Observe II.
ii 14. 3. to return 一 i. e. report

the execution of a commission, is com-
mon, (a) To instruct ； instructions, III.
i. 5. 5： V.i, 1. a; 2. a: VL ii. 7. 3. (3)

命， speeches, IL i. 2. 18; 9. i, (4)

a double surname, V. i. 1. i.

Harmony, accord ； harmonious, accom-
modating, IL ii. 1. I, 3 : V. ii. 1. 5.

(i) All, III. ii. 9. 6: V. i.2.3; 8. a.
(a) 丘, a double surname, V. i. 4. i, a.

To chatter and clamour about, HI. iL
6. I.

The 4th ione. To swallow, take a
mouthful, IIL ii. 10. x.

Sorrow ； to lament, IIL i. 2. 4, 5: VII.

iL 88. a. Alas for I I. ii. 6. 3. ^ ^哉，

alas ! 一 at the end of the sentence, IV. i.
10. 3: VI. i. 11. a.

To vomit, IIL iL 10. 5.

A particle of exclamation, indicatiiig
admiration or surprise. The most com-
mon use of it in Mencius is at the doee
of interrogative sentences. It is then

preceded by ^r , , . . -^, pj

乎， 何, 奚, c 惡， c 焉, and perhaps

other cluiracters, Li. 2. 4 ； 7. 4， 7, id, 17，

aa, et aly aaepe. ^jnj' is frequent,

I. ii. 16. I, a: V. ii. i» a， et oL Obseire

^^^•|fe^,V.iL7,3« Ik is need

at the end of sentences, Y. L 2, 4^ et oL,
and at the end of commencing clauses,
the subject exclaimed about following

and the sentence often closing with *^-，

•Jg^, or acme other particle, I. ii. 3.

4 ; 4. 5 ; 5. SfBt al, saepe, KfS -^c'lalAs!
VI. i. 11. a,etaL " W

yuan
哭

2.

Things round, cirdes, IV.

5；

ho

tang

snang

n

St

To wail; to bewail, III. i. 2. 4, 5； 4.
13 ： VI. ii. 6. 5 : VII. ii. 83. a.

May. = may get through, L iL

(I) A name of YAo, V. i. 6. 7. (a) A
4' (3) 高唐，

(i) Traders, travelling merchants, I. i.
7. 18 (商賓 ) ： IL l5. 9； ii 10. 7. (a)
The Shang dynasty, IV. L 7. 5.

(I) To ask ； to ask about; a question.
Passim. is often followed by to
ask of or at; once, by <^^， IL i. 1. 3. (a)
1^ 問 =*o study ； learning, IIL 12.4：
VL i. 11. 4. (3) To send to inquire fbr，

V. ii6.4. ffi IL ii. 2. 3. (4) Fame,
VII. ii. 19. 3.

(I) To commence, L ii. 6. 4. (a) To
instruct, III. ii. 9. 6. ($) The name of
Ytt'fl son, V. i. 6. i ；— of the count of Wei,

VI. i. 6. 3.

To taste, to sip, 铺 银, IV. I 25.

(I) Good, virtuous ； what is good ； ex-
cellent, I. i. 7. 21 ; ii. 4. 5 ; 6. 4 : IL i. 1.
8 ; 8. 3, 3， Sf et al, aaepe. (a) Skilful ； to

吠加否 ta^ci 告 I 、 告 s 吾 1 周 i 味 I 呼 3 命. I

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

629

1 1'

hn

ha

be akilful, L i. 7. la ： II. i 2. ii, i8, etal.^
«m>0. To make good ； to cultiyate, II. i.
9. I: V. iL 4. 5： VIL i. 9. 6.

To joy, be glad ； joyftil, I. ii. 1. 7; 9. i:
n. i. 8. I； ii 10. a: V. i. 1. a; 2. 3, 4:
VI. ii. 6. 9; 18. I, 3.

pS 然, the sound of sighing, VTL i.
86. I. *

(I) To illustrate, I. i. 8. a. (a) To
ondentand'VUL ii. 15. 3: VILi. 21. 4.

To mourn for, L i. 8. 3, d a2. The
period of, and aU pertaining to, moam-
ing, L ii. 16. i, a: VIL L 89. i,^6tal.

The 4th tone, (i) To die, expire ； rain,
L i. 2. 4 : IV. i. 1. 9. (a) To lose, I. i. 5.
I: III. ii. 1. a: V.a 7. 5： VL L 10. 5.

Jjotty. ^1^, L ii 7. 1 : HL L i, 15.

To find pleasare in ； to relish. 1. i. 6.4,
6: VII. ii. 86. X.

I magniloquent, VIL iL 87. 6y ^
an ixuBultiog yoice, VL

i 10. 6.

(I) To try, 眷 試, L i 7. 19. (a)

Forming the past tense, I. ii. 1. a: IL i.
2. 7， 15 ； iL 6. i.a, et al., saepe. The com-

bination is frequent

In the designation IL ii 8. i.

To bite, gnaw, IIL L 6. 4.

Teasels ； implementB, I. ii. 11. 3, 4: V.

^ JDL III. 8. 3-

Over against, jjfQ |^， towards one
another. III. i. 4. 13.

(I) To dread, II. i. 2. 4. (a) Pressed
by urgency of ai&uni, IL iL 7. i.

', indifferent and aelf-satisfied,
V. 1- 7. 37 VII. i 9. a, 3.

A sack, L iL 6. 4*

THE 81sT RADICAL, 口 •

Four. 8<upe, 四 and 四

內， a name for all subject to the

royal rule, L i. 7. la : III. ii. 6. 3, 7, et oLj
nqte. Observe IV. ii. 18. 9 : VI. ii. 11. 3.

； :3 方 and 四境， the four qwters

of the kingdom or a State, I. ii. 8. 7; 6. 3:

IL i. 1. lOy e< 02. 四 ^^， 四 ^^， and

VOL. n. M

岡
因

ytn

困

Wwdn

ku

kwo

yilan
土

土

四 fuL^ 也 e four limbs, IL i 6. 6:

u.80.a: VIL i. 21. 4; ii.24. x. DE
the four yirtuous principles of our nat
IL L 6. 6) 7. yV^ four oriminals, V.

i 8. a. 离, all the barbarous tribes
about the Middle Kingdom, I. i. 7. 16.

The name of Confucius's fayourite dis-
ciple, IV. ii. 29. 9| 3.

(I) Then, therefore, I. i. 7. 90. (a) By
means of, taking advantage of, II. ii 10.
4 ： IIL i. 5. I. (3) To accord with, IV.
L 1.6.

To be distressed^ VL ii 15. 3.

(I) Firm ； to be made strong, II. ii. 1. 4.
(a) Stupid, yi.ii.8. a. (3) Asan adverb,
—certainly, indeed, as a matter of course,
I. i. 7. 5, 17； ii. 11. 3 : VII. ii. 6. i, et oL,

A park, I. ii. 2. i, a, 3: lU. iL 9. 5.
the name of king W&n's park,
2. 3. '

the appearance of being em
barraased, V. i. 2. 4.

A State. Bassim,

the royal kingdom,
the State of a hduj L i 1. 4 ； but Buoh a
State is called 萬乗 之幽, LiilO.4:

IL L 1. 13. 國 —the people, L ii.
7. 4, 5 : VIL ii. 28 ； but also - a common
man, IV. ii. 3. i. 國 ^^， a State, with
its component greafc families, L ii. 9. a,
et aL， mxepe. 中 國, the Middle King-
dom, L i. 7. 16, et aLs but « in the middle
of the State, IL a 10. 3. ffl - city, IV.
ii. 88. I : V. iL 4. 4. Used for jSr, V. ii.
7.^. 國 , to administer a State, III.

A garden, IIL ii 9. 5.

THE 82]n> RADICAL, 土.

The ground, soil, |L ii. 7. 4 : IV. ii.8.i:
V. L 4. a. Territory, VL ii. 7. 9;— but

for this meaning -J* jm is commonly

tiBed| meaning also newly-cultivated
ground, L i. 7. 16; ii. 15. i: IV. L 14. 9,3 :

VL ii 9. 1 ; li.^etdL 平 +, plains,
UL ii. 9. 4. ■

The 4th tone. Bark about the roots of
the mulberry tree, IL ii. 4. 3.

To be in; to be on ; to depend on ； 一 the
where, wherein, and whereon following.
Passim. Ab a preposition, ― in, on, L i. 7.
ao : III. i. 8. 3 ; in the case of, Y. L 8. a.

m

喰 1 暘 I 器 Mi 橱一嚴 Is} 囊 i

CHINESE CHAEACT]

S AND PHRASES

[index III.

where is, how is, L L 4. 5 : IIL
i. 8. 7: VIL i. 88. 3. Observe 惟 我

在, LiL3.7; 惟義 所在, IV.ii.

11. I； also IIL ii. 1. a: VLL2.3: VIL
i. 48. I.

(I) 全田, the holy field, IH. L 8. 16.
(a) A name, VI. u. 10; 11. i.

(i) The earthy in correlation wiih

heaven, IL I 2. 13： VII. L 13. 3. 地 =

poeition, II. ii. 1. i, a, 3 : VI. i. 7. a. (a)
The ground ； territory, I. L 5. i, a : II. i.

1.8: V. ii. 2. 4, & 6, 7, 8y 0< oL, saepe, 地

= lands, III. i. 8. 7. Obsenre 井 地,
IIL L 8. 13. 十 jm is common in this

sense. See J^^. also occurs,

IIL i. 8. 14. (3) jA - place, L i. 7. 4, 7 :

IV. ii. 81. 3. jfj^ « regions, IV. ii.l. 3.

Equal, IIL i. 8. 13.

To sit, I. i. 7. 4 •• II. i. 9. 1 ; ii. 11. a, 3,
eteU.

(I) To hand down, L ii. 14. 3. (a)
" to shed tearsy VL ii. 8. a. (3)

[, the name of a place, V. i. 9. a.
A wall, m. ii. 7. 2.

(I) An anthill, II. i. 2. 98. So Ghtk
Hsi explains it, but in the dictionary its
sound with that meaning is chih, (a)

j^， 也 e name of a gate, VIL i. 86. 3.

(I) City walls, 1. iilS.a: VII. ii. 22. 3.
mC 3K, inner and outer or suburban
walls, iL ii. 1. a, 3 : IV. i. 1. 9: VI. ii.
10. 4. (a) A city, cities, IV. i. 14. a. 司
Ij^f V. i. 8. 3. (3) jg^ the name of

a city, IV. ii. 81. i. 瞎 被， id" V. i. 6. i.
A boundary; to bound in, IL iL 1. 4.

To lay hold of, to hold ； to apprehend,
IV. i. 7. 6; ii, 8. 4; 20. a; 24. a: VI. ii.

12. I : VII. i. 86. a. 執中, to hold a
medium ； ―^, to hold to one point,
VIL i. 26. 3, 4.

錄 基， a hoe, II. i. 1. 9.

The hall or principal apartment in a
house, 1. i. 7. 4 : VII. ii. 84. a. (a) 嚷
^g», the Brilliant palace, built for the
purpose of Audience, I. ii. 6. 9.

fu

Bat

Strong, L i 6. 3 : IL ii. 1. 3.

To endure, IV. ii 29. a.

The name of the ancient soYeraigii, II.
i. 2. 96 ; iL 2. 4, et aL, eatpisnme*

To acknowledge, to reply to, VL ii.5. i.

(I) An open area or arena, III. 14. 13.
(9) ]^ 食 j0, a plantation keeper, YL L
14. 3.

(1) Mire, mud, IL i. 9. i : V. ii. 1. i
炭). (2) Roads, L L 8. 5; 7. la

To fill up, U. i.2.13. 充 塞, to fill

up and stop, III. ii. 9. 9. So ^£
VII. ii. 21. I. »

the sound of the dram, L i.

8. a.

Ornaments on walls, = to disfigure, HI,
iL 4. 5.

A border, a boundaiy, I. iL 2. 3. DO
J^;^pSj, pg3^,Lii.6.3:ILi.l.io.

Name of a prince of Ch% VII. L 83. i.

/an

(I) Ink. a carpenter's mark-

ing line, VIL L 41. a. (a) Black, HI. i.
2. 4. (3) Surname of a hereeiarch.
a Mohist, IIL i. 6. i, 2: VIL ii.

i, a. iiLii.9.9. 墨霍, m

ii. 9. 10, 14.
Tombs, IV. a 88. i.

A channel for water ； a ditoh, IIL i. 6.
4 : VI. ii. 11. 3. In otiier oases, always

in combination with "^gj I.ii 12. a ： II,

ii. 4. 9： III. i. 8. 7 ; iLl, a : V. iL 7. 5.

A tract beyond cultivation, IV. a.

士

shih

地，

(i) Mould, IIL ii. 10. 3. (a)
territory, IIL i 8. 14.

To pull down, IIL ii. 9. 5.

THE SSfiD RADICAL, 士，

(i) A scholar, a man of edueation and
ability. PoMstm. (a) An offioer, I. i. 1. 4,
et aaepe. This and the preceding mean-
ing ran into each other. p* 中

士，下士，元士，7*^.3.3»5，6^
7,8.

Ylft a son of the sovereign T'ang,
V. i. 6. 5.

INDKX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

631

*Jt Strong, V. ii 6. 4. ^ =in yigorouB

ehwangmuihood, L i. 5. 3 ; ii. 9. i ; 12. 9： II.
ii 4. 9.

Solely employed, ezdnsiyely active, IL
i2. 1.

hu

iu

夕
外

toat

A goblet, or jog ； a vessel for liquids,
I. ii 10. 4 ; 11. 8 : in. ii. 6. 5. Always

in the phrase
Long life,YIL i. 1. 3.

THE S&iH RADICAL,

(I) Summer, III. ii. 7. 4: VI. i. 6. 5.
(a) Great ；一 a name for China, IIL i. 4.
19. (3) The name of a dynasty, I. ii. 4.
5： IIL i 8. 10: V. i. 6. 6; 7. 6; ii. 4. 4.

后 氏， 仏 e great Yfl, the founder
oftke HsiA dynasty, IIL i8.6. 夏 后,

a soyereign, sovereignB, of the Hsik, IL
: IV.i

10：

i.2.6(?): V. L 6. 7. (4)
the designation of one of Con-
ftioius's diaeiples, II. L 2. 6, ao: III. i. 4.
13. (3) the name of a plaoe, IV.

ii 1. 1.

Repeated, s the appearance of being
referential, V. i. 4. 4.

THE 2&m BADICAL, 夕.
The evening, VL ii. 14. 4.

The outside ； outside ； without, III. i.
4. 7； ii 9. I ; 10. 5: V. ii. 4. 4 ； 6. 4： VL
i. 6. 7 ; ii 6. 5 ： VII. i. 3. a. (9) Eztenml ；
what is external, VL i. 4. i, 9, 4, 5 ; 5. 3,
5; ii 15. 4. To make to be external, IL

12. 15. (3) 三 年 之 夕卜 after three

years; "j^ . • . 夕卜 at a distance of ... ,
V. ii. 1. 7; VI. iL 18. a (4) In correla-
tion with 內, abroad, I. ii. 6. 5 : II. ii.

2. 4. (5) 夕卜 丙, a son of the sovereign
rang, V. i. 6. 5.

Night, IV. a 18. a; 20. 5： VLi.8. i,a.

Many; much, I. i. 1. 4; iii. i, a, et oZ.,
KUpe. To become many, III. iL 9. 5. In
other cases it contains the copula in the
same way. Many times, II. ii. 4. a. Mostly,

VILi.»6.a. ip|*nd 多 聞識,

extensive information, V. ii. 7. 3 : VL ii.
la. 9.

THE 87th radical, 大.

Great, large ； greatly. Passim, To make
great, 1. iL 8. 5. ^^=if the result were

great, IIL ii 1. i. the nobler

M m 2

太

天
fien

of our nature, VI. i. 16. z, 9.
a master-workman, VL 120.9： VII.

大夫， "^夫 大人，

^^， the name of a Bookin the
Shii-ching, U.L^.6,eiaL 太 誓, id.,

IIL iL 6. 6 ; y. i. 6. a ^ "J", a son of
the sovereign T*ang, V. i. 6. 5. Hj^ 不 ,
an ancestor of the House of ChAii, L ii.
8. I； 5. 5； 14. a; 16. i. 太 g 击, the

Grand musio-master, L iL 4. la "jjjj^
and Hjr a minister ofWii and

W^rr. i. 18. I : VI. ii. 8. 6： VIL L 22.
I ； ii. 88. 3. 山 , the TAi mountain

in ShantuDg, Li. 7. 11: II. i. 2.98： VII.

i. 24. I.

(I) Heaven ； the material heaven : the
heavens, the ekj, L i 6. 6 : IL i. 2. 13;
4. 3: IV. U. 26. 3: V. i. 4. I, 9： VIL i.
41. (a) Its more common use ia for the
supreme, goTeming Power, with more or
less of personality indicated, L ii. 8. a， 3,
7; 10. a; 14.3; 16. 3: ILi.4.6; 5.6; 7.
a; ii 1. I, 9; 8. a; 18. 1， 5： IIL i. 5. 3:
IV. LI. 10; 7. 1, 5; 8.5; 12. a: V. i. 5. a,
3j 4, 5, 6, 7; 6. I, a, 4; 7. 5, 9; ii. 1. a;
8. 4: VI. i. 6. 8; 7. I； 16. a; 16. i, a, 3;

ii. 15. a: VII. L 1. 1， a; 19. 3; 20. 3; 38.

I； ii.24. a: ？ V. L 1. i, a. (3) 天 子,
the highest designation of the sovereign,
I. ii. 4. 5 : II. ii. 7. a， et aL, wepe,
"JT, 8ee"|\.

(I) A male, males, I. li. 6. 5： III. i. 8.
17. A husband, I. ii. 5. 3. - a fellow,
L ii. 8. 3. 80, when joined with >ftg ， II •

12.4； with 通， V.ii

with 都, V.

ii 1. 3； with VIL ii 16.

妻, IIL i. 4. 8: IV. ii. 80. 5.

E 丈夫， 《^丈

AAA

, a hu8bandman,III. i. 4. 5， 9, et al. Ob-

w 夫… 布， ILi«5.5» (2) 大夫，

a general name for the officers of a court,
below the chief minister. Saepe. See

especially V. ii 2. 3. (3) ^fc -^eonr

master — used in conversation. Applied
to Mencius. Pasbim, Applied to Con-
fucius, Saepe, ^fc = your huBband, UL

ii. 2. 9. Observe IV. i. 18. a, meaning,
my master ； and so generally, IV. ii. 24. 3.

(4) , the wife of a prince, IILii.8.3.

The 2nd ton& (i) An initial particle,
which may generally be rendered by now.
Sometimes, however, we must use then or
hut : and sometimes it will hardly admit

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[index Hi

of being rendered in English. Passim,
(a) A final particle, with exclamatory
force, rV. ii. 24. a: VI. i. 1. a; ii. 7. a.

(3) Intermediate in sentences, with a de-
monBtrative foroe, I. i. 6. 6: II. ii. 2. 6 ：
VII. i. S9. 4. To this are to be referred

今夫， ^夫, and 且夫 the two
former of which are common.

To lose, II. i. 1. 8; ii I.4; 4. i, 9, H aL，
aaepe. To lose,— not to get, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7.
24, et (d. To &il of or in, III. ii. I.4: VL

iL7, QyetaL 自 ^|^, to lose one's self,

II. L 9. 9： compare IV. i. 19. i.

(I) Even; eyenly. In the phrase
VIL ii 87. 6. (a) To wound, « to be
offended, IV. i 18. 3. (3) Used for 翁,

the invariable rules of yirtne, VL i. S. 8.

(4) Barbarous tribes ； 一 properly those on

the east, as in ^ jU^, m.ii.9. 11. But
used generally, IIL L 4. la. We have
also ||,Lii.8. I； |[|Q ||tL 17. 16;

東 IV. ii. 1.1； and 目 离, L ii
11. 9, et al, (5) A surname. III. i. 6. (6)
In the honoraiy epithet, 《|^ XL i
2. oa, et al, taepe. Also in the name,

昝 夷吾， VI. it IS. I.
The name of a State, III. ii. 9. 6.

Services, VI. i. 10. 7， 8.

In

a name. 宫 之 奇, V. i. 9. a.

Shim's minister of Instruction, III. L
4. 8.

(I) An interrogative particle, = how,
why, what, I. L 7. 32 ; ii. 11. a : IIL ii. 1.
aj 6. 4: IV. ii. 28. 4, 6: V. i. 2. 3， 4;
8. a; ii. 4. 6; 7. 4, 5： VI. ii 1. 7; 2. 3:

VIL L 84; ii.4.3; 22.3. 4 & ^SL, I. ii

10. 9 : VL iL 18. 3. In names,
, V. i. 9. i,a: VLii6.4; 16. i. 一
， IIL ii 1. 4.

To snatch, take by force ； to rob, L i. 1.
4; 8. 4; 6. 4; 7. 23： III. ii. 6. 9： IV. i.
16. I : VI. ii. 1. 8. Obsenre VI. i. 16. a.

To press forward ； to make himself dis-
tinguiahed) VII. ii 16.

THE 881H RADICAL, 女.

A woman, a female ； a daughter, L ii.
6. 5: ni. ii. 4. 3; 6.5: IV. i. 17. I： V.i.

1.3,4; 2. z; ii.6.6: VII. ii. 6. -^Ar,
a daughter, III. ii. 2. a; 8. 6. *

女

na

如

jUk 0】

or
zu

站

始

shih

The 3rd tone. For YtT, you, your, L
L 2. 4; ii. 9. I, a: IIL ii?l. 4； 2. a.

The 4th tone. To ^ve a daughter to
one in marriage, IV. i. 7. a: V. ii. 6. 6.

The 4th tone. To love, be fond of.

"^， to be fond of strange things, V.

i. 8. I; 9. I. 歸 -J-^ ^{jp, to become
friendly, VI. ii. 7. 3. Mencius never aaes
Tjf as an adjective in the 3rd tone, TWp
=good, fine, unless in V. i. 1. 4.

(i) As. Saepe, We often find
and inj ijV, thus, such, so. (a) AB=if,
though, since, I. L 8. 9 ; 5. 3 ; ii. 6. 4, 5, e<
dUf saepe. So Xf|} VL L 7. 5; 10. 3，

"- (3) 如何, 如; S 何, 何如，
see on ^laT, but observe the difference

between 'jfef at the beginning and

at the end of a sentence. Observe also
L ii. 14. 3. (4) After adjectiyes, it « oar
termination ！ y， VIL i. 18 ； 12. a, etaL (5)

im-B to wiah, IL ii 2. i.

A consort, a wife. The diciioxutiy 1
that the most houourable inmai eof

harem next to the queen was called

but it seems to have the highest ;
in I. ii 6. 5.

Irregular, utterly lost, IV. ii. 28. 61

jj^ jl [令, a go-between, a matchmaker,
UL ii. 8. 6.

A deceased mother. In jjjjj. V.

A wife, I. i. 5. 4, 0< ai" scupe.
wife and child^ wives and children. Saepe.

The 4ih tone. To give to one to wilb,
V. i. 2. a. To hare to wife, V. i. 1. 4.

A concubine, IV. ii S8. i, a : VL i. 10.
7,8; ii. 7.3. In VIL ii. 34. a, >^ # 二

* attendants and concubinea.'
-women, III. ii. 2. a. ^ ^

To begin ； beginning ； first, L i. 2. 3 ; 8.
3; 4. 6; ii. 2. 3; 4. 9; 11. 9： II. i. 6. 7;

ii. 10. 7 : III. i. 8. a (N 卫： )， 13； 6.3; u.
6.4: V. L 2. 4; ii. 1. 6.

(I) For the present, if you please, L ii.
9. I, 2: II. i. 2. ai : VIL L 89. 9. (a) In
III 丄 5. 4, the meaning ia undeterminecL

A, or the, surname, Y. ii, 9. i, 4 ： VIL
ii. 86. a. 白 jt^, the people, L i. 7. 5,
6, 7, 10, la, et al.f 9aepe,

To give up ； to cast awaj, IL ii. 1. 3:
in. i. 5. 4.

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHAKACTEBS AND PHRASES

533

The 4th tone. Public stores of grain,
&e. ^fe^ ^^， the first office held by
Confucius, V. ii. 5. 4.

姜 姜 女, the wife of king TAi. 姜
Chiang U £ne surname, I. ii. 5. 5.

嫁 Beauty, VL i. 7. 7.

Migesty, dread, I. it. 3. 3 : III. ii. 2. 3.
To overawe, H. ii. 1. 4.

To marry (on the part of the man), IV.
L 26.3： V. i. 2. I, a; ii. 5. x.

(i) A married woman, a wife. III. i. 4.
8; ii 2. 9. Qj^ m. ii 5. 3: V. i.
7. 6; ii. 1. a: VIL 122. a. See (a)
A name, 瑪 婦， VIL ii 23. a.

$々， a mAtohmaker, III. ii. S. 6.
A name. IV. i. 1. i.

To flatter, YII. ii 87. 9.

To be married (on the part of the
woman), III, ii. 2. a.

An elder brother's wife, IV. i. 17. i, 3:
V. i. 2. 3.

A favourite (in a bad sense), and
人， I. i. 7. 16 J ii. 16. I， 3： IIL ii 1. 4.

The name of a place, II. ii. 7. i.

THE 8»rH RADICAL, 子.

(i) A son. PaasinL But often it is
equivalent to chUd, children; 一 especially

in the frequently recurring phrase

-^. So, in ^jjj^ -^, an infant, III. t

5. 3. -^, a daughter, IIL ii. 8. 6.

-^, a viigin daughter, VL ii 1. a

(a) A general appellAtion for virttious
men, which may be translated by gmile-
tnan, diacipUn philoscpher, kc. Saq>e. In
this senae it is often used in conversation,
and is equivalent to Youj Sir, Observe

吾 予， n. ii. 1. 3, and 二 三子，

my friends, my disciples, I. ii. 16. i. In
this sense it is very common after sur-
ges and honorary epithets. We have

7， 孟子， 告子， *c It

is used also after the Burname and name
or epithet together, as in 5 & jftir -^,
et al. (3) A title of nobility, V. ii. 2. 3,
4> 5. So, in 微 子, IL i. 1. 8 ： VL i. 6.

3f and 笑 子， IL L 1. a (4) It enters

子

tsze

chieh
孔

often into designations, as in -^r*

JH, ftc. kc. Into names also, as in

IV. ii 26. I， and perhaps |^

IV. iL 24. 9. -3p. 5^, IL ii. 10. 6,

and -^p 1^9, rv. ii. 24. a, seem to be
eqaivalent to surnames. (5) Phrases
formed with are 一 the
highest name for the sovereign. Scupe.
-^p sons and younger brothers ―
youths, I. ii. 11. 3: II. i. 6. 6, et al.;
•^p*, disciples, II. i. 1. 7 ; ii. 10. 3 ； 11. 3：
IV. i. 7. 3 ; «|^， descendants, I. iL 14.
3, d 02. Observe IV. i. 7. 3; 先子， see
^fe • ffr the crown prince, III. i.
1. 1, et dL; the pupil of the eye,

IV. i. 15. 1, 2 ； 1^ -^, the designated

heir, VL ii 7. 3; 夹 子， see 夫 ； >j、
-^, little children, said to the disciples
by Confucius, IV. i. 8. 3 ; 14.

a boy, IL i, 6. 3 : IV. i 8. a ;

IIL ii. 5. 9, 3 ; and ^* -^,

Half-an-oue| V. i. 4. a.

Asnmame. That of Confiicius. Passim,
fc'wtg ； a， 4«

存 (I) To be in, IV. i. 15. 1， cU, 存-
t8*un to abide, VIL i. 13. 3. (a) To be pre-
seryed, IL i. 1. 8, et al, aaepe. to
be alive, VIL i. 20. 9. To preserve, IV.
ii. 19. 1, et al. Observe 存 IV. ii. 28.

(I) Filial piety; filial; to be filial, I. i.
8. 4; 6. 3; 7. 34, et al, aaepe^ (a) The
honorary epithet of a duke of Wei, V. ii.
4. 7.

(i) In a name,yi. i. 6. i, 5. (2) A
chi name, V. i. 14. i.— V. ii. 4. 7.

IL ii. 10. 6. Obflerve 季 子 and
任， ii. 6.

孟 (i) The great, chief, 趙 孟， E i 17.
mdng 9. (a) A surname. That of Menci
Passim. Y 中 IL ii. 2. 3, 一

^ Jjp,YLi.5. I, 5.-^

V ii.8.A 一孟施 i and 孟賁, IL
i. 2. a， 5, 6, &

Young and fatherless, I. ii. 6. 3. j9E "*
friendless, YII. i. 18. 9. *^

Children. Said by CM Hsi to mean
wives and children, I. ii. 6. 3.

534

in

CHINESE CHARACT

infant, able to smile.
VIL i. 16. a.

(I) A grandson, IV. i. 2. 4. 子

desoendanU, I. ii. U. 3. Observe 〜
子, IV. L 7. s (a) In double
11. i. 1. 1, et aL—U, u. 10. 6.— VI. ii. 16. i.

Who, which: 一 interrogative, I. i. 6. 3,
5,6; 7. 17,18; it 1.4: IV. i. 19, 1, a, €tal.

, to be earnest and carellil in,
:，2;". I.

(I) To learn; learning, I. ii. 9. 1， a: IL

i 2. 19, aa, et aL, mqm. ^ 問, to study,

IIL i. 2.4: VL i. 11. 4. (a) A school, or
ooUege, of a higher order, III. L 8. 10.

(I) 鶴子, a boy, IL I 6. 3: IV. L 8.
a. (a) In a name, IV. ii. 24. a.

(I) The sons of ooncubines, VII. i. 18. a.
(a) = calamities, IL i 4. 6: IV. i. 8. 5.

THE 40th radical^

宇

The aides of a house, below the eaves,
aa settlement, L ii 5. 5.

A homestead, a dwelling, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7.
24： IL i. 7. a: IV. i. 10. a, 3： VII. i. 22. a.

To guard, have the charge of; to ob-
serve, but with the idea of guarding, I.
ii. 4.5; 18. a; 16.9： II.L2.6,8; ii.5.5:
III. i. 8. 18; ii. 4. 3: IV. i. 8; 19. i, a;
ii 81. 9： VI. u. 6. I： 7. 5： Vn. ii. 82. i,

2. a keeper, VIL L 86. 3.

(I) Ease, quiet, VI. ii. 15. 5： VII. ii.
24. 1, (a) Tranquil ； to be in repose ； to
repose in, II. i. 7. a ; 12. 5： IV. i. 10. a， 3 ；
8.1： V. i. 5.6: VIL i. 82. 9. (3) To give
reposeto, Lii.8.6, 7,8: II.ii.ll.3: VII.
L 19. a. (4) Quietly, in tranquillity, I. i.
4. I： III. ii. 2.1： IV. ii. 14. i.

(x) The name of a State, II. L 2. 16; iL
8.1,3： III. i. 1. 1 ; 2. I； 4. 3, et al. (a) A
surname, VI. ii. 4. i.— VII. i. 9. i.

Complete ； to complete, IV. i. 1. 9: V.

i. 2. 3.

Pertaining to one's ancestors. In the
phrase the ancestral temple, L

ii. 11. 3: IV. i. 8. 3: VL u. 8. 5; 10. 4.

國 ， the State which we honour, IIL
i. 2. 3.

An officer. ^* all the olBoers,

III. i. 2. 3, 4, 5, 02, An office, V. ii. 2.
6, ^f 8, g, et al. In some cases it is hard
to Bay to which of these meanings we
should assign the character. Applied to
the seniles and the mind, VI. i. 16. 9.

tS AND PHRASES. [index iil

定

Ung

宜

(I) To flettle, compose; to be aettied,
I.L6. a: III. L 2. 3; 8.13; ii».3(2^^):
IV. i. 20; 24.3； 28. q: V. ii.9.4: VILL
21. a, 3. (a) An honoraiy epithet, III.
i 2. 1.

shih

in

(I) To be right, rdasonable ； to seem
to be ； ought, ought to be, L i. 7. 7 ; iL 2.
3, 3: IL 112.5； 9.3: IIL u. 1. I: IV. i.
1. 7 ; 24. 9 ; ii. 24.1； 28. 4: y.i.2. I； iL
6. 3: VIL i. 41. I. (a) In a name, VIL
ii. 88. 3.

A yisitor, a stranger, II. ii. 11. 3.

k'o

(I) A house, I. ii.9. I： II. ii. 10. 3, etai.,
stupe, ^ft^ houses, edifices, ILL iL

9. 5： VL i. 10. 7; iL 10. 4: VIL L 26. s.
a palace, Y. ii 8. 5. 室" family'
- V. ii.2. I： VL iL 10.

IV. asa. I. (a)

, IIL ii8.6.
id female dwell

An honorary epithet. ML ^F,
I. i. 7. ij et oL, Mipe.

(I) A palAoe, V. i. 2. 3 ; 6. 7 ; 7. 9.
»a house, an establiahment, IIL i. 4. 5.

see (9) A samame, V. L

9. a. In the double Borname j 匕 IL

i. 2. 4, 6.— V. iL 2. i. (3) 上 ^ and
仏 e nunes of two palaces,
VIL iL 80. I： L U. 4. i.

(i) To injure ； to be injured; injmy,
L ii. 15. 1 : IL i. 2. 13, 16^ et oZ" aaepe. It

is often followed hj IIL 4, "
(a) In a name, |^ ^|t,VIL iL

What, why, I. ii. 2. 4. ChtL Hst, how-
ever, explains it here by t^ien.

To be at eaae， to feel happy, IIL iL 8. 3.

At night, IIL L 8. a.

(i) A chief officer, IV. i. 14. 1. 象宰,
866 (9) A surname, IL L 2. x8, 35, 26.

(i) A house, a home. III. iL 2. a. (a)
A zjunily, families, L i. 8. 4; 7. 04: IIL
i. 8. 19: VIL i. 22. 9. (3) A fiunily, a
olan, the poeseasions of 氣 great officer.
PasHnu This is the most oommon lue of
the term in Menoias. The combination

is frequent, see Some-
times it = the chief of such a faxoily,
I. i. 1. 4: V. ii. 3. 9, 3. (4) A husband,

有 家, ii.a6 Obaenre 家 邦,
I. 1. 7. la ； and ^ VI. ii. 1. &

ho

fadi

chid

i 孫 一 孰 1 f 學 II f 擎 I f i 守 I t 朱， 完 ii

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHABAGTEBS AND PHRASES

635

m 喜

Oiih

11.
-to

to the

(I) Countenance, deportment, Y. i.4. i:
VII. iL 83. 3. (a) To be tolerated, VI. ii.
8. 9. To get the oountenanoe of, VII. i.
19. 1. (3) To be admitted (as light), VII.

(4) 罪不赛 丧, death

is not enough for the crime, IV. i. 14. a.

(I) To stop oyer night, 11. iL 2. 4 ;

I, 3 12. I, 4, 6. (a) 宿

cherish, V. i 8. a.

to hush, V. i. 4. I.

(I) A robber, plunderers, IV. ii.8. i, 4 ；
81. I, a. (9) 司 chief minister of
Justice, VL ii. 6. 6.

(I) Riches ； rich ； to become rich, L iL
6. 3; 16. a: II. ii. 2. 6; 10. 5, et aL,

Often in the phrase "j^.

abundant, good, VI. i. 7. i. (a) To make
rich, IV. i. 14. a: VI. iL 9. i. To deaire
the riches of, III. ii. 6. 3.

To sleep, VL iL 18. i, 3.

fer from oold, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 94.
a cold, IL iL 2. i. To subject
luenoe of cold, VL i. 9. 2.

To ezamine, to observe closely, I. i. 8.
z ； 7. lo ； ii. 7. 4, 5： IV. ii. 19. a : VII. i.

5. -to be extremely particular, VIL

i. 46. 9 (observe the idioms).

To lodge (aotiye), IV. ii SI. i.

(I) Few, little, generally in correlation

to ^ or 孰， I. i 7. 17 : IL i. 2. i6y etcU.

(a) Old and husbandless, widowed, I. it 5.

3. (3) the humble designation of

themselves by the princes, 一 the opposite
of our We, L i. 8. i ; 4. i ; 5. i ; 7. 4, oZ.

(4) c equal, — in the phrase
whicn is explained by ijjS} such a wife
as seldom is to be found, L i. 7. la. Com-
pare >J、 in Analects, XVL xiv.

(I) To befall; to fill, 1. ii. 12. 2: III.

ii 5. 5 « to put). Joined with ,

VIL ii 26. 5, 6; 81. 3. (a) Sincerity,

VII. i. 37. 3. 寞實, in reality, IIL I

S. 6. 8 meritorious services, VL ii

6.1. (3) Fruit, III. ii. 10. 1. Metaphori-
cally, IV. i. 27. I, a.

To enjoy repose ； to give repose to, III.
ii 9. II： VIL ii. 4. 5.

(I) Wide and loose, II. i. 2. 4， 7.
Generous, V. ii 1. 3: VII. ii. 15.

Precious things, YIL ii. 28.

(a)

寸

ts'un

射

ahih

To distinguish, to exalt) L ii 8. 7.

THE 41sT RAJ)ICAL, 才.

An inch, inches, II. ii. 7. a: IV. ii. 7

(N,B, ): VI. iLl.5; 2. a. Observe "rf^,
VL i. 14. I, 6. z 、 J

(I) Dykes* the boider-divi-

Bions of a State, IL ii. 1. 4. (a) To appoint,
一 to territory or offioe, V. i. 3. i, a: VI.
ii. 7, 3; 8. 6.

將

Chiang

To ahoot with an arrow and string ； to
flhoot, VL i. 9. 3 ; iL 2. 3.

chery, V. ii. 1. 7: VI. i.

aD archer, II. i. 7. 5:
', sometimes, alone.

(1) Shall, will, should, would; to be
going to, to be about to. Passim, It ex-
presses a purpose, and often, especially in
questions, puts it delicately. Will be,
III. i. 1. 5. (a) To offer, present, V. ii. 6. 5.

(3) ？ To assist, IV. L 7. 5. (5) 將 Mf
a general, VL il. 8. i.

Entiroly, exclusively, IL i 1. 3.
n with ezcluBive attentiozii VL i 9. 3.
To presume, take on oneself, VI. ii. 7. 3.

To honour, II. i. 4. a ; 6. i, et al., aa^.
Honour ； to be honoured, VII. i. 82. i.
Honourable, IL i. 7. a: IIL ii. 6. 9. An
honoarable situation^V. ii. 5. a, 3. Honour-
able things, IL ii. 2. 6.

A meastire of eight cubits^ IIL ii. 1. 1, 3.

To reply. ' Saepe, Used properly of the
reply of an inferior to a superior.

To lead, conduct, IV. ii. 8. 3. To lead
on, influence, VII. L 22. 3.

The 42]!n> RADICAL, 小

>J、 Small, little ； a little (adverb). Soupe.

haicuy /j 、一 mean creatures, VIL ii 19. 3. To
consider small, VIL i. 24. i. To make
Btnall, I. ii. 9. x. Of phrases with yj、
we have — yj、 see 子 ； yj 、人, t^e

opposite of and saepe;

yj、 the meaner part of our constitu-
tion, VI. i. 15. i, 2 (compare 14. a, 5) ；
yj、 E^, the inferior people, IIL L S. 10 ;

yj、 勇, mean, small valour of a bravo,
I. ii, 8. 5 ; /1、 ^j^， a small man, IX

ii 12. 6; >J、 功， the name of the five
months' period of mourning, VII. i. 46. a;
/】、 name of an ode, VL ii. 8. i, 4.

536

CHINESE OHARACTEBS AND PHRASES.

[INDBZ in.

尸

shih

尺

€h*ih

nt

尼

ni

尹

yin

chU

ch'H

(I) Few, Liil.4: V. i.6.a. jj^ 少,

to decrease, I. i. 8. i. (a) In a little, V.
i. 2. 4.

The 4th tone. Young, V. i. 1. 5.

(I) Stm (adv.), III. i. 5. 1 ； ii. 10. 6. (a)
To exalt, VII. i. 83. a, 3. (3) To surpaas, II.

ii« 2. 9: VII. ii. 22. 1. (4) to go up

to court, V. ii. 8. 5. To ascend, V. ii. 8. a.

(5) To add to, be added

草 尙;^

ni. i. 4, 13. Observe

the grass, when the wind is on it
i. 2. A.

THE 48BD RADICAL, 尤.

(I) A fault, I. ii. 4. 9. (a) To grudge
against, to blame, I. ii. 12. 2； II. ii. 18. i.

To go to, to approach, I. i. 6. a, 7 ; 7. 4,
6, 7, et al.j saepe,

THE 44th radical, 尸.

To personate the dead at saeiifioes,
J)eing a resting-place for their spirits, VI.
i. 5. 4.

A cubit, II. i. 1. 8: IIL i. 4. 17； ii. -.
I, 3: VI. i. 14. 1, 6; ii. 2. a: VH. ii. 84. a.

The 4th tone. To stop, 1. ii. 16. 3.

中 /£， the designation of ConAicius,
I. i. 4. 6; 7. a, $tia,

(I) ^5*, the chief minister of the
sovereign Tang, IL L 2. aa, 93, et al, aaepe,
(a) A surname, II. ii. 12. i, 3， 7. -S* ^^，
apparently a double surname, iVTii. 24. a.

(I) To dwell, reside, in,— generally ap-
plied to places, but sometimes to official
positions ； residence, seat. Paaaim. It is
Applied metaphorically also to virtues, and
their oppoeites, as in II. i. 4. i : III. ii. 2.
I， 3: III. i. 10. 1, 3： compare IL ii 2. 19.
In VII. it 87. II, 居；^ 麵 their prin.
ciples; compare IV. ii 14* 居 ~ to
choose an alternative, II. ii 3. i. In VII.
i. 86. I, a, 3, Jg- status, poeitioxi. In
VL ii. 9, 3, = to retain. Jg 者， those

who stayed at home, 1. ii. 5. 4. (a) In
a name, III. ii. 6. 9.

(i) A house,
^ 屋

i. 8. a: IV. ii. 81.
I a double surname,

(I) To bend (act), III. ii. 2. 3. To be
b^t» yi. i. 12. I. (a) The name of a
place in Tsin, V. i. 9. 3.

Always in the phrase 不 屑, 一 not
to consider pure, not to condesoend or

山

sAan

stoop to, II. i. 9. I, 3： VL i. 10.6; ii 16.
I : VII. ii. 87. 7.

The 3rd tone. To drive away, IV. iL
80. 5,

Shoes or sandals, made of woven
materialB, III. i. 4. i, 17, 18; iL 10. 4:
VI. L 7. 4: VIL ii. 80. i, a.

To tread, V. ii 7. a

Belongings, = relationships, TV. u.80. 5.
To collect, L it 15. i.

THE 4dTH RADICAL, 山 •

Hills, a mountaiii, II. ii. 1. 4: HL i.
4.7: VI. i. 2.3; 8:1. wooded hilLsy

I. i. 8. 3. [2j ：^, hill-paths, VIL il 21.
東山, VII. i. 24; 太山, Li^ 7. in

II. L 2. 98: VII. i. 24; ^山， Lii.15.
I； 祟山, 淑山, V.i";
^[l|,V.i.6.i; VLi.ai;

and 岐 山, L a U. 2; 15. x,— are all
names of moontams.

dangerous, unaettledyV. L 4.

A mountain, by which was the original
seat of the ChAu family, giving also its
name to the adjacent country, L iL 5w 3, 5.

岐周, IV.ai.a« ll^ 山， aeelJj.
A small high hilL J^;^,VI. ii. 1. 5.

(I) The name of a place in Ch'i, IL ii.
(a) 祟山， 《ee 山.

To die,— -spoken of a sovereign, II. i 1.

7： V. 15.7； 6. i,s the horns

lowered to the ground, as when two bolls
are fighting, VII. ii 4. 5.

A corner or bend of a hill, VIL u.2a.9.
A neighbourhood in the capital of Gh%

chin

lading

III. ii. 6. I.

u.

y majefltio, in. i 4. zi: VEL

Preoipitous, VIL i 2. a.

THE 47th radical, 《◊
'A stream, IV. i, 1. i.

To perambulate. 巡狩, to m&k"

tour of inspection— spoken of the ancient
sovereigns^ I. ii. 4. 5： VI. ii. 7. a.

INDXX III.] CHINESE CHARAGTEBS AND PHRASES

537

Nestfl, = ahelteivhuts, IIL ii 9. 3.

(I) the name of a place, V. i.

iu 8, 9. (a) Id a name, IIL ii. 6. a.

kung

巧

ck'ido

巨

cka

已

chi

t 已

THE 48th radical, 工.

(I) A workman, VII. L 41. a. 百工,

the various workmen, HL i4.5,d T.

«= a charioteer, HL ii 1. 4. 賁币， the
master of the workmen, I. ii. 9. i. (a) In
opposition to ^Q， 觀 officers^ IV. L 1. 8.
(3) the title of an ancient high

officer, V. L 8. 3.

The left 左 右， to-^n— the left
and right, L ii 6. 3: II. ii. 10. 7: IV. ii.
14. I. 一 attendftntSy L ii 7. 4, 5.

？ disciples, IV. ii. 21. i.

Skill; skilful; to be skilfdl, lY. L 1. 1 :
V. ii. 1. 7： VIL i 7. a; ii. 6.

Lai^greatyLiL9. 1: IIL 18: IV.
i 6w 自 the thumb, IIL ii 10. a.

A witch, ~~ one who prays and makes
incantations on behalf of others, II. L 7. i.

An order; a difference, III. L 5. 3: V.
ii.2. a

THE 49th radical, 已 •

Self, Myself. Himself, yourself 一 and
the plnrala Ptotm. 自已, the same,

n. t 4. 5. Obserre IILii. 10. 5: VL ii.

8. 9： VIL i. 9. 5.

(I) To stop, end, 1. ii. 6. i : IIL ii. 8.

I, a, 3, 0^， «M!P«. ^ 'g,, if I may
not stop, I. ii. 18. a. Its most common
use is at the end of sentences in the

phrase ( 已 ^^， and there stop, 囊

and nothing more. Peusttn. So 曲

alone, VL ii 2. a. Also without the ,

IV. ii.80.5. 不得 c 已, nottobekiJe

to stop, what is the result of necessity, is
also frequent, I. ii. 7. 3 ; 14. a, oL, sogM.

已， alone, at the end of clausee and

Bentences, gives strong emphasis to the
previous anertion, I. i. 7. 16, ao: II. i.

9. I， 9y " mqte. (a) 薦 to decline, VL

1 10. 8; to avoid, IV. L 9. 4; to diBtniss,
I. ii. 6. 9. (3) Indicates the past tense.
Must be translated sometimes by was,
iMrtfjLii 16.1： IV. ii. 10. x: YL iL 18. &

A lane, IV. ii. 29. a.

市

8hih

布

pdi

帝

$hih

n

pi

THE 60th radical, fjj .

A market-place) markets, I. i. 7. 18 ； ii.
5.3; 11. a; 15.1, at

V. il 7. I. In n. ii 10. 7, "jfe

ifl probably 一 * thoee who established 】
kets,' rather than * market-dealers.' Ob-
serve II. L 5. d.

Cloth,— of flax, III. L4. 17; ii 丄 3: VII.
it 27： ？ n. i. 5. 5.

Always in the phrase ^fj^ 《 little,'

few, IV. ii. 19. I； 88. a: Vl. i.8.9: VII.

i. 16.

Cloth,— of silk, L i. 8. 4; 7. 94: III.

L4.I7: VILL22.a,3. ^ ^, VL
11. 10. 4; see HK.

(i) A ruler, or sovereign, the ruler ； 一
used of YAo and Shun, U. i. 8. 9: Y. i. 1.

3,4; 2.9； ii. 8. 5. (a) 上 帝, God，the

moat High God, I. iL 8. 7: IV. i. 7. 5;

ii. 26. 2.

A leader, IL L 2. 91

Formerljin the entering tone. To lead,
V. L 4. I.

(I) A military host, I. ii. 4. 6; 10. 4;

II. 3: VI. iL 4. 5, 6. ^ 師, the royal
anniesy YI. ii. 7. 9. (a) A teacher,:

III. 4; 8. II； 4. ia， 14, et al.
師, IV. L 7. 3. (3) To make one's
to follow, IV. i. 7. 4. (4) 傷 師, a plan-
tation-keeper, VL i 14. 3. 币, the

master of the workmen, L ii 9. i.
食币, the Grand musio-master, I. ii. 4. la

So, 師 alone, IV. i 1. 1 : VL i. 7. 6. 士

1^ 币， the chief criminal judge, I. ii. 6. 9 :
II. ii.5. X. 1^ 食币 ， title of a high officer,

IV. ii 27. I, a., ？ II. ii. 14. 3.

A mat, mats, IIL L 4. i.

A girdle, a sash, YIL ii. 82. i.

Regular, V. ii. 6. a, 4. Constant, un-
changing, rV. i. 7. 5. =&n average,
in. 18.7. 常 常, constantly, V. i. S. 3.

帛, pieces of silk given as gifts

or presents, VL ii. 10. 4. So, alone,

V. i. 7. 3： VI. ii. 6. I： VIL i. 诏. a.

I. q. jj^, changing-like, sud-

denly, V. i. 7. 4.

538

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES.

[iKDKx in

平

幼

yu

/•A

TH£ 6l9r RADICAL^ 干.

(i) A shield. 1. ii 6. 4: V. i. 2. 3. (9)
To seek for, II. ii. 12. i: VIL ii. 8S. 9.

(3) In names. J;jj the uncle of

the tyrant Chin, IL L 1. 8: VL L 6. 3.

一段 干木，

(I) To be brought to a etaie of perfect
order. Spoken of the physical condition
of the country, III. L 4. 7； of its goyem-
ment, III. ii. 9. 11: IV. ii. 29. 1： VIL iL

82. 9. IL ii la 5: IV. i. 1. i.

|Rr, to make government even, to

dispenae equal justice, IV. ii. 2. 4. Com-
pare IIL i 2. 13. (a) Even, level, IV. i.

1.5： III. ii. 9. 4. 2i£ 曰， the day-break,

the time evenly between night and day,
VI. i. 8. a. (3) An honorary epithet, V.

ii. 8. s— L ii. i. (4) 4^ the

name of a place, II. ii. 4. i : VL lL5. i^a, 6.

A year, yean. Saepe.

Fortunate, lucky ； fortunately, III. i
2. I： rV. i. 1. 8. Obflerre the idiom of

幸 followed by 而, IL ii 2. i : IV. ii.

20.5.

THE 52irD RADICAL, ；^.

Young, to treat as the young; the
young, L i. 7. la ； ii. 6. 3 ； 9. i: IIL i. 4.
8; ii. 6. 9： VI. ii. 7. 3.

(I ) Dark, III. i. 4. 15. (a) An honorary
or rather dishonouring epithet of a
Boyereign, IV. i. 2. 4: VI. i 6. a. (3)

Km ^MJ, the name of a place, V. i 8. 9.

The zst tone. (iVTo hope, VIL i. 41. i.

(a) In the phrase » 希, little, few, IV.

ii. 19. I ； 88. fli'vi. i. 8. a: YU. i. Id.

(3) In the phrase 庶 near to, or

expressive of a wish, I. ii. 1. 1, 3, 7: IL
ii. 12, 4, 5.

Several, I. ii. 12. 9： II. ii. 4. a. ？ how
many, IV. i. 24. 9.

THE 58rd radical, J*".

(i) A kind of school, I. ii. 8. 4; 7. 94 :
III. i. 8. 10. (a) A due order. III. i. i. 8.

(I) Lq. jflf^ a whetstone, V. ii. 7. 8w
(9) 底" to come to, IV. i. 28. 9.

A kitchen ； shambles, I. i. 4. 4; 7. 8:
IIL ii.9. 9u jl^, the masterof the kitchen,
？ purveyor, V. ii. 6. 6.

A treasury. 府 舉 L ii. 12. a: IIL
i. 4. 3: VI. ii. 9. X.
A kind of Bcbool, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 24: III.

庭
度

度

to

車

IU

The oourt below and before tlie ludl or
principal apArtmeni of a house, IV. iL
88.1.

(1) A measuiB for determining the
lengihy L L 7. 13. (a、 A model, rules, L
iL 4. 5： II. ii 7. 9： IV. L 1. 8.

To measure, L L 7. 9^ 13.
An araetuO, 府 舉 oee 府.

jd^j the name of a Stato,y. L&a,^.

(I) Nnmerons, l£p nfft, the mnltitode

of things, lY. ii 19. a. ffiF^^ytiie maflses
of the common people, t i. 2.3: IV. iL 19.
I ； VIL iL 87. 13. |fiF the oommon
people, L i. 1. 4: II. ii. 7. a, 0^ aZ., vaept,
(a) In the phrase ^^， see S^.

name of a Book in the
Sha-ching, V. ii. 4. 4.

t， the na
V. ii. 4.

appears to be a sarname, IV.

U. 2ML a.

To pilfer and hide, VIL iL 8O.3.

well made ； see the dictionary. L q
below, and in Analects, II. 10. 4, 5.

(I) Ordinary, VI. L 5. 4. (a) Merit ；
to think of one's merit, VII. L I3.3. (3)

|{^ j^， a name of certain small princi-
palities, y. iL 2. 4.

Pare, disinterested ； parity, modera-
tion, III. it 10. 1, 2: IV.ii.28: V.iLl-i:

VII. ii 15; 87. II. (a) 廉, a sup-
porter of the tyrant GhAu, IIL iL 9. 6.

To hide, be conoealed| IV. i. 16. 9.

A stable, I. i. 4. 4 : IIL it 9. 9. But
this is ft vulgar form of the chanuster in
the first text.

A kitchen, L i 7. 8.

(I) A house, adwelling-place, m. i. 4. i.
2i [！^ (a) A stance for a shop or booth, II. i. 6. 5.
To levy a ground-rent on such stance, IL,
i. 6. a.

A shrine or temple. Always in the

Ph 膽宗 廟；" e 宗'

To put aside, disregard ； to make void,
Li. 7.4: IV.ii.2i.a: V.l2.i; 6.4: VIL
i. 26. 4 ； 41. 9. To decay ； ~> spoken of
States, rV. i* 8. a.

Wide, IIL ii. 2. 3 : VIL i. 21. x ; 86. a.
Br ； wide-reaching praise, VX i. 17. 3.

miao

o

攀

00

11, J ，- ，，li ( 1- - !■ J# J» J '

L

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 639

廷

弁

弟

引

yin

A granary' Always in connexion with
倉, I.ii.l2.a: ni.L4.3: V. i. I.3; 2.3;
iL 6. 6. H| Kj, the store-keeper, Y. ii.

(I) The shed tenanted by a prince
mourning for his father, III. i. 2. 5. (a)

jdo or
zoo

THE 64th radical,

A courtyard. In the phrase j^ ，
the court, II. ii. 2. 6: IV. ii. 27? 3.

THE 56th radical, 升.

/J、 the name of an ode in the
Shih-ohing, VI. ii. 8. i, 9, 4.

Chess-playing, TV. ii. 80. a: VI. i. 9. 3.
«l> ^Kr a name or nickname, VI. L 9. 3.

THE 66th radical, -j^.
To make a model, to imitate, IL ii. 10. 3.

To marder; to be mardered. 一 Spoken
with reference to killing a soyereign, L
i 1. 4; ii. a 9： III. ii 9. 7: IV. L 2. 4.

THE 57th radical,

A bow, LiL5. 4: IV. ii 24. 9： VI. i. 9.

3; ii. 8. a. pi a bow-maker. IL i.
7.3. 1 八

(I) A younger brother, II. iL9. 3: III.
i4. QjtiaLj Boepe. Found often along with

Jfjjj. But sometimes = relatires,

V. ii. 8. I ； and in V. i. 8. a, it = sisters.

3^ you and your brother,
TTT. i 4. za "BfL sons and younger

brothers ― youths. Saepe. In II. L6. 6, it
seems to *■ children ； and in VIL ii. l.fl,a

son. (a) Used for fraternal duty,

Vn. i 89. a. (3) 弟 子, disciples, IL i.

1.7: II. ii. 10.3; 11.3 (腳 I， joxar disciple) :
IV. L 7. 3.

(I) To condole with, — on occasions of
death and mourning, H. ii. 2. a; 6. i:
III. i.2.5; ii.8. 1, a, 3: IV. ii. 27. i. (a)
To console, L ii. 11. a: III. ii. 5. 4.

To draw ； to lead on ； to lead away, VI.

i 16. a; iL 8. 9: VIL i. 41. 3. ^| -to

take, m. ii. 6.1. HI 領, to stretch out
the neck, L i. 6. 6. ,， ^

Not. Auttm.

A bow, 一 the name of that belonging
to Shun, V. i. 2. 3.

Weak, the weak, I. i. 7. 17; ii. 12. a:
III. ii. 5. a: IV. i.7. I.

(i) To draw a bow. ^^>-to display,
iN^ to be displayed, I. ii. 5. 4: III. ii. 5. 6.
(a) one of Gonfaoius's disciples,

IL L 2. ao: III. L4. 13. 琴張， also
one of Confdcius's disciples, VIL ii. 87. 4.
(3) A surname, ^j^, IIL ii 2. i.

Strong, vigorous, L i. 5. i : IV. i. 7. i :

The 3rd tone. To make one's self strong
Znff^f L 8. 4; 14. a: VL a 9. a.

SB strong ； strength, L i 7. 17 ; ii 11. 3.
ck'ianff

1^ To act vigorously at, L ii. 14. 3: VII.

chtang i. 4. 3. To force, III. i. 4. 13. ^^^by
dint of pressing. III. iL 1. 4.

jjj^ A surname, V. i. 8. a.

itt

役

往

toariff

徂

ttu

To draw a bow to the fall, VI. i. 20. i:
VII. i. 9.

THE 68th radical,

A BOW, 8wiiie» I. i. 8. 4, 5 ; 7. 34 : VII.
L 82. a.

THE 59th radical, 多

(I) The bodily organs, VII. i. 88 (N. B.)
(a) To manifest, be manifested, VI. i. 6. 5.
Appearance, representation, I. i. 7. 11.

To cut, oarre, L ii 9. a.

To display, give distinction to, VL ii.
7.3.

A BomamOi III. ii 4. z.

THE 60th radical, 《•

To serve, perform seirioe, IV. i 7. i:
V. ii 7. 2. 力 ift, personal service, VIL
ii. 27. A Berrant, IL iL 7. 3.
to make the will to Berve, VI. ii. 5. 4.

(I ) To go to. Fasnm.
ffjj • • " in all places
Btanoes …， VIL ii. 81. 3; 87. 10. (a)
^ the past, YU. a 80. a.

(I) To exact duties ； exaotions, I. ii.5.3:
U. i.6. 2,3； ii. 10. 7: IIL ii. 8. i : VII.

il 27. I. (a) To take, 征利， L i< 1. 4*

(3) To punish, to execute royal justice,
I. i. 5. 5; ii. 11. a, 3: IIL ii. 5. 3， 4, 5:
VIL ii. 2. a; 4. 3.

(i) To go to ; to march, I. ii. 8. 6, but
the meaning is doubtful, (a) Seems to

be used for 班, and 祖 溶, »to de-
cease, V. i. 4. I.

s 形 I 彬 I 彰 I 彭一

540

CHINESE CHARACTEKS AND PHKASES

[INDEX III

待

Idi

彼

1»

(I) To wait, to wait for. May some-
times be translated by untilj II. i. 1. 9；
8. 1 ; ii. 4. I, a <d., MMjfM. (a) To treat, l4-
bave to, entertain, IV. ii. 28. 4； 81. i : V.
ii. 4. 4. In I. ii. 11. i, the two meanings
seem to oome together.

To be refractory and quarrelsome, IV.
ii 80. a. Is often written ^SL,

Pitch-tabes, for determining the upper
musical acoorda, iSt, TV. i. 1. 5.

That which is after, (i) As a noun.
Posterity, I. i. 4. 6: IV. i. 26. a. An after

jriod, XL i. 2. 97. Futurity •• here

may be considered = an adjective,

iture, III. ii. 4. 3. (a) As an adjective,
titure, coming after, I. ii. 14. 3; 16. i,
et al.f 9aepe. (3) As a verb. To make an
after consideration, I.i.l.4; ii.ll.a: VII.
ii. 4. 3, et al. To follow, keep behind, VI. ii.
2. 4« To follow after, succeed to (neater),
IV. ii. 1. 3. (4) Ajb an adverb. After-
wards. Patsim, Especially when preceded

by 然 or 而' 其 後， meaning
afterwards, occurs onoe. (5) As a con-
junction and preposition, afterwords and

olauses, generally preceded by 丽 after,
VI. ii. 7. 3j <rf at ^

That, those. Saepe, It may be some-
times rendered conveniently by the thiid
personal pronoun.

(I) Slowly, VL ii. 2. 4. 徐 徐, gently,

VI. i. 89. 9. (a) A surname, III. i. 6. x,
3) 5: IV. ii. 18. I.

A footpath, VIL ii. 21.

(I) Foot (adjective), IV. ii. 2. 3. (a)
Merely, only, II. i. 2. 16; ii. 9. 4; 18. 5：
IV. i 1. 3; 26: VI. ii. 8. 8. (3) A dis-
ciple, disciples, I. i. 7. 9： IIL L 4. i, a;
iL 9. 14： IV. ii. 22. 9： VII. i. 25. 1， 9.

(I) To get, to be got; both with and
without an objective following. Faasim,
When there is no objective, the sense of

the ^Sc mast often be supplied from what

preoedes. and jjl^, to gain,

to get the regard of, I. ii. 4. 9 : IV. i. a8.

I : VLL ii. 14. 9. must get the

proper men, VI. ii. 7. 3. VL i 10.

7, a 不得 c 已， see c 已. (a) The

auxiliary can, emdd, Jffj comes frequently
between and the verb.

To remove, III. i. 8. 18: IV. ii. 4. i.

To follow ― both physic&lly, and^^to
act according to, L i. 7. ai; ii. 9. i, a:

IV. ii. 80* a, et aL， saepe. ^fjj^ "j^, to

徑

ehing

徒

得

從

iauttg i

P

復

fdu

德

ts

hsin

必

follow, be in the train of, IV. L 24. i ; 25.

I. followed by ^fjj means to JbUofc

upf thereupon, thereafter, I.i. 7.9o: IL
ii. 10. a, et cU. , but each chancier has its

proper meaning. ^fSi 應 from, YL L4.a.

The 4th tone. ifS^ followen in

immediate attendance, TTT. ii. 4. i: IV.
iL 81. I : VII. ii. 80. a.

1^ ^f*, a charioteer, IIL ii. 1. 5.
Li. 7. 19. The meaning is doubtful

All round, the whole of, IV. ii. 8S. i:
VII. i. 46. I.

(I) To report, I. L 7. 10. (a) To repay,
to avenge, IIL it 5. 3.

The 4th tone. Again, II. i. 1. x ; 2. 17;
ii. 11. 3： III. i. 1. 3； 2. 4; u. 9. 10: IV.
i 19. 3: V. i. 6. 5： VIL ii. 28. i. As a
verb, to repeat, to try again, III. ii. I.4:
VII. ii. 1. a.

(I) Small, slight ； in small degree, IL
i 2. 90: III. iL 9. 7: IV. ii. 81. 3: VL ii.

6. 6. J|^， the dress of a common

man, V. i. 8. 3. The sentence to which
this belongs has been omitted in the

tranBlation. IjS^^ J|B |^ jJS *He

assumed, howerer, a priYt^ dress, and
passed by Sung.' (a) The name of a
State, II. i 1. 8: VI. i. 6. 3.

To wait for, L iL 11. a : IIL iL 6. 4.
To be evidenced, VI. ii. 15. 3-

^^l^Jj^f the name of a piece of muaicy

1. 11. 4. 9.

(I) To put away, II. i. 4. 3. (a) To
remove, as the materials of a meal, IV.
i. 19. 3. (3) The share-system on which
the ChAu dynasty divided the Linda, IIL

i. 8. 6.

Virtue, idrtuous. Piassim. Used for
nduct in a bad aenae, IV. i. 4. i.
to stimulate and do them
i. 4. a

THE eisr RADICAL, 心.

(i) The heart ； the mind : 一 denotes the
mental constitution generally. Saepe.

note on II. i. 2. (a) In a name, Jn.

IL ii. 4. a, 3， 4.

Must, used as aaauziliary, and to assert
also what is necessary. Often ― what will
certainly, would certainly; to be sure to.

Passim. jU\ Jm. only ocean onee, VIL

ii. 87. a. -** Wi*

f 徵 I 镢 i

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

541

or

忖

ts'un

chih

思

怠

idi

佳

(I) To bear, to endure, V. ii. 1. z, ^eicd.

入. a heart that cannot bear
le sufferings of others. So ^^人
IL i. 6. I, a, 3： IV. ii. 1. 5. (2) To
len, to make enduring, VI. ii 15. 2.

To reflect, conBider. ^^J* to
measure by reflection, L i. 7. 9.

(i) The will; aim, purpose. Runm.
In IL L 2. g, 10, it appears to be used

synonymously with In V. i. 4. a, it

aim or scope of a writer. J^^j^ J^i*
VI. iL 15. 9. 志 於， the will bent on
or directed to, is common. We have the

";^3：志，^11"4;致志,^1«

i. 9. 3 ; -^ , a determined scholar,

IIL ii 1. a: V. ii. 7. 5. (a) A Record, a
History, III. i. 2. 3; ii. 1. 1.

To forget ； to be forgetful of^ L ii. 4. 7 :
II. i. 2. 16: IIL i. 2. I ; ii. 1. a: IV. i. 1.
4; ii. 20. 4: V. i. 1. 9; ii. 8. a; 7. 5: VI.

ii. 7.3: VU. L8. X； 85. 6; iL 87. i.

True-hearted ； trae-heartedness, sin-
rity, L i. 6. 3: III. i. 4. 10: IV. ii. 28.

: VL i. 16. I ： VII. i 82 ； ii.

in

5,6; 81.1
87. II.

To be cheerful, to find pleasure, L i. 7.
14， 15.

Jf/f- jy^f to be and look ashamed, V. i.
2.3.

To bluBh, VII. i. 20. 3.

To be angry ； anger, I. it 8. 6, 7, 8 ; 9.
z: IL ii. 12. 6: IIL ii. 2. i: IV. L 18. a:
V. i. 3. a.

(I) To think; to think of, I. ii. 5. 4:
n. i. 2. 4; 8. a; 9. I： III. i. 5. a: IV. i.
12. a， et aL， aaepe. Thinking, thoughts,

IV. LI. 5： V. i. 2. 3. (a)

designation of Confiicius's
ii. 11. 3， 4: IV. ii. 81. a, 3: V. ii. 8. 3; 6.
4»5; 7. 4: VI. ii. 6. 3.

^^， indolent and indifferent, IL

i. 4. 4.

Urgent, earnest, III. ii. 8. a, 6: IV. ii.
29. 4: VII. i. 46. I {N.B.)

The nature, >~ generally used of that of
man, IIL L 1. a, and especially in the
6th Book, Part L Applied generally, or
away from man, IV. ii 26. i : VI. i. 2. 3 ;
8. 1. To be natural ； to possess, to enjoy
bynatare, YIL i. 21. a, 3,4; 80. i ; ii. 24.
z, 9; 88. 1.

To murmur, L ii. 11. a: VI. ii. 8. i, a,

3, 4, 0- al" Boepe. 自 to mormur

恐

Ifung

ch'ih

against himself, to become contrite, V. i.
G. 5. IL iL 18. 1 ； compare II.

i. 7. 5. ^tt=to be dissatiBfied, V. L 1. 1 ;

compare I. ii. 5. 5. Resentment, L i. 7.
14: V. i. 8. a.

^jj^ ^ ^ alarmed, II. i 6. 3.

Constant, fixed ； constantly, generally,
1. i. 7. ao: III. i. 8.3: IV. i. 6. i ; it 28.
3: VL ii. 16. 3, 4: VII. L 18.

To fear, be afraid ； sometimes = our lest,
I. L 7. aa; iL S. 8; 14. i: II. i. 7. i : III.
i. 2. 4: IV. i. 16. I: VII. ii. 1. a; 87. 19.

The 3rd tone. To feel pleased, II. ii.
7. 4.

The principle of reciprocity, making
our own feelings the rule for our conduct
to others, VIL L 4. 3.

The appearance of being without sor-
row, V. L 1. a.

License, IIL ii 9. 9^.

The sense of shame ； to feel ashamed
of; Bhameful, L i. 5. i ； ii. 8. 7 : II. i. 7.
3, 4: IV. i. 7. 3, 4; ii. 18. 3: V. ii. 6. 5:
VL ii. 14. 4: VIL i.6; 7. i, a, 3.

Kindness, L L 7. lo, za: IL ii. 2. 4:
IV. ii. 80. 4.

To respect, honour, IV. i. 1. 13; 16： V.
ii 4. I ; 6. 3. ^^,VLL6. 7:m

i. 87. 3, 3. 震 gravely complaisant,

III. i. 8. 4. ^ffi;, wanting in self-

respect, II. i. 9. 3.

(I) To stop (active and neuter), IIL ii.
9. gj 13. To rest from toil, L ii. 4. 61

磨 w ^ wst in quiet, IIL ii 9. 5. (a)

To grow, applied to trees and to the mind,
VL L 8. I， 9. (3) A name, V. 1. 1. a; ii.

8.3.

V^' ^ be diBquieted and grieved,
VII. ii. 19. 3.

Brotherly duty; to be obedient as a
younger brother, L i. 8. 4 ; 6. 3; 7. 34:
ni. ii 4.3.

(I) To be pleased ； to be pleased with,
I. ii. 10. 3; 11. 9： II. i. 1. 3, 13; 8. a; 5.
I, 9y 3y 4, 5, et al.f Boepe. Is sometimes fol-
lowed by V. L 8. 3 : VL iL 4. 5, 6.
(a) To please, give pleasure to, IV. L
X； ii. 2. 5: VI. i. 7. a— Obserre -jS

VIL 19. 1 ; 以爲愧 IL it 7. 3 :

yiL i. 19. a; and J [^我 食悅 VL

642

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBA8E8.

[IHDEX ni

揚

fi

To repent of, V. i. 6. 5.

Calamities ； what causes sorrow and
grief, IV. i. 28; ii. 9. i ; 28. 7： VI. ii 2.
3; 15. 4, 5 : VII. i. 18. a. What will en-
danger life, VI. i. 10. 9,3,4. To be grieyed,
L ii. 15. I : XL it 9. a.

famished, to be distrened, IL
zi. '

l^B^ l^B^ angiy-Iike, IL ii 12. 6.

(I) The feelings proper to humanity,
VL L 6. 5 ; 8. a. (a) 情- the truth, or

reality, IV. it 18. 3. (3) 4fS = the quality
or proper nature, IIL i. 4. 18.

To be deluded, perplexed, IL i. I.7: VL
L 16. a. To be in error, IV. ii. 29. 7.

林爆 术-

A particle, both initial and medial
Passim. It almost always means only.
Observe its use in quotations from the
older elawicB.

(I) To be kind; kindnessy III. i. 4. 10:
ly. ii. 2. 9 ； 28. (a) An honorary epithet,

, L i. 1. I ; 2. I, e< dU-^i

I, II. I9,a,s,et ol.—
\ it s. 3.

Wicked, bad; wickedness, II. i. 2. 4;
o ». I： IV. i. 1. 7 ; 16. z; 18. 9; ii. 26. a:

V. ii. 1. I： VI. ii. 7. 4.

To dislike, detest, ha
4. z, 9 ; 9. 1, et oLf saepe
II. L 6. 4, 5: VI. i. 6. 7:

The "t tone, (i) How, L i. 7. 7 ; ii.
8. 5| et dUf Boepe, It ia sometimes fol-
lowed by S^， adding an exolamatoiy
force to it, I. i. 6. a: II. i. 2. 11; V. ii 5.
3 : VI. ii. 12. I. 在, where, how

does it consist withTl. i. 4. 5: III. i. 8. 7 :

VI. i.B.4:VlLi88.3. is both

initial and final, (a) An exclamation,
Oh I II. L 2. 19； ii. 2. 4; 9. a.

惰 To be lazy, TV, ii. 80. a.

to

fSn To have mental anxiety, to be afraid,

SSi n. i 2. 7. ^

側 To commiserate, 側 隱 之 4^1、 H.
trt i. 6. 3, 4, 5 : VI. i. 6. 7.

t 昏 Unintelligent^ stupid, I. i 7. 19.
hwdn

Transgression, error, IV. i. 1. 4.

ahdn

(i) To be better,— spoken of diaeaae, IL
ii 2. 9, 3: m. L 5. I. (a) To nipttB)

IV. ii. 24. I. Followed by VL ii

11. I： VII. i. 89. I, 4. (3) To increue,
VI. ii. 3. 4.

To think, IV. L 25. i. One's own ideu,

V. i 4. a.

To love ； to care for, I. ii.6. 5： IIL i. 5.
3; iL 9. 9: IV. L 4. X； iL 28. a, 3: y. L
1. a; 2.4; a 9： VLi.4. 4; 13; 14. i:
VU. i.14.3; 15.3;26.9;37.i;45;4e.i;

ii. 1. I, a. ^^=to grudge, L L 7. 5, 6, 7.
To be hated, VIL ii. 19. 3.

To be ashamed, VII. L 20. 3.

To complain, annonnoe their wrongs,
I. i. 7. la

(I) To be careful, to be cautioiu, L ii.

7. 3： II. L 7. I. (a) A sumamei VI. ii.

8. I, 4.

To be kind to ； afEoctionate, IV. 12.4：
YL iL 7. 3.

(i) To be dissatisfied, IL iL 2. 4. (a)
To he satisfied (also read ch*ieh\ II. i. 2. 15.

To desire, to affect, IV. i. 6. z. To desire
with affectionate longing, V. i. 1. 1， 5: VL
ii. 8. 5.

To feel ashamed, IL iL 9. i.

Wickedness ； hidden wickedneas, L ii.
4. 6: VII. ii. 87. 13.

To despise; to neglect, L ii. 12. a: II.
ii. 2. 6： III, L 8. 13.

Intelligence, disoerzunent, IL i.
VIL i. 18. 1.

9:

ch'ing

To think anxiously ； to be anxious
about, II. i. 2. 5; ii. 11. 4: VII. i 16. i ;
18. 9. Anxious thoughts, VL ii 15. 3.

知' 鬼，^1"

Gongratolation ； to be rewarded, VL
ii. 7. a.

To be sorrowful ； to grieve for ； sorrow,
cause of distross, I. ii 4. 6: IIL 7， 8y
9: IV. i. 9. 5; ii. 28. 7; 29. 9 : Y. i. I.4;
ii. 8:VL ii. 15. 5: VIL i. 27.9； ii. 19. 3.

采薪之 甚"、 腿 "••"^ H-

ii 2. 3. Observe ^£ WL, L iL

4. 3.

To hate. Bat the text is doubtfdl, VIL
ii 19. 9.

慊

慊悴， sea 悴-

To dread, to shrink from, IIL i.4. 5.

tan

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHE.AB£S

543

in

To sorrow, II. L 9. a ： V. ii. 1. 3.

in

jfljj^y the appearanoe of being sur-
prised, thoughtful-like, III. i. 6. 5.

To feel indignant, vexed, I. i. S. 3 : VII.
u. 87. 8.

A name, VII. i. 86. i.

The 4th tone. To answer, II. ii. 8. a ；
11. a: VLii. 1.8.

To incur the resentment of, V. i. 2. i.

To repress ； to punish, III. i. 4. 16; ii.
'dng 9. la.

Admirable, VI. i. 6. 8.

Weak, timid, V. ii. 1. 1: VII. ii. 15.

To cherish in the thoughts, VI. ii. 4. 5， 6.

To be suspended, j», hung up by
the heels, II. i 1. 13. ^ -"、

To fear, be alarmed, II. i. 2. 5 : III. ii.
2. I ; 9. 8， 10, II.

THE 622ID RADICAL, 戈.
A spear, I. iL 5. 4.

The wild tribes of the West, III. i. 4. 16 ；
ii. 9. 1 a.

(I) To perfect, complete, I. i.2. 3： IV.

i. 1. 1： V. i.9. 3: VL ii. 6. 5： VII. i. 40. 3.

Obeeire 成功， I. 14. 3 ； and 成章，

VIL i. 24. 3. To be perfect, III. ii. 8. 3:
VIL ii. 14. 4. To become completed, IV,

ii. 2. 3: VII. ii. 21. (a) Spoken with
reference to music. Goiifacius is called

Jg7, a complete concert,y. ii 1.6l

(3) A Bomamey III. i. 1. 4. In a double

surname, VIL ii 29. (4)

on

h

name of a book in the SM-ching,
8. 9.

(I) If we, me, 118 ； my, oar. Ptutim,

Observe 食 我 in IIL ii 9. 9 : VII. i. 26.

I ； and and in VI. Li.4;

10. 7. (a) 0^， one of Gonfuoius's
diflciplea, IL i. 2. 18, 95, 26,

(I) To caution ； a oantion, III. i. 2. 5 ;
ii 2. a. beware, L ii. 12. a.

Cautions, using preoautions, IL ii. 8. 4.
(9) jdt 纖 to fast, IV. ii.25.a. Accord-
ing to the dictionary, this meaning may
be reduced to the preceding. (3) To
iafoe a proclamation, I. ii. 4. 9.

jfU To do violence to, VI. i. 1. 2. This
eh'iana cluiracter has several other pronuDcia-
tioiiB.

(i) Some (both singular and plural),
I. i. 8. a ; ii. 10. a; 15. a; 16. a, et al.,8aspe,

(a) Perhaps, IL ii. 2. 6l 或 者， IL ii.

2. a. This meaning and the other are
connected, and the dictionary gives them

together, saying that is a word of

uncertainty. Observe I. ii. 16. 3: IL i.
4. 3; ii. 6. a: IIL i 4. la, 17, 18: V. i. 7.

7 ： VL i. 6. 7. (3) Used for 惑, VL i.9. i.

(i) A kind of axe, I. ii. 5. 5. (3) Bela-
^S? tivee by affinity, I. ii. 7. 3: II. iL 1. 4, 5 ：
V. ii. 9. I •• VU. i. 84. i. Used as a verb,

to consider him as a relative,

VLii 8. a. (3) Sorrow, grief, III. i. 2. 5.

the appearance of being sorrow-

il, I. i. 7. 9.

A kind of spear, II. ii. 4. i.

To collect, I. ii 6. 4.

(i) To put to death, to slaughter, III.
ii. 9. 6: IV. ii. 4. (a) Disgrace, IV. ii.

80. a.

(I) To fight, to conduct battles; fight-
ings, wan, I. i. 8. a; 7. 17： II. ii. 1. 5：
IV. i. 14. a, 3: VI. a 8. 3; 9. a: VII. il 2.

I； 4. I, d making them fight,

leading them to battle, VII. ii. 1. 9. (a)
A name, III. i. 8. 13.

(1〉 To cany on the head, L i. 8. 4 ; 7. 34.
(9) A surname, III. ii. 6. i^III. ii. 8. i.
(3) A name, III. ii. 10. 5.

THE «8m> radical, 戶，

A door, — properly an inner door, II. i.

4. 3: IV. ii. 29. 7. P3 B, VL it 14. 4:
VII. i. 28. 3. ， I Z

To be distressed, reduoed to straits,
VII. ii. 18.

(i) A place, III. ii. 6. a: V. i. 2. 4.
(a) The compound relative what, = that
which, those which. Paasim, Sometimes
it IB simply the relative, the antecedent,
if we may so call it, being expressed, as

in 所 S 室. The idea of place
as the antecedent often enters into the
phrase where it is thus used, flff,

and 無所 不有所 and 者所

are to be marked, VIL L 7. 9; ii I.9;

81. I, 3 ； 87. a, 10, 0t al.f wgge, 所 以,
whereby, the whereby, is very common ；
and 6|r, alone, has sometimes the same

f f f 戰 I $ 戶 s mi 所"

544

CHINESE GHABACTEBS AND PHRASES

[INDEX nr.

n

force. Observe 在 所 雜， VIL i. 48.
(compare IV. ii. 28. 7) ； 有
IIL i 2. 3: VII. i. 85.

^vn.i 18. 3; 1^,^-5-, VI.

有所

薪土, V.L8^4; 惟

IV. ii.ll.i; 所教, 所 受教， II.
ii 2* 9; 所 安, IL L 2. 90; 所 之,

!• ii. 16. I; 惟君 所行, L i". 9^

In the phrase Kn, III. L 8. 7.

THE 64th radical, 手.

The hand, hands, II. L 1. 6: IV. i. 17.
I, 3; 27. a {N,B.) ； ii. 8. i.

The natural powers ； abilities, L ii. 7. 2 :
J 舦 VI. i 6. 6, 7 ; 7. I ; 8. a: VII. ii. 29. In
the concrete, = men of good talents, IV.
ii. 7: VL iL 7. 3: VII. i. 20. 4.

To rap, knock against, IV. ii 24. a.

to support, sustain, IIL L 8. 18.

I ， (i) To receive, Li. 4. i. (a) To re
'dang and carry out, IIL ii. 9. 6， 13.

V. i. 6. 9. A passage here has been omit
in the text ~

年

^ 一 'that Ch'l was a wise and worthy

prince, able reverently to receive and
carry on the principles of Yii, and that
Yih assisted Yii only for a few years, con-
ferring benefits on the people for a short
time/ (3) To resist, III. ii. 9. la. This
is the meaning assigned by Chu HsL

To graspy — with one hand. Jdt Jfil,
VI. i. 18. >、

(I) An initial particle, «come now, I.
i. 7. 14. (a) Or, I. i. 7. 16. Followed by

亦， IL ii. 4. 3: ra. iL 10. 3. (3) To

repress, III. ii. 9. 11.

To break off, L L 7. 11.
To take out, IV. ii. 24. a.

To shake off, 亂， to confound,

VI. ii. 16. 9. Bead pi, i. q. 25|, to assist :
able, VI. u. 15. 4. ^

柜

cha
拔

pa

指

chih

挫

ta'o

To embrace, encirele, HBi to go

round the gates, i.e. to guard them, V. iL
6. 3; 6.3.

To reastf to inject, VIL ii. 90. 3.

(I) To pull out, Vn. i. 26. I. (a) To
rise high, II. i. 2. a8. In this meaning
it shoiQd probably be read p'o; see the
dictionary.

To detain, VIL a 85. 3.

Stupid, VIL I 41. %

(i) To call, to Bummon, III. iL 1. a:
V. iU 7. 5， 6^ 7. (a) To tie the legs, YII.
ii. 26. a.

Used for the name of Shun's

music, ^^c^^, 角 Jj^i two pieces of
music, I. ii. 4. 9.

To make an obeiaanoe ； to pay one's
respects, II. i. 8. a: III. ii. 7. 3: V. ii. 6.
4, 5.

To deliver, rescue, L ii 11. 3.

To grasp with the two hands, VL i. 13.

To hold, to grasp, II. ii. 4. i. Applied
to the wiJI, 一 to maintain, IL i. 2. 9, 10.

扶持， e 扶.

A finger, VI. i. 12. 1， a; 14. 4. To point
out, - meaning, scope, VI. ii 4. 4： VII. ii.
82. I.

To push* A push, IL L 2. 4.

(i) To stimulate, III. I 4. 8. (9) To
bring to a close, to wind up, in maaic,
V. ii. 1. 6.

(I) To take under the arm, I. i. 7. 11.
(a) To presume on, V. ii. 8. i : VII. L4S.a.

A name, VIL ii 29. i.

To beat and hammer. jM J M . to make
sandals, III. i. 4. i. '

To remove, V. L 2. 3.

ive, IL ii. 10. 3.

構

p*du

cnang

To give,— properly, with the hand, IV,
i. 17. z. Generally, to give, IL
To give up, sarrender, III. ii. 6.

To collect imposts. lf^^^， - exftoting,
able miiusters, VI. ii. 7. a.

(i) The palm, I. i 7. la: ILil.8;6.a.
熊 攀, bears' -paws, VL L 10. x. (a>
To manage, direct, IIL i. 4. 7 ; ii. 1. 4.

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTEBS AND PHRASES

545

椎

cm

掩

yen

揖

揚

yang

徐

yen

sun

To arrange, «= to regulate the course of，
III. i. 4. 7.

To dig, III. it 9. 4： VIL i 29. i.

To come into contact ； to have inter-
Gourae with, (i) To receive, admit to

one's presence, V. i. 8. 3. (a) ：^，

to haye iniercoune with, VI. ii. 4. 5, 6.

But in L L 8. a, = being crossed,

spoken of weapons. (3) to let

the water of rice strain off through the
hand, V. ii. 1. 4： VIL ii. 17. (4) Used
of the manner in, which a present is
offered, V. iL 4. 3.

(i) To piuih, V. i. 7.6; ii. 1. a, (a) To
push out, carry out, I. i. 7. la. To con-
sider, prosecute the study of, II. i. 9. t.
Id these two cases, we should read the
character ch'ui.

To cover. Applied to the bodies of the
dead. III. i.5.4; to the noae, IV. ii. 25. z;
to wickedness, IV. i. 15. i. To cover =
to make good, to come up to, VII. ii. 87. 6.

To examine, to calculate, IV. i. 1. 8;
ii. 1. 4.

To lift with the hand, to carry,

children carried in the
VII. i. 15. a.

To salute, with the hands joined before
the breast, -to bow to. III. i. 4. 13： IV.
ii. 27. 3.

(I) To display, be displayed, put forth,
III. ii. 6. 6. (a) A kind of battle-axe, L
ii. 5. 4.

Used for fSfj to cover up, V. i 2. 3.

To pull up, IL i. 2. 16.

To feel with the hand, 應 to adjust, VI.
1. 5.

(I) To draw, — spoken of a bow, VI. i.
9. 3. to press, to hold fast, IL i. 9. a.

(a) To draw out, to rescue, IV. i. 17. i, a， 3.

to be fighting together, VL

ii. 4. 3.

To diminish ， to be diminished, III. ii.
8. a: VII. i. 21. 3.

(I) To seize, IV. ii. 8. 4: VII. ii. 23. a.
(a) To strike with the hand, VL i. 2. 3.

To drag, to drag away, VI. ii 1. 8 ; 7. 9.
To rub, !• 6« to rub smootli, VII. i. 26. a*
To beckon, to motion io， V. ii 6. 4.

ptao

chi
換

支

ckih

攻

kung

To hendjj^ 寺堯， to flinch from strokes
at the body, II. L 2. 4.

(I) To tranquillize, = to subdue, I. i. 7.
16. (a) To hold, to grasp, I. iL 8. 5.

To sow ； to disseminate, IIL i.8. a: IV.
i. 1. 7: VI. L 7. a.

To beat, IL i. 2. 4: III. ii. 6.. i. ： [達
= to oppose, 1. L 6. 3.

To choose, I. ii. 14. a; 15. 2: II. i. 7.9：
III. i. 8. 13: IV. ii. 28.6. ^ ^
； |^， what was there to choose between
an ox and a sheep? I. i. 7. 7.

To beat, strike, ； j;^ ,V.ii5. 3; 6. 3.

To hold faat,— spoken of the mind, VL
i 8. 4: VIL L 18. a. J& = principles,

III. ii. 10. 2, 6. In this meaning it should
be the 4th tone, according to the dic-
tionary.

巨 •， the thumb) III. ii 10. a.

To stretch out and exjMUid, ； |K ff^
充 S， IL i. 6. 7.

To encounter, to press near to, VII. ii.
28. 9.

(I) To steal, 一 upon oooasion offered^
III ii. 8. 2. (a) To bare, VlL ii. 28. a.

To act for, undertake one's duties, V. i.

4. I. E = a plurality of offices, YL iL
7.3. ^

THE eSTH RADICAL, 支.

Used for 肤. 四 ^^， the four limbs,

IV. ii. 80. a.

THE e^TH RADICAL, 支
To take back, IV. iL d. 3, 4.

(I) I. q. J^. some, IIL ii. 5.

5. (a) Appears to be a mere expletive,

1. L 2. 3. (3) ^fj^ ^^， the appearance of

a fish let go in the water, V. i. 2. 4.

To alter, change (active and neuter) ；
to reform, II. ii. 9. 4: IV. i. 2. 4; 14. i

於) ； "- 29. 1 ： V. ii. 4. 5： VI. ii. 16.
3 : VII. i. 41. 9. Observe and

IL a 12. 4, 5. gcQ,* spake
with an altered mind,' V. L 7. 4. In II.
i. 1. 10, = does not need more.

(I) To attack, II. L 5. 6; ii. 1. a, 5：

V. i. 7. 9. ]^«to expose one's errors,

IV. i. 14. I. (a) To undertake, to pro-
ceed to do, 1. L 2. 3»

VOL. II,

N n

546

CHINESE CHABACTERS AXD PHRASES.

/4；

故

敏

min
ehiH

00

'i. To fMuiiili, 一 spoken of men^aninuJA,
and df fetrine^ L ii. 8. i : IIL iL 9. 4, 10^
13: V. i. 3, 3, 3; «. 5: VIL L 81. I, a.
^2； To lo%e, let stny; straj, lost, VL L
8. 3; 11. 3, 3. 4: VIL iL 26. a. '3； Di»-
•olate, ftelf-abandoDedy L L 7. 90: UL L

8, 3; iL 5. X 80 III. U.9.9L

(4) to eafc imiDodeimtely ; bat

othw tn#"<ining» mre giren to the jrfmae,
VIL L 4«.x

The 3rd tone. <i. To, going on to, L
4. 4： IV. iL 18. 3： VLL iL 2S. a. ； 2)

*1w Hf, a designation of Tito or (？ po*-
niblyy of Shan, IIL i 4« 8: Y. L 4. i.

Government. Pnumnu jj^^f ,theprui«

eiples and badness of gDvemiii6nt,yiL iL

12.3；28. So 政刑, ILL" 食政,

the adminiKiration of goTeinmeiit, is ▼eiy
eommon ； bat it — to give law to, in L iL

11. I: IV.i^ 7. 4< g j^, lY. 2^ I.

to pnctue a government, is

common. Ma. ^Bt is also found. Ob*

Benre

V. i 8. 3.

VI. 1. o. 4:
是故， i】

The cause or reason of a thing, (i)
>H jfflP "M^, there being a cause,
there being no cause, IV. ii. 8. 3, 4: VIL

i. 20. a (N.B.) Observe 故 alone, IIL i 6.

3. At the end of a clause, = because,
VI. i. 6. 4: VIL i. 21. 3. Observe 以
故, VIL iL 1. a. (2) 故 and

in continuation of a subject,

thtiB. Passim, (3) Facts,
phenomena, IV. ii. 26. 1， 3. (4) Ancient,

old, I. ii. 7. I: II. i. 1. 8. jtj^-^old ac-
quaintance, VII. i. 43. a.

be prepared to die, to
Btrive to death, L ii. 18. a ； 15. a.

To teach. Saepe. Instructions ； lessons,

I. i. 8. 4; 7. 24： IV. i. 14. a, 3. Observe

II. i. 2. 19 ； and V. ii. 4. 4. Pronounced
in the ist tone, it^to call in, to employ,
I. ii. 9. 9.

Alert, intelligent, and active, I. i. 7. 10：

IV. i. 7. 5.

To save, I. ii. 11. i; 12. i: III. ii. 6. 5:

V. i. 7. 6. = to put out, to save from
fire, VI. i. 18. i. 救 =to party to stop
from fighting, IV. ii. 29. 6， 7. 敕 死，
to Mve themselves from death, LiT?. aa.

(I) indolent indifference, idle

sauntering, II. i. 4. 4. (a) A name, VI.

ii. 15. 1. (3) -5^ ifr, a designation, IV.
i. 24. I ; 25. I ; ii. 27! 3.

ta'u
敏

斤

chin

斧

Toniiiu IV. La I. To be deiefldcd. L

L5<.i:YILii. 1. a.

^f^y •! Tenmre to ass/ is 息 mmnwHyway
a qnestMMi. Obaerre 3m 4jJ

asking 應 qo
纩 敢見，

IL ii. 1L9L

i.5u

u.

.6;
ii.

:i) To be aemttmd,
ISLa: ILu.4.a. {a
3 & 3.

(I) Generona, V. ii 1. 3： iL 15.
( a) To nuuuige ； bat this wif ning is not
fonod in the dietionmry, IL iL 7. i.

To respect, reTere ； the feding of rever-
enoe; reverentul, IL iL 2. 4： ]XLiL2.fl:

IV. i.2. a; 4. I, fl< oL, mqv. 恭 礙,

VL L 6. a, 3, ei aL On the diligence
between the terms, see IV. i. 1. 13.

To set forth.

(I) Number, IL ii. 18.
8.4: II.iL2.3; 6.

vn. L89.3. (a)

4.

SeTenI, I. "
？ a few,

art, VL L 9. 3.

Close, cloee-meshedf L i. 3. 3.

An enemy, L i. 6.5,6: ILL 2.5; 5. 6：
UL ii. 6. 4: IV. i. 7. 5, 6: VII. li. 3. 3;
4. a. Hostile, VL ii. 16. 4: VII. ii 2. 3.
To be an enemy to, to oppoae, L i. 7. 17 ；
ii 8. 5: VIL ii.4. 5.

L q. To drive, ohaao, IV. i.9.3,4.

To marshal, I. ii & 6.

Toingather. The ingathering, ~ spoken
of the hArvest, L ii. 4. 5 : VL ii. 7. a.
^^， all taxes ftnd imposts, L L 5. 3 : VIL
i. 28. I.

THE 67th radical, 文.

(i) A character, as delineated, 一 a word,
V. i. 4. a. (a) Style, method of composi-
tion, rV. ii. 21. 3. (3) Elegant, adorned,

VL i. 17. 3. To adorn, 節
(4) An honorary epithet,

a: IV. ii. 21.3.-1^6^^

THE 6»rH RADICAL, 斤.

A bill, 一 a general name of all crooked
knives, ^ Fp, L i.8, 3 : VL L a i, a.

An axe. J^， see above.

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBASES

547

方

fang

於
yu

施

shih

To eat in two, « to terminate, IV. ii.
22. z.

(I) Hub, these, I. i 4. 6; 7. za; ii. 6.
3, 4, ^ al,, saepe. (a) As a conjunction,
fbrthwith, then, thereupon, L i.8.5:
II. L 6. a: IIL u. 7. a; 8. 3: YU. it 87.
3, 8, 13. In several cases we can hardly
tell whether to take the charaoter as a
conjunctioDi or as the demonstrative, fol-
lowing its antecedent, to give emphasis
to the sentence. Observe also L ii. 8. 6,
and 5. 4, where it seems a mere expletive.

(3) 斯須, L q. 須臾, an instant, VL
i 6. 4. (4) In a name, IV. it 24. a.

New, IIL L 8. 19.

To out, heWf L iL 9. i.

In the phraae/gl 斷; a conspicuous
mound, IL ii. 10. 6, 7.

THE 70th radical, 方.

(I) That which is squure, IV. L 1. 1, 5;
2. I. Square, the adjectiye, 一 followed
by the dimenBioD, I. i. 6. 9; 7. 17， el oL,
saepe. Observe the note on V. ii. 2. 4.
(9) A quarter, region, direction, III. 4. i :

VL i. 2. 1. The phrase 四 方 is com-
mon. 4tff. "lb*, without reference to their
where-from, IV. ii. 20. 9. (3) = class,

a resemblance, V. i 2. 4. (4) To neglect,
riolate, I. ii. 4. 6. (5) As a conjunction,

力且, ni.L4. i6; 爱卞, Lii5.4,

PtusirtL (z) A preposition, in， at, on.
But after many verbs and adjectives we
must translate it variously, 一 by, to, from,
&C. &c.y and often it need not be trans-
lated at alL ^Jf^, down to, coming
to, &c.， is common. After the poesessive
J^， Jf^sin relation io, and so, some-
times, when not preceded by ^p^. jj^

= compared with, II. i. 2. 93. After

it is common, and what may be called

composite verbs, such as >^

一 &c (a) Than, forming the com-

ttive degree of preceding adjectives.
But obeerve II. i. 2. a6, at the end.

(I) How I I. i. 2. 3. (a) Jf^ 陵, the
name of a plaoe^ III. it 10. i, 5, 6.

ii.82.
IL i. 2.

(a) In the name, 孟施 舍,

J, 0| o.

The I at tone. ahF "nSSy complacently,
IV. xL 88. I. c^c*«*

旅

旣

chi

旦

tan

Dodgingly, « secretly, IV. ii S3, i.

A flag, with dragons emblazoned, and
bells attached, V. ii. 7. 6.

A flag, — of Bilk, unemblazoned, V. ii.
7.6.

(I) A white cow's tail, — used to make
signals with, streamers, L ii. 1. 6,

7. (a) I.q. very old persons, I. ii.ll.4.

(I) Hosts. Properly, 500 men make a
j^， I. ii. 8. 6. (a) A stranger, a traveller,
L i. 7. 18: EL i. 5. 3: VI. ii. 7. 3.

^9 SuE' S^ing round, the turnings of
the body, VII. ii. 88. 9.

A flag, — made of feathers suspended
from the top of the staff, III. ii. 1. a: V.
ii 7. 5, 6.

The head of an arrow, III. i 2. 5.

THE 7l8T RADICAL, 无.

A particle of paBt time. May often be
translated by have, having, having been,
I. i. 8. 9： II. L 2. 10 {N,B,\ 18, 19 ； ii. 6.
I {N,B. );6.a {N.B,) : III. i, 8. 13 ； ii. 9. 4， 5,

etalyaaepe. Observe 旣而, V 丄 7.4; |^

… 而, VLi. 16. 3; and 旣 Ig^, VI.

ii. 18. 8. In these and similar instances

there ahould be a comma after • It

does not form An adverb with the cha-
racter that follows.

THE 72zrD RADICAL, 日.

(I) The sun, I. i. 2. 4： II. iL 9. 4: V. i.
4. I : VII. i. 24. 9. (2) A day, days, the
day, II. ii. 4. z : III. li. 10. i ： IV. i. 24. 9 ；

ii. 2. 5; 8. 4; 20. 5, etcd. 他日, seo

. 今 3 , to-day, II. L 2. 16, et al

曰 , to-morrow, II. ii. 2. a, et al.

formerly, IL ii. 7. i, etaL

all the day, III. ii. 1. 4. 無

y in no time, L L 2. 3： IV. 1. 1. 9.

革 , the solfltice, IV. ii. 26. 3： but
VI. i. 7.9 is different. 日 , in winter,
VI. i. 6. 5. 日 , leisure days, I. i. 5. 3.

曰 力 , to exert the strength the

whole day, II. ii 12. 6. 日 alone »

daily, from day to day, II. ii. 12. 5 : III.
ii. 6. I ; 8. a: V. i. S. i, et al.

The morning, IV. ii 20. 5. 旦 曰 ,

from morning to morning, i. q. from day

to day, VI. i.8.a. 平日, the day-break,
also VI. i. 8. 9. ■ '

N n 2

548

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[INDEX III

-g* Good, pleasant, IV. iL 20. i.

ehih

A decade of days, I. iL 10. a.

In

m

mm

明

ming

易

易

hsi

un

Drought, season of drought, I. i. 6. 6;
ii. 1 1. a •• IIL ii. 5. 4 • ^ ^,VIL iL U. 4.

^^， the name given to the
autumnal heavens, » pitying, V. i. 1. 1, a.

C I ) Brightness, VII. i. 24. a. (a) Intel-
ligent; to be intelligent about, I. i. 7. ai:

II. ii. 12. I : IV. i. 12. I ； ii. 19. a. (3)
To illustrate ； to digest clearly, II. i. 4. 3：

III. L 8. 10. ( 4) Clearly, plainly ^ II. ii.
11. 3: III. ii. 6. I : VL ii. 8. 5. Observe

明 W 教我， "7.1^ (5)Po=
of vision, L i. 7. 10: IV. L 1. 1. (6)

日 ， to-morrow ； see 日 . (7) 明

see (8) 頃, a double surname,

IILl. 1. 4; ii. 8. I； 9. 9： IV. ii. 24. i. 一
V. i. 1. a.

(i) To change ； to exchange, barter, I.

i. 7. 4， 6, 7 : II. ii. 10. 7 : IIL i. 4. 4， 5 ；
6. a; ii. 9. 10; 10. 4: IV. i. 18. 3; ii. 29.
5 [N.B.); 81. 3: VI. ii.7.3: VII. i. 28. i.

'^^ = to dethrone, Y. ii. 9. i.

•， an interchange of services, IIL ii.
1. 3. (a) >^ a famous cook of an-
tiquity, VI. i. 7. 5.

The 4th tone, (i) Easy ； easi ly, readi ly ；
what is easy, III. i. 4. 9, 10: IV. i. 11:

VL i. 9. s. ftrc, IL L 1. 7, 9 ; observe

also II， 易 3 癌:^ 云云. 务 to
use readily, IV. i. 22. (a) To cultivate
well, I. i. 5. 3: VII. L 23. i.

Used for »混. 昆 夷, the name of
a rude tribe of the West, I. ii. 8. i.

Formerly, III. ii. 1. a: IV. ii. 81. i.
Instead of "Mf alone, Mencius commonly

uses 昔 者, L iL4. 4; 5. 3， 4,5; 14. a;
16. I, et cU., saepe. Sometimes =^ 重

yesterday, I. ii. 7. i ： II. ii. 2. a, 3： III.

ii. 1. 9 : IV. i. 24. a. Sometimes I have
left it untranslated.

A star. IV. ii. 26. 3.

(i) The spring. —in the spring, I.

ii. 4. 5 : VI. ii. 7. a. (a) 春 the title

of a work by Confucius, III. ii. 9. 8, 11,
et al, (3) A name, III. ii. 2. i.

How? L ii. 8. 7.

Dusk, VII. i. 23. 3. Bedoubled, - dark-
ness, L e. ignorance, VII. ii. 20. i. It is

made either with or with ^S.

ch'ang

]^ ^g, brightness, —clear intelli-
gence, VII. iL 20. 1.

(I) Thifl, these. Passim. It often has
the whole preceding clause or sentence
for its antecedent, = this is. It might
often be translated also ~ m this case. Ob-
serve its peculiar force at the end of a
sentence, affirming strongly what has
been said in it, I. iL 10. 3： VII. ii. 15,

e<(rf* Wehave 若是, 猶— d 由)

■j^f and -^^y 一 all thus, such ； 一

observe IL i. 2. 33. and

以 -： therefore, (a) To be, VI. i. 15. i ， 22,

a aL (3) Right, IIL i. 6.3,4: VII. ii, 87.
II. To approve, II. i. 6. 4, 5, ef df.

(I) Time, times; at 一 in— the time, L
i 5. 4; ii. 5. 5 : IL L 1.9, 11, 13; 4. a, 4，
et aL , saepe. The proper times or seasons^

I. i. 8. 3,4; 7. 34: VII. i. 22. a. Season-
able, Lii. 11. a: III. iL 6.4: VIL LiO.a.
Timeous, — a characteristic of Confaciua,

V. ii 1. 5. ^ff g^, without reference

to time, VI. i. 8. 4. Q^， sometimes,

V. iL 5. 1. ， opportunities of time
afforded by Heaven, ILii.l. (a) f&
― ^&, thiSy L L 2. 4 ; ii. 3. 3. (3) A sur-
name, IL ii. 10. 3， 4.

The surname of a minister of Ch'i, I.
ii. 4. 4, 5 : II. i. 1. I, a, 5.

The name of a States 晉國, Li. 5.1，
el aZ.— ^ 入, V. L9.a，et aZ.— ^ ^
么, V.ii»8.4«— 晉文, Li«7. i, a,e<aZ.

(i) The day-time, by day, IIL i. 3. a:
IV. ii. 18. a. 旦 畫, id" VL i. 8. a. (a)
The name of a town, II. ii. 11 ； 12.

Great, vast 下, under

the whole heaven, V. i. 4. a,

(I) The principle of, or man's capacity
for, knowledge, IL i. 6. 5； IV. i. 27. a:

VI. i. 6. 7; 9.3： VII. i. 21 .4. (a) Know-
ledge, wisdom ； wise ； to be wise, Lii. 3. i :

II. i. 1. 9; 2. 19, 95, a2.， saepe.

(i) An honorary epithet, ^^^^ ^

I. ii. 4. 4， 10, " al. (a) A surname,
春 IIL il 2. 1. 一砉 丑 氏， IL ili

4, 5.

The designation ofTs&ngSh&n'B &ther,
IV. i. 19. 3: VII. ii. 86; 87.

Leisure, L i. 7. aa: IIL i. 4. & 蘭
暇， ILi."4» BM'""

liuuriant, in. i 4. 7.

厢 I 是 I 時 I 晷 I 晉 I 晝】 苷. i 智 I 景 i 晳 3 睱 1 暢

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

549

mu

曲

iu

is'ang

禽

hui

The evening, IL iL 6. i. 县^^ , the
dusk of the evening, VII. i. 23. 3.

(i)Violenoe, oppression, cruelty, VI. i. 6.
9 : VII. ii. 8. 1. Oppressive, III. i. 8. 13 ； ii.
9. 5, 7. . To oppress, IV. i 2. 4 ： V. i. 8. 3.

Applied to the mind, II. i, 2. 9， 10. 自

to do Tiolence to one's nature, IV.

i 10. I. So 暴 alone, VL i. 7. i. (a) A

name, L ii. 1. 1.

(I) To dry or bleach in the sun, IIL L
4. 13. = to warm genially, VL i. 9.2.

(a) To exhibit, V. i, 5. 5, 6.

Empty ； to leave empty, IV. i.lO. 3.
unmarried, I. ii. 6. 5.

THE 7Sbi> RADICAL, 曰.

To say. Pcusim, Often the nominative
is not expressed, and must be supplied

from the context. In this case,

fiometiinessit is said. |t is also used
in descriptive accounts, and = is called,
means.

Crooked. Observe ^ffi
ii 7. 3. ^

To trail after one, I. i. 3. 9.

防， VL

(i) To change B to reform, II. ii. 9. 4.
It was originally made from and
(a) A name, III. ii. 4. i.— VII. i. 43. i, a.

(I) A writing, ~ of a covenant, VI. ii. 7.
3. Writings, books, V. ii. 8. 2. (a) The
ShQ-ching, I. ii. 8. 7 ; 11. i: III. i. 1. 5；
ii. 5. a, 4 ; 9. 3， 6 : V. i. 4. 4 : VI. ii. 5. 4.
Observe VII. ii. 8. i.

A surname, -5^, I. ii. 12. a ： II.

i. 2. 6, 7, 8, et cU.f saepe.

see

，-會 元， L 3.—

A particle, indicating the present com-
plete tense, II. i. 1. 3 : V. i. 9. 3.

To assemble ； the assembly of， VI. ii.
7. 3. To meet, =to engage in battle, II.
i.2. 5.

To calculate, enter accounts, V. ii. 5. 4.

The name of an ancient principality,
used as a surname, VI. ii. 2, i.

THE 74ra RADICAL, 月.

(0 The moon, II. ii. 9. 4: VII. i. 24. 2.
(a) A month, months, I. i. 6. 6： II. ii. 5.

I, ei al. ^ = every month, III. ii. 8. a.

(i) To have, possess. Pasfim, (a) Tho
impersonal Bubstantive verb, there is,
there was. Also passim. It is often diffi-

有 3

yu

朋

p'dng

m

朕

chdn

wang

朝

ehdo

m

ch^do

chi

期

ch'i

木

mu

cult to determine to which of these mean*,
ings we shall refer particular examples.

有 之， and 未 之 有, at the end of

sentences, are to be noted, I. i. 3. 4 ; 7. 5，

Q4, et aZ.， saepe, ^^， to have doing,

to be capable of achievement, II. ii. 2. 7 :

III. i.1.4: IV. ii. 8.1: V. i.8.3: VII. i. 29.

7^ - and more, VIL ii. 88. 1， a, 3， 4,

et al. >o 司， see 司. Observe V. i. 7. a.

(3) The surname of one of Confucius's dis-
ciples, II. i. 2. 35， 98: III. i. 4. 13. (4)

>^ J^, the principality of Sbun's

brother, V. i. 8. 2, 3.

The 4th tone. And ； again. III. ii. 9. 7 :
V. i. 4. I ; 5. 7 ; 6. I.

朋 友, friends, II. i.6.3: IIL L4.8:

IV. ii. 30. 4.

(I) Clothes, V. i. 8. 3 •• VI. ii. 2. 5. 衣
IIL it 8. 3 : VIL L 86. a. (2) To wear,

V. ii. 2. 5. To wear mourning, IV. ii. 3. a,
3， 4. (3) To subdue, I.i. 7. 17: II. i.8. a:
IV. ii. 16. 1. (4) To submit, TV. i. 7. 5 : V. i.
3. a. (5) To be obnoxious to, IV. i. 14. 3.

I (not yet the imperial we), V. i. 2. 3
(A'.£.); 7. 9.

( i) To look to from a distance ； to look
for, to hope ； expectation, example, what
is looked for or to, I. i. 8. 9 ; 6. 6 ; ii. 11,
a: II. ii. 12. 5： III. ii. 5. 4, 7: IV. ii. 20.

3； 81.1： VII. i. 9. 5. H VII. i. 86.

i;ii.28.a. ^^,IV.ii.88.i. 守续，

IIL i.8. 1 a (S3) 望 望然， -withahigh

air, IL i. 9. i. (3) 太 ^ 望， a coun-
sellor of W&n and Wu, VII. ii. 38.

The morning ； in the morning, I. ii. 5.
5： II. ii. 2. I ; 6. I : III. ii. 1. 4: IV. ii.
28. 7 : VL ii. 9. 3 ； 14. g.

(i) A sovereign's court, I. i. 7. 18, etaZ,
(a) To appear in court, to do homage to,
I. ii. 4.5: IL iL 2. 1, 5:V. i.4. I： VI. ii.

7. a. ^ i. 5. 7. To make to

appear at court, to give audience to， I. i.
7. 16 ： II. i. 1. 8 ； 2. 24. (3) Court (adjec-
tive), II. i. 9. I： V. ii. 1. I. (4)
the name of a place, I. ii. 4. 4.

A round year, VIL i. 89. i.

- to model one's self on,VL i.7. 5, 6.

THE 75th radical, 木.

(i) A tree, trees, I. i. 7. 16, 17; ii. 7. i ；
9. I， et at. Wood, a piece of wood, II. ii.

7. I : VI. ii. 1. 5. 林 木， supplies of

wood, I. i. 8. 3. (a) In a name, III. ii. 7. d.

650 CHINBSB CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. [index hi.

chu

杭

urn

李

It

材

ts'di

祀

ck*i

束

枉

Chiang

u

pet
杵

ch'u

東

tung

lik

'o

Not yet. Paasim,

The extremity ； the point, the top, L L

7. lo: VI. ii. 1. 5.

(I) The root. The lower end, VI. ii. 1. 5.

a spring, IV. ii. 18. a, 3. Source,

I, III. i. 6.3: IV. i. 5. 1 ; 19. a. What
deal, essential, IV. iL 26. i. Observe

其 L i. 7. 17, 23. (a) Proper,

VL Lib. 8: V. u. 5. 5 {N,B.)

(I) Vermilion colour, VII. ii. 87. la.
(a) In names, ^ 萊, VIL ii. 88. a.—

:^,V.i.6.3.-^ :^,IILiL9.9.

ij^^ the name under which the

annaJs of Ch'O, were composed, IV. iL

21. a.

A plum-tree, IIL ii. 10. i.

Fine trees, VI. i. 8. 8. jjjj* sup-
plies of wood, I. i. 8. 3.

(I) A species of willow, VI. i. 1. i, a.
(a) A Burname, VL ii. 6. 5.

To bind, VL ii. 7. 3.

A small bridge, IV. ii. 2. 3.

A cup, VI. i. 18. I.

A wooden pestle, VII. ii. 8. 3.

The east, on the east; eastern, I. i.

8. I ; 5. I ; ii. 11. a: II. i. 8. a: III. ii. 6.
4， 5 : IV. ii. 83. I： V. i.4. I： VI. i. 2.1,9；

ii. 1. 8 {KB,) : VII. ii. 4. 3. 東山, VII.

i. 24. I. 東 海, IV. i. 13. I : VII. i.

22. 東 食， IV. ii. 1. I. Observe 東
郭 艮 II. ii. 2, a.

To bend, make crooked, III. ii. 1. 1, 3,
5: V. i. 7. 7.

A forest, L i 8. 3.

(I) Certainly, really, indeed, IV. ii. 88 :
VI. i. 5. 3， 5. (a) To carry into effect ；
resolute to execute, I. ii. 16. 3 ： II. ii. 2.
5： IV. ii. 11.

Used for 女象 a female attendant, VII.

A branch of a tree, 1. i 7. 1 1.

A watchman's rattle, V. ii. 5. 3 ; 6. 3.

(I) A willow-tree, VL i. 1. 1, 9. (a) In
designations, jfflH "K ！ S> IL L 9. a, 3,

一 flft ^IP and IL il 11.

3: m iL 7. a: VL ii. 6. 3.

(i) A kind of aeminaiy, IIL i. 3. 10.
(d) iSjF ^^， a pond-keeper, Y. L 2l 4.

To compare, ni. L 3. 7.

^ JH, full of awe, V. L 4. 4.

To correct, IV. L 20.

To be rooted, VIL i 21. 4.

A surname, VIL L 85. i.

The last sovereign of the Hsift dynasty ；
is sometimes = a tyrant, L ii. 8. i: IV. i.
9. I， 3: V. i. 6. 4： VI. it 2. 5； 6. 9; 9. i,
9; 10. 7.

； 1^ jj^, handouifs and fetters, VJJL i
2.4.

(i) A species of tree, probably belonging
to the eup?u)rtriaefYl.i. 18. i, Bretschneider,
Paulotmict, (a) The name of the place
where Tangos grave was, V. L 6. 5: VXL
i. 81.

The mulberry-tree, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 24: IL

i. 4. 3: VIL i. 22. a.

(I) An honorary epithet, ； 1^ and
I. i. 7. 1, a: n. iL 2. 8， 10: IV.

ii. 21. 3: VL iL 7. 3.—^ ； g -^, V. iL

^ 7. (2) A surname, 桓 司 馬， V. i.
Lq. 絲, a cup,VL i 1. i, a.

(i) A bridge,--of a large size, IV, iL 2.
3. (a) A weir, I. ii. 6. 3. (3 ) The name
of a State, I. L 1. i ; 2. i, et aL (4) A

name, VI. ii. 6. 5. (5) 山 , the name

of a mountain, I. ii. 16. i.

A stick, a staff, L i. 4. 3; 5. 3.

(I) Handcuffs, 桂 措， see 桂. (a)
To fetter, VI. L 8. a. ChAo Ch'i explains
it here by

The same as the above, VL i. 14. 3.

(r) A species of tree, the wood of which
is most valuable, VI. i. 18. i (Brei>
Schneider, CcU€Upa\ (a) A carpenter, who
makes articles of furniture. IIL ii.4. 3, 4 ：
VII, ii. 5.

ff 校】 校 I 栗 桃 桎 I 桐 I 桑 『桓 I 裕 SI 梃 If 梧 1 梓 J

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTEBfi AND PHRASES

551

裡

2i

驟

Chi

楚

ch*u

(0 條 理, 'discriminated and regu-
lated,' — spoken of a concert, and - ' the
blended harmony/ V. ii 1. 6. (a)
the name of a place, IV. it 1. 1.

^^， vMioua utensils, IIL L 4. 5;

A spade, or shovel, IIL i 5. 4.

To abandon, throw away, spurn, I. i. 8.
a; ii. 6. X： VII. L 29; 85. 6, eial. To be

rejected^ IV. L 14. a. 田 ， to throw

fields out of euliiyation, III. ii. 9. 5.

自 to throw one's self away, abandon

one's self to work wickedness, IV. i. 10. i.

The date, 羊 菜, VIL ii. 86. i, 2， now
commonly called from the appearanoe of
the fruit 羊 矢

(i) Ml jfab, a sour date-tree, VL i. 14.

3. (9) mb, the name of a place in
Tain, V. i. 9. a.

The name of a place, where the princes
of Ch'l kept a granary, VII. ii. 28. i.

A wooden bowl, VL L

A bed, a couch, V. L 2. 3.

a.

yeh

極

chi

zung
shut

構

kdu

An inner coffin, jjf^ 搏, L ii 16. a :

An outer coffin, j^, see above.

The surname of the heresuurch

IIL iL 9. 9, io» 14: VIL L 26. ^«
Tangism and Tangists, VII. ii. 26. i, 2.

The name of a State, I. i. 5. i, 3 ； 7. i6,
17; ii. 6. I ； 18. I, et oLj saepe,
I. i. 7. 17: IIL ii. 6. I： VI. i. 4. 4.

(i) An inheritance, the foundation of
an inheritance, I. ii. 14. 3. (a) =
instraction. g ^ % VI. ii. 2.
6. (3) Partly finished, VII. ii. 80. i.

An extremity (in a painful sense), I. ii.
1.6. To push to extremities, IV. ii. 8. 4.

Glory, IL i. 4. i : VII. i. 32.

the projecting ornaments

round the eaves of great buildings, VII.
ii. 84. 9.

^ excite resexiiment, L i. 7. 14.

拭

聚

IS

yo

chia

撿

chien

fdo

ch'ioan

次

is'ze

Dry; withered, I. i. 6. 6 : II. i. 2. 16:
III. ii. 10. 3.

A high gallery, jj^, the pointed

peak of a high building, VL ii. 1. 5. See
note in loc.

A sour date-tree, VI. i 14. 3.

(I) To be happy, to rejoice ； to delight
in, I. i. 2. I, a， 3, 4 ; ii. 1. 4, 6, 7, 8: IV.
i. 8. 4 ; 8. 1, " aL， aaepe. A delight, VII.

i. 20. I， a, 3， 4， 5, et cU. Pleasure, in a
sense, L ii. 4. 8: II. i. 4. 4, etf

j,ILi4.4: VILii.84.5. (a)

years, I. L 7. ai， aa : IIL i 8. 7.

(I) Music, I. ii. 1. 1， a， 3, 4， 5, 6, 7 ; 4. 10:
IL i. 2. 37： IV. i. 27. a: VII. ii. 87. la.

(a) Yp, a double surname, L ii. 16.

a, ^ et oL ~ V. ii. 8. 2.

( I) To plant,— of trees, L i. 8. 4 ; 7. 24 :
VII. i. 22. a, 3. To sow,— of grain, III.

ii. 10. 3: VL i. 7. 9. ^ III. i. 4. a

(a) Appointed, legitimate, VI. ii. 7. 3. The
tone with these meanings was different
anciently from that of the character in
its oommon accepiatiou of trees.

A spring) a oontrivance, VII. L 7. a.

A sack open at both ends, L ii 6. 4.

Perverse, lawless ； unroasonable ； un-
reasonably! lawlessly, III. i. 4. 7 ; ii. 9. 9:

V. ii. 1. 1. ； 1^ perversity and un-

reasonableness, IV. ii. 28. 4, 5, 6.

The name of a tree, supposed to be the
same as the ； but not yet fully identi-
fied, VI. i. U. 3.

To regulate, to restrict^ I. i S. 5.

杭, see 杭， IV. ii. 21. a,

Sprouts, VL i. 8. i.

(i) The weight of a steel-yard.

to weigh, I. i. 7. ； 3. (a) The exigency of
circumstances, IV. i. 17. 1 : VIL i, 26. 3,

THE 7©TH RADICAL, 火.

Ne^ct,— in order or degree, V. ii. 2. 7， 9:
VI. ii. 14, 3: VII. ii. 87. 3, 7. To be next,
to come next to, II. i. 2. 9, 10: IV. i. 14.
3 : VII， ii. U. I.

欣 欣然， smUing-like, L ii. 1. 7.

To desire, like, wish, I. i. 2. 4 ； 7. 15，
1 6， 17, 18， ag, et oLy setepissime. Dosiroa,
IV. ii. 80. a: VIL ii. 85.

CHINESE CHAKACTER3 AXD FHKASSL

[I9DEX ra

To fan
4. 17-

on; to be imposed on, IXL
L2.4.

欲 然， 實 ithout elation. YU, L IL

血，
with hli

■mear the iides of the

th blood, VL ii. 7. 3.

To ring, IV. L 8. 3： VL ii 6. 5 Hndi-
eating noguig in some peeoliAr stjlef.

Used aetirely, |g &， V. i5.7; «^ i-
Tosi^YIL L 36. i.

To drink, to rip, IIL L 2. 4. «M[ fit,
to swill down, VII. L 4«. a. *^ ^

PleMed. ijfej to rejoice in, L i

THE 77th radical, 止

(i) To stop, desist, ~ spoken of walkiDg,
retiring from office, Ac, L L 8. a; iL 16.
3： IL i 2. 23： III. ii. 5. 4: VL iL 13. a
To stay, reside; to renudn, I. ii. 11. 3：

II. ii. 7. 1 ： V. iu 1. 1, (a) Actiye, to stop,
I. a 11. 4: IL i. 9. a.

(I) To correct, rectify ； to be rectified ；
correct ； what is correct, II. L 7. 5 ; 9. i ：
IIL i. 8. 13; it 2. a， 3; 9. 6， 13, et aL，
taepe. To make straight, V. L 7. 7. What
may be correctly ascribed to, VII. L 2. 1，
3* 4* (a; To have a purpose in the mind,

IL i. 2. 16 : VII. ii. 88. a. (3) 樂 正,

a double surname ； ~~ see ijfe.

This, these. Passim. 如此, &nd 若
lj|r t thus, so, Buch, are common.

A pace, L i. 8. a ： V. it 1. 7.

(I) Firmness, martial vigour. 威 武，

III. ii. 2. 3. (a) , the first sovereign
of the Chftu dynasty, I. ii. 8. 6 ; 8. 1 ; 10.
3, et al., taepe. (3) 武 丁， a sovereign
of the Shang dynasty, II. i. 1 • fiL (4、 一''

， name of a place, IV. ii. 31. i. (5)

， a Book of the 8hu-ching,VII. ii. 3. a.

A year, the years; the character of
a year as good or bad, I. i. 8. 5 : II. ii. 13.

4 ： VII. ii. 88. I, a, 3, 4. ^ I. i

7, ai， 92 : III. i. 8. 7 ： VI. i. 7. 1 ( 富 歳).
鍵 J^r I. ii. 12. a : II. ii. 4. a.

To pass over, = to change, IV. ii. 27. 3.
" for a period of, V， i. 6. a.

To return, II. i. 2. 16; ii. 10. i, 9; 12.
5, etaif aaepe. Used actively, » to repay,
VII. i. 80. a. To turn to, come to, I. i, 6.6;
ii.ll.a; 15.1： III. ii. 6. 4; 9. 9， et oLf saepe.

I

fien

n

is'an

yin

hut

毋

mu

THE 7»m SABICAL, 歹

ZF Todie; dMih; thednd, LLa.5; 4.6;
^jj* 7. 4,6,7, 8» €t «L, mtpt. To die for, L iL

12.3. &亡， LL7.sn,aa: IV."M;
To die at Mn early a^e, TIL L 1. 5.

Caliunities. L iL 10. 9： VTL iL 27. x.
To bring calamities on, to destroy, VL ii.

To exhjuist, extirpate. ^^«toremoTe,
YIL ii. 19. 3.

(I) PerOons, in a dAiigeroiia eondition,
V. L 4. I. (a) A particle, I apprehend,
is near to» L L 7. 17： VLL u. 23. z ; 30. a.

Followed bj 於， IV. ii. 81. i.

To bary along with the desd, to aacrifice,

VH. iL 1. a. «to aeeompany, YIL

i. 42. I, a. Z7

To be dilTereat, VL i. 7. i, 5.

To die of hunger, YIL iL 27. i.

to swarm, IXL L 4. 7.

To oppress, treat craeUy, I. ii. 12. a.
J^^K roffian, an oppressor, oppresBora,
L ii. 8. 3 : IIL iL 5. 5, 6l

According to Chf^ Hst, to cat off.
iiopriBon, V. i. 8. 9.

to

THE 79th radical,

The dyniisty so called, II. i. 1. 8， 10,
et aL， aaepe. JgK ^^， the founder of the
Ym dynasty, III. i. 8. 6.

A sarnAme, IIL ii. 7. a.

To kill, put to death, I. i.S. 5; 4. a; 6.
4, 6, et al.f saepissime. Observe III. ii. 3.
3, and VII. ii. 10.

(I) To pull down ； to brealc, L ii. 5. i, 9 ;
11. 3: III. ii. 4. 5： IV. i. 8. 4； ii- 81. 1.
(a) To blame, reproach, IV. i. 21.

THE SOra RADICAL, 母.

A mother ； parents, L i. 5. 4 ；

• Qij 32， et aLf saepe, tho

7

parent of tho people ，一 spoken of a ruler,

U^.5;ii.7.6:III.i.a7. 毋幾， 母
brood hens, brood sows, VIL i. 22. a.

Every, IV. ii. 2. 5.

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

553

氏

ahih

民

tm'n

饿

mdng

THE SlsfT RADICAL, 比.

(i) To compare, IL L 1. 3 : VI. ii. 1. 7.
J^k >S^' ^ be compared with, L ii. 4. 4.
(a) 》k ""J^i an uncle of the tyrant Chau,
IL i 1. 8: VL L 6. 3.

The 4th tone, (i) For, on behalf of,
I. i. 6. I : II. ii 7. 4. (a) And when … ,
L ii 6. I. (3) To classify, IIL i. 4. la
(4) To bend to the will of, act as a partizan,
IIL ii.1.5. (5) To join together, to collect,
V. it 4. s

THE 82ira> RADICAL, 毛，
Hair, VII. i. 26. i.

Fine hair, j^, — what is very

small, L L 7. la — * ^the least,
one thread of ten filaments of silk being
called A •， II. i. 2. 4.

THE 88bd RAPIGAX, 氏.

Family, I. ii 16. 3. 夏 氏 后， the

soYereignsof the Hsi& dynasty, the family,
i.e. of the great Yii, the prince of HsiA.

季氏， IV. "4. I. 棗丑氏 ，11.

東 郭氏， ILi^" 楊
氏, 墨 氏, IIL ii. 9. 9.

The people, 一 osually in distinction
from rulers and superior men. Passim.

Observe the phnaes 一 ^^， VII. ii.

1"; 天 *,VIL"».3; 凡民,
VIL i. 10. I ： V. iL 4. 4; 蒸 良, VI. i.
6. 8; 民, L i. 2. 3: VII. ii. 87. 13;

l^^^yL L 8.4; 7.94. - mankind)
ll i. 2. 33， 37, 98.

People, 一 settling in a State from other
States, II. i. 5. 5： III. i. 4. i，a: V. ii. 6. a.

THE 84th radical, 气，

(i) The air, breath, VI. i. a a. (a、 Air,
s carriage, VII. i 86. i. (3) Specially
deserying of notice is its use in IL i. 2. 8,
9, 10， II, I a, 13, 14, <s energy, the passion-
nature.

THE 85th radical, 水.

Water, waters, L ii. 5. 5 ； 10. 4； 11.3，
et al, aaepe, «= cold water, VL L 5. 5.

Perpetually, always, IL i. 4.6: IV. i. 4.
3: V. i. 4. 3.

Water overflowing. y[J |^ j^, to
inundate, III. i 4. 7 ; ii. 9. 3.

求-

cA'iu

汙

ITU
汙

(1) To seek for; to ask for; to seek, I.
i. 7. 9, 15, 16， 17 ; ii. 9. 1， et al.， saepisaime,
(a) The name of one of Gonfiicius's dis-
ciples, IV. i. 14. I.

(I) Impure, vile, mean, II. i. 9. 9 : III.

i. 8. 13： V. L 9. 3 ; ii. 1. 3: VI. ii. 6. a :

VIL ii. 87. II. (2) A pool, 汗 旭, IIL

ii. 9. 5.

Low. To rank one's self low, II. i. 2. 95.
Perhaps some of the instanoes under

^j^, touy should be read as tcdj particularly

III. ii. 9. 5, YII. ii. 87. 11， and one or two
others.

Mr (i) You, thou, TV. ii. 81. i: V. i. 2. 3：
^ yn. ii. 81. 3. (a) Name of a stream, III.

yT The river by eminence, — the Tang-tzse,
Chiang i. 7, 13； H 4. ？ VII. i. 16. i.

A pond, I. L 2. 4 ; 8. 3: III. ii. 9. 5：
V. L 2. 4. A moat, I. ii. 18. a : IL ii. 1. 3.

(I) To lead forth a stream, III. i. 4. 7 :
VL i.2. 1. The waters of a stream over-
flowing, VII. i. 16. {a) To bite things
through with the teeth, VIL i. 46. a.

Properly, to wash the hair ； j^fT to
bathe, IV. ii 25. a. ^

To die, pass away, IIL i. 4. 13 ; ii 9.5.

A surname, II. ii. 8. 1， 9. y^j* jn? a
double surname, IV. ii. SI. i. ^

他

eh'ih

沐

mu

in

杳

fd

沛

杳 杳， dilatory, IV. i.

II, I a.

(1、 A thick marshy jungle, III. ii. 9. 5.
(a) ^^， vehemently, overwhelm-
ingly, like the sudden fall of rain, or
overiBow of water, I. i. 6. 6: IV. L 6. i ：
VII. i. 16.

The 3rd tone. To stop, I. iL 16. 3.

(I) The Yellow river, III. ii. 9. 4. 河
東 and 河內， I 丄 8 .i; 河西， VI.

ii. 6. 5. (a) 九 j^, the nine branches
of the j^, which Yu regulated, IIL i. 4.

7. j^， the most southern of these,

V. i. 5. 7. (3) May be used for a river
generally, II. i. 2, 38: VII. i. 16.

fjJ^t the appearance of thick
clouds, I. i. 6. 6.

A pond, I. i. 2. 1, 3. |^， the name
given to king W&n's pond, I. i. 2. 3.

To govern, regulate ； to manage; to
attend to, I. i. 7. aa ; ii. 5. 3 ; 6. 9 ; 9. a :

II. i. 4.3; 6.2; u. 10. 7 ; 13. 5 平 VS^Y
el al,, aaepe. ^ '

水 I il

55i

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[index nL

The 4th tone. To be well governed ；
chih where management and regulation take
their effect, I. ii. 6. 3: II. i. 2. aa: III. i.
4. 7; ii. 9. a: IV. i. 4. i : V. i. 5. 6; ii. 1.
I, a: VI. ii. 7. 9; 18. 8.

if}t^ jfj^ jj^, to be at one's ease, IV. L 1.

» ZO, XI.

(0 To slight, neglect, IV. ii. 20. 4. (a)
A surname, II. ii. 11. 3： IIL ii. 7. 9.

A spring of water, II. i. 6. 7 : III. ii. 10.
n 3 : VII. L 29. 泉原, IV. ii 18. a.

(I) Laws, IV. i. 1. 3, 4» 8. 法一 the

law of right, VII. ii. 88. 3. « to enforce

the laws, = to tax, II. i. 5. a. |^

fkmilies attached to the laws or constitu-
tion, VI. ii. 16. 4. (a) An example ； to
serve as an example, be imitated, II. i. 1.
7: III. i. 8. II： IV. i. 1. a; 2.9； ii. 28. 7.

The name of a stream, a tributary of
the Hw&i, IIL i. 4. 7.

The perspiration starting, IIL i. 6. 4.

To weep ； the silent shedding of tears,
ILL L 2. 5： IV. ii. 88. 1， a: V. i. 1. i, 2:
VI. ii. 8. a.

To lead, conduct. III. i. 4. 7 ； ii. 9. 4.

Extravagant, IIL ii. 4. i.

7^ 洋， «at ease, or in the abundant
water, V. i. 2. 4.

To wipe away, I. i. 5. i.

Waters flowing out of their course,
Chiang spoken of the great inundation,

in. ii. 9. 3： VL ii. 11. 4.

洪 Overflowing ； vast 洪 水, used like

hung the above. III. i. 4. 7 ; ii. 9. 3， 11 : VI. ii
11. 4.

To Uve, II. i. 4.6： IV. i. 8. 5 : VII. i.
23. 3.

To permeate, imbue. Followed by
於, II. i. 1. 7.
A pool, I. i 8. 3.

(I) To flow, II. i. 1. 12: IIL i. 4.7: VI.

VII. i. 18. 3； 24. 3. 俗,

current customs, 一 in a bad sense, VII. ii.

37. II ； but not 80 流 風 II. I 1. a

Observe I. ii. 4. 6, 7， 8. (a) To float, VII.
i. 46. a. (3) To banish, V. i. 8. a. (4)

流徵， w 敏， " 3.3«
To dig, to deepen, V. i. 2. 3.

n

淮

hwdi

shun

f 拳 j^， rapidly ； the appearance of
springing up, I. i. 6. 6: VI. i. 7. 9.

(I) The appearance of vast waters,
然, resolutely, II. it 12. 5~ 浩然

2 the vast flowing passion-nAture,
II. i. 2. II, 12. (a) a doable

surname, VII. ii. 25. i.

the name of a stream, IV. L

8. 9.

]^ ；^, to bathe, IV. a 25. a.

The sea ； seas, IL i.2.98 : IIL i. 4. 7, el al.
Jf^ = the sea-shore, I. ii. 4. 4 : VI. ii. 15. i.

四 and 四 S 內 are expres-

aions for the kingdom, III. ii. 6. 3, 7： IV,
i. 8. 3； 6. I： V. i. 4. I： VI. ii. 13. 7: VII.

i. 21. a So 海 內, without the 四，
I. i. 7. 17. 束 海， IV. L 18. 1 ： VII. L

22. 1. 北 鉢 L i. 7. II： IV. L 18. I：

V. ii. 1. I : VII. i. 22. 1.

The name of a stream, IV. ii. 2. z.

To defile, be defiled, II. i.9.i,a: V. ii.
1. 3-

To diminish, io decay away, III. iL 9.
4： VLL8.3.

To wade, IV. ii 2. 3.

Tears, IV. L 7. 2： VL ii. 3. a.

To be dried up, IV. it 18. 3.

、？京 涼, cold and distant, VII. ii. 87. 9.

The water in which rice is being
washed, V. ii. 1. 4： VII. ii. 17.

The name of a stream, a tributary of
the Yellow river, VI. ii. 6. 5.

Virtuous. Used actively, to make vir-
tuous, to improYO, IV. i. 9. 6 : ii. 22. 9：
VII. i. 40. 5.

Licentious, unregulated, IL L 2. 17:
III. ii. 9. 10, 13. To make dissiDated,
III. ii. 2. 3.

Deep (both literally and metaphori-
cally) ； deeply, I. i. 6. 3 ; ii. 10. 4: II. ii.
1. 3: III. i. 2.4： IV. ii. 14. I: VII. i. 14.
I ; 16. I； 18. 2.

The name of a river, which flows
through Ho-nan and An-hui, III. i. 4.
7 ； ii. 9. 4.

-J^, a double surname, IV. L 17. i ：

VI. ii. 6. 1.

INDEX IIL] CHINESE CHARACrr;

S AND PHRASES

555

tan

(I) A gulf, an abyss, IV. i. 9. 3. (a)
The designation of Confucius's favoarite
disciple, IL i. 2. 18, aoi ILL i. 1. 4.

Lq. 2^ ^^， 仏 e appearance

of water flowing freely from a spring,

IV. ii. 18. a.

Clear, pure; purifying, IV.i. 8. a, 3:

V. ii. 1. I， 5.

To reside long, V. ii. 4. 6u

To be thirsty, to suffer from thirst, II.
i. 1. II： VIL L27. I, a.

n 2.

I^jj^ water whirling round, VL L

kdu

溢

"7* 让 e designation of one of
Gonfdeias's disciples, II. i. 2. 90: III. i.
4. I, a.

(I) Warm water, things hot, VI. L 6. 5.
(a) The founder of the Yin dynasty, L i.
2. 4; ii 8. I ; 8. I ; 11. I, a, etaL, aaepe.

源 源, incessantly, V. L a 3.

Level. The instroment, 一 the level,
IV. L 1. 5.

A ditch, — made in dividing the fields,
4 feet wide, and the same depth, V. i. 7.

6; ii. 1. a. fifcT', L il 12. a: IL ii.

4. a: III. i. 8. 7 ; uTi. 2: V. ii. 7. 5.

IV. ii. 1& 3.

To overflow, VII. ii. 14. 4. To spread
forth, 一 spoken of instruction, IV. i. 6. i.

The name of a stream, IV. it 2. i.

St 浪，" ^浪， IV' "A

To drown, to be drowned, I. L 6. 5:
IV. ii. 29. 4: VI. i. 7. i. To go to ruin,
IV. i. 9. 6. To be drowning, IV. i. 17.

i| a» 3.

To extinguish ； extinguished, IIL ii.
9.6.

To increase, IL i. 1. 7: VL ii. 6. 3.
a name, VL ii. 8. 4.

The name of a State, I. ii. 18. i ； 14. i ；
fdZf 15. I : II. ii. 6. I, a, et oZ.— ^ 女

I. ii. 18. I； U. I； 15. I： III 丄 l.i; 8.1;
4. 1. 一膝 定恭 IIL L 2. 1. 一滕 更,
VIL i. 43. I, 9.

xB Congealed, impeded, jB&, dilatory,
Chi n. ii. 12. 1.

Banks, L ii 6. 5.

ku

eh'dn

m

ts'ang

溺

tti

敷

Chiang

潤

zun

shih

儒

zu

濫

Ian

pin

翁

yo

The name of a stream, III. L 4. 7.

To be a fisherman, to catch fish, II. i.
8. 4.

The name of a river, a large branch of
the Yang-teze, in Htl-pei, III. i. 4. 7， 13 ；

ii 9. 4. the Milky Way,V. i.4.a.

To be clean, pure ； what is clean, III.
ii.8. 3: IV. ii. 26. 1 : VII. ii. 14. 4; 87,
7, 1 1. To keep pure, V. L 7. 7.

Oongeo. ？ any beverage, I. iL 10. 4 ；

11. 3： in. ii. 6. 5.

To moisten and nourish, VI. i. 8. i.
«= to modify and adjust, IIL i

行 僚， win-poolSy IL L 2. aa

(I) A marsh; marshy thickets, IIL i.

4. 7 ; ii. 9. 5 : IV. L 1. 6u j^=a pond,

I. ii. 6. 3. (fl) FaTOurs, benefits ； bene-
ficial influence, II. ii. 12. i : IV. i. 1. a ;
ii. 3. 3, 4; 22. I： V. i. 6. a; 7. 6; ii. 1. a:

VII. i. 9. 6. (3) S 港, the name of a
gate, VII. i. 86. 3.

A small ditch, tributaiy to a jS, IV.
ii. 18. 3.

To dam up, VL i. 2. 3.

Muddy, IV. L 8. a, 3.

I.q. the character in the tezfc of II. i.
4. I, = what is low and wet.

With the 3rd tone. The name of a
stream, III. i. 4. 7.

In the 3rd tone, (i) To ferry, convey
across, II. ii. 12. i, 4. (a) To succeed,
IL i. 6. 6.

Impeded, »g jER see jSR, IL iL 12. i.

y[2 to overflow, inundate, III. i.
4. 7 ； ii. 9. 3.

(I) To wash, III. i. 4. 13: IV. i. 8. a， 3.

Obserye IV. i. 7. 6. (a) 濯 濯, sleek

and fat, L i. 2. 3. But the same phrase
is uaed for the denuded appearance of a

bare mountain, in VL L 8. i (3) )^

is used as if it were a surname in IV. ii.
24. 2.

The brink of water, a coast, IV. i. 18. i :
V. ii. 1. 1: VIL i. 22. i; 86. 6. Observe

率土 S 溃， Vi".

To clear the course of rivers, III. 7.

556

CHIXESE CHARACTEBS AXD FHRASES.

ISBEZ III.

m

THE RADICAL, 火-

rir«, L iL 10. 4 ； 11.3: n»L«-7: HL
L 4. 7； iL 5. 5： VL L l-Jt i: TU. L2S.3.

CaUmity, L L 7. 17: IT. i. L 9.

,a To warmcrd— imiDfidiatelj affprtwi
— hy, VII. iL 15. I.

^ Ch*rc«a,||j^,n.L9.i:V.iLLi.

(I) To set ftre lo, IIL i 4. 7- (2:
Entetpruin^ energetic, HL iL 9. <3> 功
^|^， meritz/riooji aehiereuMflii, IL L 1. 3,
(4 ？ ackiMrwksdgedf brightly leeogniaed,
V, ii. 4. 4-

A wanMmej VL iL 2. 3,

To boil, to cook, V. i 2.
eookeiy, V. i> 7. i, &

割烹，

r3S

yen

To burn, eoiuame with fire, III. 7 :
V. i 2. 3.

The rad tone. A final particle. Pasgim.
(I) At the end of Bentences, giving a
liveIine«M to the fityle, especially where
the cloMing member in brief, perhkps only
one word, as in II. iL 2. 4 ； —or where it U

interrogative, introduced by -^nj" or some

similar character. ( a) CorreUti re clauses

are often tenninated by as inVL L 7.

8. (s) It is common at the ond of clauses,
to which we expect a sequel, as in I. i. 7.
la ； ii« 7. 4， ei oZ" taepissime, (4； Seems to

ha UBod for 乎, in VIL L 就一焉 often

follows adjectiveif instead of j^， though

not in Menciufl, unless in V. L 2. 4 ； and
it certainly partaken of the meaning of
that cbaractor, and = a lively affirmative

BOl

Tho ist tone. An interrogative particle.
How ？ It standH at the beginning of the
clause or mom hor of the sentence to which
it belongfl, unloHs where another particle
or the nominative immediately precedes,
I. i. 7. ao ； ii. 16. 3 : II. i. 7.2； 9.3； ii. 8. 5,

et oLf scupe, » whither, IV. i. 13. a.

No, not, without. PcuHm. is the

oppOBito of both in its personal and

imporsonal usagoH, anot to have, to be
without,— and there ie ^ are 一 not. As
inBtaucoB of the relation between it and

observe I. i. 7. ao， and II. ii. 10. 7.

and ^\ are common,

make a strong affirmation. So,

艇非 并無 «

• \X L Sl 4^ m 力， IV.iL

然

究

ch'iung

照

chdo

m

fan
熄

熊

hsiung

鲤

無

I To bora, to flame wp, IL L6l7- a'
Sc-i just Uke Mine: jvs. Pimim Obeerre

n. ii. & a. wkere Wj=»e«ordiiis?j, or

tb«j approved. It olleii oeenn bI the

endof acUiise.befjuiiiiiiiswitfa^'. We

luTe the eombioations ^||. VIL L

96L3.s«JHun"; ^^.VLai5.3.s
dmepe; 而, iL3&4 : "4:
u. 4. 5. 6. W m^; ^ J^,VLii-&8,
aoL; 雖然， I£Ll£、2;4.3> .3、

After adjectiTBa, it -- ly and forms 象 d-
Terbs. or other adjectives which in
English would end in Idne, VIL iL 37. 6.
9; S4. 夏； 21^ jMUML 、4 A aorname,
ULLS.

Wmrm ； wmrmly ； to be wum, tspdken
urith referenee to clothing, L L 7. 16:
ULi4.8:VILi.22.3.

SoliUiy; BOTTowfal, L iL 5w 3.

To shine, Olnmiiuite, VIL L 2L a.

What ia toilaome, trouble, IIL L 4. 5.

To be extingaished,YI. i 18. i. MeU-
phoricaUy, IIL u. 2. i: IV. U. 21. i.

shu

m

zo
fan

燕

yen

m

Ian

A bear, VL L 10. i.

To be ripe ； to be brought to maturity,
HL L 4. 8: VL i. 7. a; 19. i.

Hot ； what is hot, I. ii. 10. 4: IV.L 7.6.
to bam within, V. i. 1. 5.

L q. g 番， the flesh of sacrifice, VL iL 6.

The ist tone. The name of a State, I.
ii 10. X, 3 ； 11. I, 3 4： II. ii. 8. i,a.

人，

To plan, ― a building, I. i. 2. 3.
J^, artificial caves, IIL ii. 9. 3.

糜火

I， to boil to a mass, VIL ii.1.2.

To 000k. CM Hsi says/ to light a fire,*
ts'ican III* i- 4* 4*

THE 87th radical, 爪.
To strive for, IV. i. 14. 9.

A particle, found at the beginning of
clauses, and quoted from the Shih-ching.
And 80， and, I. ii. 8. 6; 6. 4, 5.

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

557

Passim, (i) To be, 】
2.3; 3. 1 ; 4. 5, 6, et al,

beginning of clauses,

what precedes, often

1.

7, 9o; ii.
sstme. At the

continuing

who was.

Before nouns of relation and proper
names* its to j>2ay， to be in the posiiicn, I. ii.
4. a: II. L 1. 4; ii. 2. 10, et oL, saepe. So

inthephraae 其爲 人也. 爲，

with and without intermediate words,
often » to take to be, to regard, to con-
sider, to be considered, L i. 7. 5, 7 ; ii. 2.

a; 11. 3, et saepe. Often, however,

simply- = to be, or to use to make.

(a) To make, to do; to be done, I. i. 2. 3 ;

7. 10, II， la, 13, 16, l^f et taepiitsime, ^^Sf
爲 and 奚 爲 =*why, L ii.6.4; 11. a,

etaL 'j^j see ^^»to exer-

cise, to administer, to govern, IL ii. 4. 4 ：
IIL i. 8. I. The phrase 爲 政, to ad-
minister government, and Bometimes to
give law to the kingdom, is frequent, I.
i. 11. I： IL ii. 10. 6: IV. L 1. 3; 6; 7. 4,

aL -jS = to establish, IL iL 10. 7. So

定

8. la

V. i 8.

III. i. 2.3； and 設爲 ULL
^^-to seek to be, TIT, i. S. 5. 一
Observe ^ 金, 爲 飲, H. H.n ;

，VII-i".i; 爲說
ILL2.I8; 民之^ 道, HLi.

3. 3, but >«r in 4. 8 is to be

understood differently, through the force

神: &S 曾，

IIL L 6. 5: VII. ii. 21 ；

衆, IV i.7.5; 我
,V.i.7.3;

蠢詩，

水, 爲 ^,VIL i. 24. I；

娥, 爲之辭 ，爲 之兆, H i. 5 -
5 ； ii. 9. 4 ： V. ii. 4. 6.

The 4th tone. For, in behalf of. Before
clauses, it is most conveniently taken as
a conjunction, because^ I. L 4. 6 ; 7. 10， 11,

16， et oL, aaepissime. for self,

the principle of Yang Chd, III. ii. 9. 9 :

VIL I 26. 1. Observe 自 篇, VL ii. 6.
I, and 何 爲, V. ii. 7. 3. But should

not -^nj* and always have the

in the 3rd tone ？ ― conse-

quently, L iL 16. 3.

( i) Nobility, noble rank. II. i. 7. a ; ii.
2.6; 8. 1 : V. ii. 2. i {N.B.) : VI. i. 16. i,
3， 3 ； ii. 7. a. (a) The name of a bird, or
birds in general, IV. i. 9. 3.

夂

牀

ch'tcang

Uafa

fm

ch'iang

牙

yd

牛

niu

物

wu

THE 88th radical, 义.

(i) A father. Passim, The combinations
父子, 夂毋, and 夂兄 are
oommon. -m: may denoto the ruler,
as the parent of the people, I. i. 4. 5 ; ii.
7. 6. yf may denote all elder rela-

tives, III. i. 2. 3， 4. (9) 賓 c 义 (3rd

tone), the name of one of the remotest
ancestors of the Ch&u dynasty, I. ii. 5. 5.

THE Sldra RADICAL,

(I) You, your, I. ii. 12. a ： II. i. 1. 3 ； 9.
a: V.i.l. a; ii. 1. 3, 7 : VII. ii. 4. 5 ； 81. 3.
(a) After adjectives, makes adverbs, L q.

然， VL i. 10. 6. (3) A final particle,

synonymous with ― simply, just so,

IIL i. 6.3; IV. i.9. I； ii. 18. a: V.i. 2.3:

VIL ii. 88. 4< ® , ILiL2.4: IIL

ii. 6. 7: IV. ii. 24. i ： VIL i, 89. 2. (4)
Thus, VL i. 7. I. — ? III. i. 8. a, where

perhaps = you. (5) I. q. j^， what is

near, IV. i. 11.

THE 90rH RADICAL, 并
A couch, V. i. 2. 3.

A wall, IIL ii. 8. 6： IV. ii. 81. i (糖
t): VI. ii. 1. 8: VII. i. 2. a; 22. a.

THE 91srr RADICAL, 片.
版 building-frames, VI. ii. 15. i.

戶，

A window, VII. ii. 80. i.
spoken of a nest, II. i. 4. 3.

THE 92iiD RADICAL,

a famous cook of antiquity,

VL i. 7. 5.

THE 93rd radical,

(i) A. cow, an ox ； cattle, I. i. 7. 4, 6,7,8:
IL iL 4. 3: IIL ii. 5. a, et ah (a) ijn [jj,

the name of a hill, VI. L 8. i. (3) 冉 牛,
one of Confucius's disciples, IL L 2. 18, 90.
Full, IL i. 2. 3.

(I) To feed, to tend, IL ii. 4. 3. (a) To
browse on, VI. i. 8. i. (3) Pasture, II. ii.

4. 3. (4) {j^f a shepherd of men, a

ruler, I. i. 6. 6. (5) name of

a palace, V. i. 7. 9. (6) A sumame, V. ii.
8. a.— VII. ii. 87. 4.

(I) Things, substances, I. i. 7. 13 ： III.
i.4. 18; 5.3: IV. ii. 19. a ； 28. 4： VI. i. 4.
5; 8.3; 9. a; 15.2； ii. 5.4 (aiiicles): VII-

558

CmXESE CHABACTEBS ASD PHRASES.

'Al

[IXDEX m.

牲

L4. 1 ; 24*3; 46. 1, a The inferior cm>
tiirw this meaning is ineloded in some
' the abore cxAmpleft , VLL L 46. i. ； 3)

othen, IV. i. 7. 9： VIL L 19. 4.—

有物' 有 W'^LI^ &

d] Gatt l»->embneiiig oxen, sheep, jmd
pigiK. and sometimes more kinds, V. L 9. i.
(3/ Cftttle set 廉 part for aaerifiee, Tiedms,
VI .ii.7.3, OeDenll/ in eonnexioa with

！ whieh aee.

一 ii 4. I*

eh'ien

To lead forward, to dng, L L 7. 4.

The rhinoeeixMy HL ii 9. d

A Tictim, called m being 'spot-
le«/ m 牲, ni.ii8.3; 6. a: VIL ii.
14.4.

THE 94th radical, 犬.

犬 A dog, dogs, I. ii 15. I : IV. ii ». i ： V.
th'iUin u-«.4:VI. i. 8.3; 7.5; 11. 3.

《巳 To Tiolato, IV. i. 1. 8 : VL ii. 7. 3.
/an

^(J Ambitious, ardent, VII. ii 87. i, a, 3,
k'toang 4> & 7-

狄 The wild tribes on the Xorth, L ii. 14.
a; 16.1： III. I 4. i6( 戎 狄)； ii.9. II

(夷狄 )，" (戎狄 > 北狄， L
ii. 11.3： III. ii* 5. 4 ： VIL ii. 4. 3.

To be near to, VII. I 81. i.
The fox, IIL i. 5. 4.

zo.

A dog, dogs, L i. 8. 4, 5 ; 7. 34 : IL i.

狸

n

狼

lang

^f^ff a sovereign's tour of inspec-
tion, I. ii. 4. 5： VI. ii. 7. a. ia ex-
plained by and = the fiefs.

Joined with 抓. ？ the wild cat, IIL
i. 5. 4. ^

丄 I) A wolf, IV. i. 17. 1: VI 丄 ".4. (a)
《良 = to lie about in abundance, IIL

i. 8. 7.

Fierce, IIL ii. 9. 11.

(I) As; to be as, I. L 7. 16: II, i. 1. 8，
13; 4. I ; 6. 6, el al.f saepistdme. (a) Still,
yet, I. ii. 2. a; 11. 4: II. i. 1. 5, 7, et aL,

， Observe 且猶… 而

ii. 2. 10; 7. 4. (3) In a double surname,
IV. ii. 81. 1.

， kwn

fd

^ M # V. LIL 7; «^ L

Caotkwwly-decided, YIL iL 87. a, 7.

aloDC^ I. L 8. 4; 7. lo^ la; iL 1.
11. 7. 3, 4, e< flL, jo^c Old and
mlitMTj, L U.5. 3. In aolitode,
Dt, TIL L9. 6, ttoL Pleealiar,
96L a.

^jj^ j^, a tribe of northern bartwiri 廉 n〜

L iL3. I.

(i) To gei, obUin ； cMUhj UL ii. I.4:
Y.iiSL^ |B^^ » to get the confidence
IV. L li. X. (a) A Djuney VI. ii.2. 3.

To hunt, 田 激， I. ii. 1. 6, 7 ： VIL ii
84. a, ，獲 較〕, it 4. 5, d.

A brute animal ； a wild anitn^l^ L L 4.

5; iL 4. 7： HI. L 4. 7; ii 9. 11 ： IV. i.
9. SL to nourish as 幕 dog or a

hone, VIL i 57. i. ^Jff" ^j^, birds and
beasts^ imtional animJa, is eommon, L
i 7. 8, lOy la : m. L 4. 7, 8, 0f oL

L i. 2. 4: IIL ii.9. 4. ^ Hf, quadra-
peda, IL i 2. 9 & >^ W

An otter, IV. i ». 3.

An honorary epithet, V. ii SL a.

THE BABICAL, 左.

Sky-colour, ^^-dark silks, UL iL
5.

(I) To follow ； following, along, L ii.

6. 5； IV. i 1.4 ^): V.ii. a. (a)

To lead (»hwdi), L L 4. 4, 5: IL i. 5. 6:
III. i.4. 6,18; ii. 6. a; 9.9: IV. iL U.a:
VL i. 1. 9.

率,

玉

the limit to which a bow
should be drawn, VIL L 41. a.

THE 96th radical, 玉.

A gem, a precious stone, jade, I.ii. 9.a;
16. i:VI. L8. a: VII. ii. 28. i. Used for
the < musical atone, 'Y. il 1. 6.

不 (I) A king, kings. Passim. ^p,
toang the founders of the three ancient dynas-
ties, VL ii. 7. I， 3， et ai, 王 one
who is a true king^ I. ii. 5. 9; 14. a ： II.
i. 1. II, et aly stupe, 王 jj^, true royal
government, I. ii. 5. 3 ： III. ii. 6. 7. 80,
王 5a » !• i. 8. 3» On the meaning of
王, see II. i. 8. i. It follows the names

of S^tes and honorary epithets, (a) A
surname, V. ii. 3. 3. 一 III. ii. 1. 4, ~ VI. ii.
6. 5.— II. iL 6. 1.

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

559

王
wang

廿

kan

Shan

生

iJumg

The 4 th tone. To ezereiae the royal
authority (active and neuter), I. i. 8. 4 ;

5. 9; 7. a, 3, 5, 9, 10, II, 94; ii. 1.8; 4. 3;

6. 4, 5 : U. i. 1. 6, 7, 10; 2. I； 5.6; ii. 2.
8: UL ii. 1. I : IV. i. 9. 4, 5; ii. 16. i ：
V. i. 6. 5: VL iL 4. 6: VIL i. 20. i, 5.

A pearl, L iL 15. i : VIL il 28.

To distribute, arrange, V. ii.2.i. Order,
rank, II. i. 2. 93.

(I) f@ 理， see > (虔, V. it 1. 6» (a)

The mental ooDBtitution, VI. i. 7. 8. (3)
To depend on, VII. iL 19. i.

To cut and polish a gem, L u. 9. a.
1^ 3}|( the DAine of a place, 4. 4.

(I) The hArpsichord or lute, V. i. 2. 3.:
VIL ii. 6. (a) A surname, VIL ii. 87. 4.

A gem on wrought, I. ii. 9. a.

An auspicious gem, which was fashioned
round, V. i. 9. a.

(I) To surround, IL ii. 1. a. (a) A
name, V. i. & i, a, 4.

THE 97th radical, 瓜.
A gourd ； a goord dish, IV. ii. 29. 3.

THE 98th radical,
A tUe, III. u. 4. 5.

Aji earthenware pot or pan, used for
steaming, III. L 4. 4.

THE 99th radical, 廿.

Sweet 羅 sweet food, I. i. 7. 16. -^,
to count sweet, or readily, VII. i 27. i.

Excessive ； an exceeding degree; ex-
oeedingly, I. L 7. 17; ii. 1. i, 3; U. i, et

aLf saepe. ^Jf^ • • . more, in a greater

degree, than . . •， II. i. 1. 11: VI. i 10.

9, 3, 5. extraordinary

things, IV. ii. 10. Obaerve I. i. 7. 13.

THE lOOiH RADICAL, 生 *

(i) To produce ； to be produced, —
spoken of mon and things, II. i. 2. 15, 17,
33, a^f aS; 6. 6: III. i. 5. 3 ; ii. 9. a, et a 乙,
saepe. (a) Life ； to live ； to grow ； living,
I. i. 8. 3: IV. ii. 24. a: V. i. 2. 4: VI. i.
S. I, 3; 10. I, a, 3， 4, 5, 6: VII. i. 21. 4;

2S. eial. a way of life, i e.

calculated to foster life and happiness,
VIL i. 12. I. (3) To be born, to be born
in. III. ii. 3. 6: IV. ii. 1. 1， a: VII. ii.

ch'dn

甥
akdng

田

Cim

由

甲

chid

中

shdn

男

nan

界

chieh

87. 91 jt^ f master, a respectful way

of speaking to or of an individual, IV. i.
24. a; ii 81. i: VI. ii. 4. a, 4, 5, 6. (4)
In a double surname, VII. ii. 25. i, (5)
In a name, VII. ii. 88. 3.

(1〉 Livelihood, L i 7. 90| ai, aa : III.
4. 12, (a) A native, III. i. 3. 3.
breed, V. L 9. a. (3) j^, a di
tion, IV. ii. 2. i ： V. i. 2. 4.

A son-in-law, V. ii. 3. 5.

THE lOlflT RADICAL, 用.

(i) To use ； to be used, I. i. 3. 3 ; 4.6;
7. to, et ol., Boepisntne. (a) Used for J^.
Initial, -for, on the p*rt of, V. ii. 8. 6 ;
^» thereby, L ^6.4: IIL it 5. 6.

THE 102in> RADICAL, 田.

(I) A field, fields, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 34 : III.

L 8 {N.B.), 7, 9, 13, 18, 19, et al" saepe.

- the holy field, IIL L 8. id.
, VIL L 28. 1. 田野, iy.".9:
VL ii 7. a. 田 IV. ii. 8.3,4: VIL

i 22. 3. 乗 3 田 , the office held by Con-
fucius in charge of the public fields, V.

ii 6. 4. (a) and ^ ^^， to hunt, I.

ii. 1. 6, 7 : IILu. l.a: V. ii.7.5: VII. ii.
84. a.

( I) From, proceeding from, ILL 7. 4 ； ii.
16.1： II. i. 1.8; 2. 1, 37; 6.4; 9. 3, et al.,
saepiasime, (a) By, to proceed by, to walk
in, III. ii. 2.3; 8.6; 9, 4, et aL, saepe. (3)

Used for ^||^， in both its mean lugs of

aa and sHU, I. i. 6. 6 ; 7.3; ii. 1. 3 : II. i. 1.

6; ii. 12. 5, e< oZ. (4) & 由^， at Ms

II. i. 9. 9 : V. ii. 1. 3. (5) The name

III. ii 7. 4. 一 In the name

V. L a a.

(i) A ooat of mail ； 画 defensive armour,
I^3.a; 6.3； 7.14： IV.i. 1.9. (a) 太
^p, the name of a Book in theShil-ching,
ILL 4.6: IV. i.8.5: V. i. 6. 4 : VIL i.81.i.

( i) To inculcate especially, repeatedly,

I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 24. (a) A Burname, II. ii. 1 1. 3.

(i) A male, IV. i. 17. i : V. i. I.3; 2. r;
ii. 6. 6. (a) A title of nobility, V. ii 2. 3， 4, 5.

A border, boundaries, II. ii. 1. 4 : III.

i. 8. 13.

To fear, to dread, I. i. 6. a ; ii. 3. a, 3 ;

II. 1,3: n.i.1.3; 2.5； 4.3： III. i.1.4;

ii. 5. 7 : V. a 4. 4: VII. i. 14.3； ii. 4.5;
34. 9.

珠 si" f ssliw

560

CHIXESE CHAEACTESS ASZ> FHKJL3B. rmx. HL

缺

畢

略

畦

卞

異

两

liu

赏

iang

6

喊 i)i

4-

T〜 ri^rxr^ I ii 4 9. a T>
r. 《• '-， tj^^*: Wm\ ^ j. IV. 5. 3

7, as. 22. 34: V. A, X 4 ; u. 4.4: TIL L ±2.

AniMm^, 置 '"zte Em Tsuied At diiStremt

1.1.9,4; 7.34： IlLLS. 61 16,17. 19; 4.9:
V,a2L8:VILL22Lx &

'1, To U: tniah^ UL L 3. 直？ - V. L
7 : 4. f « '2, A Munuune^ II L. L 9. 13^ ~>
IV. iL 1.2.

A i$iEriM;ral sammaiy, an oatliiK; UL L
雲， V. jL 2. I.

A fi^M of fifty mi. Vfied for fields
gfeotmily, IlL iL 7. 4.

To draw figures on, IIL ii. 4. 5.

,T) Vitttrent, to be different. Followed

by from, L i 3. 5; 4.2,3; 7. 11, 17,

M0pe, ^2) Strmo^; to think it
ift range, to be offendmt L i. 7. 7 : ILL 2.
I ； ii. 10. 6: IV. ii. 27. 3: V. ii. 9. 3.

I) To detail^ IL ii. 11. 9. ,2) To re-
mai n, VUL2.6. The character U often,

but improperly, written

(I, To mmtain, be eqiuil to, correspond
to, IV. ii, 18. 17. To be matched, II. i. 1.
7, (sj To oppotie, withiitand. The mean-
ing in tuModate with the above, I. iL 8. 5.
^3) In, at; to be in, 一 applied to time
and circumjitancesy I, ii. 5. 5： II. i. 1. i
{N,B.% 13; ii. 8. 3, 4; 13. 5, et al., saepe.
(4) Ought, IV, ii. 9: VII. 46. i. What
ought to be， right, VI. ii. 8. 9.

Tlio 4th tone. To be correct, V. ii. 6.4.

BorderH, boundarioB, IL ii. 1. 4 : III.
Chiang 8. h 4,5； 5.6; IV. ii. 8. 3： VL ii. 7. a.

A fl" field, 田隐 see 田.

«3

chdu

瑰

THE IO8R0 RADICAL,

(i) Distant, distance, II. i. 1. 1 1 . Spoken
of relationship, I.ii.7.3: VLii.8.4: with
verbal force, VI. ii. 8. 3. (a) Coarse, III.
i. 2.9： V. ii. 8. 4. (3) To separate, III. i.

(i) To doubt, I. i.6.6: III. i. I.3: VL
i. 7. 3. (3) A name, II. ii. 10. 6.

THE 104TK RADICAL, 广

)0l Any ftivorish distemper. But

ch'dn - Bicknottfl and dUtress gonorally. VII. i.
IB. z.

m

I

車

病

白

pdi
百

" 疾揚 1^=^ 病，

L li L 7： m. L 13, see

*--<*r«^ A Bfrnl islrmisj. I_ iL ^ 4< >
X \fz^fkjTi itxi.jtid.Vl. L 14- 4 : BL 2, 4.
3 T W Jtcrrktvcid vii^ I_i.7.i8L. An-

does* r. «r pFrKiy a 翻薩 mt, V. L 8L i, a. 4-
I A diamatz to W awdl. IL iL 2.

a. 3: ULLS-i: IT. L S. 5-
I. ii. I. 7: nL L 3. 13. Uader^MMl m a

iL SSL 3, \a To be troabled with,
twed by, IH- iL 7. 4: IT.u.2.a.

Tobepai-eA 疾蘇 ~ 疾-
A sanuuBe, Y. L 8. i, 9^ 4.

To be cund, UL i. 1. 5.

囊瘃， ~家-

THE lO&TH RADICAL, TV

To aaeend, t

41. 1. ； B: = lo
4.7. ^

nd, tL ii. 10. 7 ： VIL L 24. 〗
be made to grow, III.

(I) To send forth, 一 as in diachju^ging
象 rrowB, II. i. 7. 5: lY. ii. 34. a: VIL i.
41. 3; or in exercising goTernment, I. u
7. 18 ； ii. 5. 3. To be sent forth, mani-
fested, IL i. 2. 17： VI. ii. 15. 3. (a) To
rise, come forth, VL ii. 15. i. (3) To open
a gnmary, to cause it to open, 一 to send
forth the stores, L L 8. 5; ii.4. 9: VII. ii.
23. I.

THE lO&m RADICAL, 白.

(I) White ； to pronounce to be whii

I.i.2.3:VI.i.8.a; 4. a, 3. 頒白

grey-hiiired, L i. 3. 4 ; 7. 34. (a) A si
name, YI. ii. 10; 11.

(I) A hundred. Passim. It is used as
a round number, aignifying all of a ch

We have ^"jfr, H. i- 2. 27, et al.; "g

IIL L 2. 3, 4, 5, ei al.; "g* j#， V. L5.6;

, V. i. 5. 6， et al.; 百 工, IIL 5， 6 ;

穀, IIL 1 8. a. (a) 百里, a double
surname, V. i. 9. i, a : VL ii. 6. 4 ； 16. i.

阜 阜 "^ffjf anxious-like, IIL iL 3. i.

Passim, All. At tho coznmenoement of
clauH6s,with reference to preceding state-
ments. If it have a noun with it, the

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHAKACTERS AND PHBAS£S

661

(I) Mutually ； may often be translated
i^n^ by one another, I. i. 4. 5 ; ii. 1. 6, 7 ； 4. lo,
et cU., aaepi88ime. (a) A name, III. ii 4. a, 3.

jfQ To assist, to act as prime minister to ；
hsiana a prime minister, 11. i. 1. 8 ; 2. i : III. ii.
" 9.6： V.i.5.7; 6.3,5； 9.3: VI. ii. 5. 1,3.

9^4^ 然 , distressed-like, IIL i. 8. 7.
To inspect, L ii. 2. 5 ： VI. ii. 7. a.
To be sparing of, I. i. 6. 3.
Dull, to be dull, IV. i. 16. i.
膀 8^,866 瞎， IIL i 1. 5.

-^, the pupil of the eye, FV. i. 15.

I, a.

Many, numerous ； a multitude ； the
multitude, 1. i. 7. 17; ii. I.4; 11. 4, etixL,
acupe.

B 卒 然， mild-like, VII. i. 21. 4.
To be harmonious, III. i. 8. 18.
To look aside. III. i. 5. 4.

瞑

ming

sau

瞷

kaien

kan

ching

矢

ahih

^ throw into a state of con-
fusion, ― medicine in its beneficial opera-
tion, yet cauBing distress^ IIL i. 1. 5.

g 員 g 爲， with eyes askance, I. ii. 4. 6.
To be clear, lY. i. 15. i.

g^， the name of Shim's father, IV.

i. 28. 2： V. i. 2. 3; 4. i, a, 4: VI. i. 6. 3：
VII. i. 86.

See above.

To watch, to spy, IV. ii. 32; 83. i.
To watch, III. ii. 7. 3. ♦

THE 110th radical, 矛.

To reverence, II. ii. 10. 3.

THE 111th radical, 矢.

An arrow, I. ii. 5. 4: II. i. 7. i, 3: III.

ii. 1. 4 ： IV. ii. 24. 9： V. ii. 7. 8.

A final particle, found passim. It gives
definiteness and decision to staiementfl.
Where the last clause of a sentenoe or

paragraph is introduced by 貝 |J, ^^， or

O

皮

JDL

ming
ying

p'an

ho

yat
shdng

skiing
mang

chin

noun precedes. 數 VII. ii. 23. a ；
87. II. Obaerve II. i. 6. 7 ： III. i. 4. 5.

嘛 摘, white and glistening, IIL i
4. 13.

f[[Ji placid and content-like^

THE 107th radical, 皮.

( The hides of animals ； the skin with
the hair on, I. ii. 16. i ： VI. i. 9. 11; ii. 7.6.
(a) A name, VII. ii. 27. 4.

THE 108th radical,
A vessel, 皿， IIL ii. 3. 3.

(I) To fill ； full, III. ii. 9.9： IV. i. 14. a ；
ii. 18. a, 3 : VII. i. 24. 3. The foil amount,
III. i. 8. 7. (a) In a name, IIL ii. 8. i.

J^, a double surname^ VIL ii. 29. i.

(I) To add to ； more, I. ii. 10. 4 ： VI, ii.
8. 7 ； 15. a. (a) Of advantage, profitable,
II. ii. 2. 16: VI. ii. 6. 3： VII. i. 8. i, a.
(3) A minister of Shun and Yft, III. i.4.7:
V. i. 6. I, a, 4, 6.

Why not ； would it not be better to … ,
I. i. 7. 33: n. ii. 10.3: IV. i. 13. i ； ii. 81.
I, a: VII. i. 22. I； ii. 87. i.

An appearance of fullness, VII. i. 21. 4.

Complete, great ； flourishing state, II.

i. 1. 10; 2. a8: V. i. 4. 1 : VI. ii. 7. 3； VII.

ii. 83. a.

The ist tone. A vesaelful, III. ii. 8. 3;
5. sa: VII. ii.14. 4.

A robber, IIL ii. 10. 3： V. ii. 4. 5.
To covenant solemnly, VI. ii. 7. 3.
To oversee, II. ii. 9. 3, 3.

(I) To exhaust, to cany out to the utmost
degree, in the way of doing or thinking,
I. L 3. I; 7. 17： II. ii. 9. 2: III. i. 2. 4 ：
V. ii. 4. 5 : VI. i. 6. 7： VII. i. 1. I； 2.3;

8. Observe 自 盡, III. i. 2. a, and 愈

於 A A]l、， II. ii. 7. 2. (a) All, IV. ii.
33. I : VII. i. 86. 1. Entirely, IIL L4. 3:
VII. U. 3. I.

THE 10^ RADICAL, 目.

The eye, I. i. 7. 16: II. i. 2. 4： IIL i.
5.4； ii 10. 1 : IV. i. 1. 5 ; ii. 30. a : V. ii.
1. 1 ： VI. i. 7. 7, 8 ; 16. 2 : VII. ii. 24. i.

(I) Straight ； to be straight ； to make
straight, III. ii. 1. i, 3, 5： IV. i. 1.6: V.
ii. 7. 8. Metaphorically, to correct ； rec-
titude, II. i. 2. 13 : III. i. 4. 8 ; 5. a. (a)
Only, I. i. 8. 2 ; ii. 1. a : II. ii. 7. 2.

VOL. II. O

BrI 直 I

562

CHINESE CHABACn

S AKD PHRASES. [nvDEX IIL

鲜

ha'iang

i genenlly ends with Alter

it may be looked for. Alter

adjeetivm and other words its
is both dedtfiTe and ezcUnuiiorj.

To know, to undenUnd. Pamm,

-to fteknowledge, Le. to know and em-
ploy, VII. i. 9. Q.

The 4tb tone. Used for to be wise;

wiae ； wifldom. ^^〕 VII. i. 46. i.

♦ 廉, iL 18. a. 術 4gf,VIL L
18. 1.

A square, — the carpenter's instnunent
so called, IV. u 1. i， 5; 2. i: YI. i. 20. 2:
VII. ii. 5.

Short, L i. 7. 13: IIL i. 1. 5 (N. B.); 4.
17. To shorten, VII. i. 89. i.

THE 112TB BADICAL, 石.

(i) A stone, a rock, VIL L 16. (a) 石
J^, the name of a place, VI. ii. 4. i.

To break, to split. Used for the blows
of an axe, strong and well aimed, III. ii.

Stony ground ； poor in soil, VI. i. 7. 3.

Stones in a river, interrapting and
fretting the current, VI. ii. 8. 4 ; there

^\ Pj ― what will admit of no

contradiction.

THE 118th radical,

To show, indicate, V. i. 6. 4, 5.

The spirits of the land, or their altars.

Always in the phrase Jj[£ the

tutelary spirits of a country, and may be
used for the country itself, TV. i. 8. 3:
VII. i. 19. a ； ii. 14. i, 3, 4.

To sacrifice ； to sacrifice to, IIL ii. 5. a ：
IV. ii. 25. 9. ^ jjf^ sacrifices, VI. ii.
10. 4 : VII. ii. 14. 4.

Happiness, prosperity, I. ii. 8. 6.
Reverent, reverently, V. i. 4. 4.
先 祖, ancestors, III. i. 2. 3.

(I) A spirit. jp 申, all spiritual

beings who are saorificed to, V. i. 6. 6.
Spiritual,— mysterious, VIL i. 18. 3 ； ii.

25. a (a) 舞 漠， one of the most

ancient sovereigns, III. i. 4. i.

Auspicious, IV. i. 18. 4; ii. 17.

fioes ； aaerifieUlf IIL i.2.a,3; iLS.s: IV.
iL33.i: V.i.5.6; iL4.6: ¥1.0-6.6；^'^：

祭鹿， 《«私

L q. To pour out a liliatioii, IT.

L 7. 5.

Emolument, rereniie, aabuj, L iL 5. 3:
ILiLai; 14.1： III.L8.8, 13; ii.lO.5:
V. ii. 2. 1, 6^ 7, 8, 9; 3. 5： VIL iL 33. a.
To grant to, to endow, V. i. 7. a.

To forbid, prohibit ； prohibiiiooB, I. ii.
2. 3； 5.3: VL ii 7. 3： VIL 1.36.3,4；
89. 4.

Calamity, II. i. 4.4, 5. Jp^-an oot-

hKo break, attack, IV. iL 81. i. Used as a
verb, VI. L 1. a.

Happiness, II. L 4. 5, 6: IV. L 4. 3.

yu

m

tn

8ze

To withstand, oppoee; to hinder; to
ward off, L L 6. 6 ; 7. 3, 18： IL L 1， 10;
7. a ： VII. i. 16 ； ii. 8. i. To stop and rob,
V. ii. 4. 4, 5-

To resign, give over to another, Y. i. 6. 7.

(i) What is proper; the principle of
"- propriety ； the rales of ceremony and
politeness in accordance therewith, I. i.
7. aa ； ii. 16. i : II. i. 2. 97 ； 6.5; 7.^etaL,
iaepiasime. To be polite to, in. i. 8. 4 ：

VIL i. 48. I, et aL 雜 翁,' a polite

demeanour, YI. ii. 14. 3. The same, used
as a verb, IV. ii. 80. i. (a) The Book of
Rites, II. ii. 2.5: III.ii.3.3. The Ritual
Usages, III. iL 2. 2.

THE 114th BADIGAL, 内.

The great YQ, the founder of the Hsift
dynasty, II. i. 8. a: IIL i. 4. 7, 9; ii. 9.
4i ii| et a!" siMpe.

Birds, III. ii. 1. 4. In the phrase

，, birds and beasts, irrational animala,

sometimes applied metaphorically to
men, I. i. 7. 8, 10, 19： III. i. i.7, 8; iL I.5;
9.5,9: IV. ii.l9. I； 28. 6 : VL i. 8. a.

THE 115th radical, 禾.

Private ； privately, IIL i. 8. 9, 19: IV.

iL22.a(i^.A):VII.i.40.5. J|^^^,

II. ii. 8. I. As a verb, to be solfi^ly
attached to, to monopolize, II. ii. 10. 6:
IV. ii. 80. a.

To grasp, maintain. VI. L

(I) The autumn ； in the aatmnn; au-
tumnaly I. i. 7. 10; ii. 4. 5： III. L 4. 13:

VL ii. 7. a. (a) 春 秋, a historieal Work,

compiled by Gonfacius, III. ii. 9. 8, 11:
IV. ii. 21. 1, 2 : VII. ii. 2. 1. (3) A name,
VI. i. 9. 3.

s i^l 矩？ 短 1 石 1 被." 境？， -^s^ f Iws 紙 isw

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

563

科

k'o

in

shui

稻

稼

chid

ch'i

ku

mil

ch'dng

(i) A hollow, — in the bed of a stream,

IV. u. 18. a: VII. i. 24. 3. (a) ^^- -
lessons, 設 VII. iL 80. a.

The name of a State, I. i. 6. 1,3; 7. 16:

V. L 9. I, 3: VI. i. 12. I; il. 4. 3, 5, 6.

泰人， VL i. 4. 4, 5.-V. i, 9. I, 3: VL
ii. 6. 4.

To remove, I. i. 8. i ： III. ii. 2. 3: VI.
ii. 7. 3. To alter, VII. i. 86. i.

To be taxed, II. i. 5. 4. 祝 欽 all

taxes, I. i. 5. 3: VII. i. 28. i. 貢 祝
s= revenues, V. i. 8. 3.

I. q. To loose, put off, VI. ii. 6. 6.

A kind of spurious grain, ilS 蕭, VL
L 19. ^ ^

The young. III. i. 8. 7.

To BOW, III. i. 4. 4.

The 3rd tone. Seed, VI. i. 7. a; 19.

(i) To style, to pronounce^ to speak of,
III. ii. 9. I： IV. ii. 30. 1： VII. ii. 87. 10.
(a) To praise, IIL i. 1. a: IV. ii. 18. i.
(3) To lift up, = to proceed to, III. i. 8. 7.

The 4th tone. To correepond, to be
equal to, II. ii. 7. a.

(I) The spirits presiding over the grain
or agricoltore of a country. Jjfj^ see
社. (a) 后 稷， the title of Shim's
minister of agriculture, III. i. 4. 8. The
is dropped, and becomes a proper
name, IV. ii. 29. i, a， 3, 4.

Paddy, IIL ii. 6. a.

To sow, II. i. 8. 4 : IIL i. 4. 8.

(I) To bow down, *j^， to bow

the head to the ground, V. ii. 6. 4, 5: VII.
ii. 4. 5. (a) A name, VII. ii. 19. i.

A general name for grain, I. i. 8. 3;
generally spoken of as ^^， the five
kinds of grain, III. i. 4. 7, 8， 17: VI. i.
19 ； u. 10. 4. But we have also 首 穀，
III. i. 8. a. the grain available

for salaries, IIL i. 8. 13.

An honorary epithet, I. ii. 12. i. ~ V. i.
9. I, 3： VI. ii. 6. 4.

Stores of atrmw, grain, &c" in the open
air ； ricka, I. ii 5. 4.

To reap. III. i. 4. 8.

se

THE IIGth radical, 穴.
A hole, III. ii. 8. 6. 、

Empty, VIL xL 12.

The 4th tone. ^ , to impoverish,
VL ii. 15. a. ^ ^

To dig through, VIL ii. 81. a, 4.

n

A cave artificially excavated, IIL ii9.3.

To leap over,— as if it were j^'YII.ii.

81. a， 4. The dictionary explains it dif-
ferently, however, and makes it«s<aii
opening in the walL'

To peep, to steal a sight, IIL iL 8. 6.

(I) Poor, in poverty and distrees, I. ii.
5. 3: V. L 1. 3： VIL L 9. 4, 5, 6; 21. 3.

^^,VI.L10.7,8. 呢第, ILi.

9. a: V. ii. 1. 3. (a) To exhaust, II. ii.

12. 6. See 力 • (3) To be at one's wit's

end, IL L 2. 17.

(I) To8teal,VILii.80.a. (2) Privately,
^JIJJa VIL i. 35. 6. (3) Joined with other verba
BO as to qualify them deferentially, II. i,
2. ao; ii. 7.1： IV. ii. 21. 3.

THE 117ra RADICAL, 立.

If (I) To stand ； to stand erect, I. L 2. i ;
K 7.18: II. i. 6. 1 ； 9. I： IIL iL2.3: IV. ii.
83. I： V.L4. i;iL6.5: VILL2.a;21.a;

41. 3. 立 , 而 . . ., « quickly, IV. ii.

18. 3; = with indifference, IL ii. 4. 3. To
stand fast, to be established, VL L 16. 2.
(2) To set up; to appoint, to establish ；
to be set up, appointed, V. i 8. i ; 6. 5;
ii. 1. I : VIL i. 1. 3; iL 15. i.

― (I) Anything definite and complete,

Chang a lesson, a piece, VIL L 24. 3. (a)

= rule, canons, IV. i. 1. 4. (3) A name,

III. iu 5. I : V. i. 1. I, 2j et oi,

章, III. ii. 】0. 1 : IV. ii. 80. i.

IV. ii. 80. 2, 3| 5, is peculiar ；
on par. i.

Boys under fifteen. A child, VII. i

15. a. A lad, IIL L 4. 17. So "Wi 早,
III. ii. 5. 9,3. ^ J

To exhaust, to carry to the utmost, L iL
15.1： IV. i. 1. 5： V. L 1. a.

(i) A principle, principles, II. i. 6. 5,
6， 7. (a) Correct, upright, IV. iL 24. a.

THE lldm RADICAL, 竹.

To laugh, to smile ； smiling, I. L 7. 7,
16 : III. ii. 7. 4: IV. i. 16. I ： VI. iL 8. a.
To Inugh at, I. i. 8. 9： VII. ii. 28. 2.

Cung

too

穴 1 恚 窺 I 窮 I

564

CHTXESE CHABACTEBS AXD PHRASBw [nmsx ui.

A ebeefc, or token. 符傳， two

Itthre* of such 墓 token, the fitting
whieh WM nn erideiiee of the holder's
•mbority, IV. iL L 3.

A deierei^ a eUaa. III. L5l3: Y. iL2.a.
To gnduate, to amnge aeeording to
merit, II. L 2. 97.

A sinew, 息 muscle, VL iL 15. a,

To answer, ¥L L & 4; iL 1. 4: VIL i
40. 4 ； 48. I, a. To mpood to, >~ in eon*
dnet, IV. i 4, 1.

A slip of bamboo eontaining writing
^^藝 ft paange, a pieee, VIL u. 8w a.

To reekon. ^T, inealeulableyYI.

(I) The

1* 1
V.

6.

of liStote^ 宾子, IL
|Jj, the name of a hill.

特

kican

n

chieh

範

fan

集

(i) A fife or Ante, I. iJL 1. 6, 7. (a] An
hononiy epithet in ；^， II.ii.9.2,3.

A surname in 管 ^Ip, And 管 夷 吾,

II. i. 1. 1, 9,3,4,5 ； ii. 2. 8, 10: VI. ii. 15. i.

Ci) To regolAie, to order aceordiiig to
the proper divuioiiB, IV. i 27. a. (a)

符節, - 符.

A law, a role. Used as a verb, III. ii.

To beat^ as in forming mud walls.
-to build, L a. 18. a: III. i.4.13; ii. 10. 3.
■ to fortify, L ii. 14. i. jj^ see

istcan

n

ta

tan

ckim

米

mi

To usurp ； nsarpation, V. i. 6. 7 : VIL

i. 81. 3.

To consolidate, L ii. 8. 6.

A small basket or dish for holding rice.
Always an the phnue ^ff 食， I. ii. 10.

4； 11. 3: III. ii. 4. 1 ; 6. 5： IV. u. 29. a:

VI. i. 10. 6： VII. i.84; ii. 11.

(i) To slight, IV. ii. 27. 3, 3. (a) Hasty,

VII. ii. 87. 1. (3) An honorary epithet,
III. ii. 1. 4.

A register, V. ii. 4. 6.

A record, V. ii. 2. a: VI. ii. 8. 5.

A musical instrument, pipes, I. ii. 1.
6, 7.

THE 119TB RADICAL, 米.

Rice hulled, II. ii. 1 • 3 : III. i.8.7: VII.

ii. 27. 1. See 粟.

ch'iu

li

ii

翁

yo

Gnim ot rietf ITT, i. 3. 7.

EL iL 1. 3.

Biee in Uie k«dL 米梨

^^|^,VILiL27.i. ||^alone,I.L3.i:

IILi.4.4.5;u.4.3: 10. 3： IV.il4.i: V.
ii.«.a,5:TLiL2.a:VILL2S.3. Medhnrst
translates it as abore, and apparentlj
afttf E^mng^b^A dirtinniTy; atfll the

本草 l( B *~^"3r 栗

was the ^eiMiml name for all gfamiaeeoiis

gnin. It is now eaaunonlj qwken of

millet. • I hsTe tzanalated it sometimes

BulMdoes millet, VI. L 17. 3.

Akindof millei. Alwmjs in Uie phrase
楽 in. its. 3； 6.a: VILii.14.4.

Congee, IIL L 2. a, 4.

Parehed gnin, riee or wheat, VEL ii 6.

糜糰

to

To boil rice to a mass.
tear and deatroy, VII. iL 1. a.

To manare ； the mAnmiDg. Ill- i. 8. 7 :
V. 11.2.9. The rendering of the sentence
in the first of these insUnoes is in accor-
dance with the eommentariee, but it may
be doubted.

Provisioiis of grain, I. ii. 4. 6; 5. 4.

To pmchaae grain, VI. ii.7.3. All the
commentaries explain here as if it meant
* to sell grain.' The meaning is ~ * Do not
prevent our sale and their porchase.' •

THE 120ra BADICAL, 糸 》

Epithet of the last sovereign of the Yin
dynasty, I. ii. 8. i, 3: VIL i. 22. i, et ol.,
saepe,

(I) To form alliancea, VI. ii. 9. 3. (2)
What is most important, II. i. 2. 6， 8.
(3) CompendiouBj VII. ii. 32. i.—In IV.
ii. 16, the term combines the ideas of
condensation and importance.

To pay over, V. i. 3. 3.

紛 紛然, <^nfiiaedly, III. i.

5-

(i) Of white, undyed, silk, III. i. 4. 4'
(a) For nothing, without doing service,
VIL i. 82. 1.

Ropes of grass, III. i. 8. 2.

Reddish blue, VII. ii. 87. la.

I. q. 累, to put in confine*

ment, I. ii. 11. 3.

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHABACTEBS AND PHBAS£8

565

In

fw

hmn

chdu

m

Ian

in

To continue. J^-to continue to
serve, HI. u. 5. 5. ^

To twist, VI. ii. 1. 8: VII. i. 89. a.

(I) The end. Finally, as the final issue,
VL L 16. 3; 18. 9; iL 4. 5. (a) To com-
plete, V. ii. 4. 6: VIL i. 89. 4. To stop,
end (active and neuter), V. iL 1. 6; 8. 4.

(3) Perpetual, the whole. 9^ H ， the

whole day, III. ii. 1. 4. Jjj^ J3g, III.

L』-7' ^不卿 r,m.i.2.i. 終
身， all the life, IV. 9. 5 ; iL 28: 7 ； 80. 5.

V. il.5; VIL i.6; 86.6; ii. 6. Observe
this phrase in L i. 7. ai. ga, and IV. ii

sa. I.

To cut short, IIL i 1. 5. To cut, to stop
intercourse with, II. ii. 11. 4: IV. L 7. a.

To supply, a deficiency in

the crop, L iL 4. 5 : VL ii 7. a.

^ Rejected floss-silk. 絲 絮, UL i.

絲 =a begin-
Silk from the silkworm. See 絮.

A thread of connexion,
ning, L ii. 14. 3.

To give tranquillity to, I|L ii 5. 5.

(I) To define, to plan, L L 2. 3 ： III. i.
& 13. (a) The unchangiag standard^VII.
ii. 27. 13.

To delay ； not to be urgent about, IIL
L 8. 9： VIL ii. 27.

imp, to intertwine, weave together,

IL i. 4. 3.

A particle, 一 used as the copula, IIL L
8. 19： V. i. 4. 3.

To twist 索 翁, III. i. 8. 9.

freely, at ease, II. ii. 5. 5.

A surname, VL ii. 6. 5.

From, = to climb a tree, or

on a tree, I. i. 7. 16, 17.

The*moamiiig worn for three months,
VIL L 46. a.

J^- upright, IL I 2. 7.

― 麻繅， IIL"i7. 布
Vn. ii. 27. 1. Here it probably
8 cloth of silk.

Merit, doing, V. L 2. 3.

chih

lu

loang

chih

chi

蜀

To abound. 繁 殖， III. i. 4. 7.
To unwind a 00000x1， IIL iL S. 3.

(I) ijlB flH* (a) An honorary

epithet, interchanged with j^i, and read
mu, IL ii 11. 3： V. iL 6. 4; 7. 4: VL ii
«.3.

To weave. III. L 4. i, 4 ; ii 10. 4.

Embroidered garments, VI. i. 17. 3.

A line, string, — used with reference to
a carpenter's line, IV. i. 1. 5 : VII. L41.a.

To bind.

to yoke, V. L 7. 9.

To adjust a string to an arrow, to draw
it back after it has been discharged, VL
i 9. 3.

To continue ； to be continued, L ii. 14.
3： II. I 1. 7: IV. i. 1. 5； 18.a; ii. 20. 5：

V.i. 6 a, 4 (繼 世)， 7； ii. 6. 4, 5.

after tEis, II. iL 10. a. fl^f

• • • , immediately after, IL iL fiTa.

Strings to tie on a cap, IV. i. 8. a, 3.
To tie on, IV. iL 29. 6， 7.

Hempen threads, IIL iL 10. 4.

THE 1218T RADICAL,
To be wanting. III. iL 9. 6.

THE 122]n> RADICAL, RjTI.

(I) To catch in a net, IL iL 10. 7. To
entrap, L i. 7. ao: IIL i. 3. 3： V. i. 2. 4.

(a) None, not. g 不, V. ij. 4. 4.
Seldom, VL i. 9. a.

A net for catching fish, L L 8. 3.

(I) A crime, offence ； a fault, L L 7. 4,
6, 7， 90 ; ii. 2. 13: IL ii. 4. 3, 4, et aL, saepe.

3^ y^、 and sometimes alone, sin-
ners, oiimin&ls, L ii 8. 7 ; 6. 3: V. i. 8. a:

VLa7. 1,^,3,4. 得罪 於…，
to offend against, IV. i. 6; ii. 80. 5. (a)
To condemn, L i. 8. 5: IIL ii. 9. 8.

(I) To place, IIL ii. 6. i. To appoint,
I. ii. 11. 4. 帮 ， to displace and

appoint others, VIL ii. 14. 3, 4. (2) A
stage, a post station, jjj^， II. i. 1. la.

Panishmenty IIL ii. 5. 4. ， I.

i. 5. 3; = penalties, fines.

JSD PHRASES.

[INDEX Ul.

OHO as

L L 1. 4； 8. I, 4； 4. 6; 5w i, 3, 6, «f oiL,
aaepissime, Obaerye I. L 2L i, 2;

16u I, ei of.; ^ V. ii. & 4;
•， IILL& I, a, etsmuUa, (a) After

with intemening words, phrases
where a numeral is used, and many
other cases, ^gr is eqaiTalent to one, this,

Rg. j3r 'such an

Li« 7 .4; 誠有百 姓者，

QndL 6 ； there

was one Tsang Ts'ang, L ii 16l 3; — >

^ IIL ii. 9. 13; 二 IV. lI

a. 一 This seems to be the proper force of
the character, so that it is an emphatic
demonstrative by which the mind is made
to pause on what has just been said. (3)
It stands at the end of the first member
of a clause or aentenoo, when the next
gives a description or explanation of the
subject of the other, terminated generally

by the particle but not always, L L

7. 9y la ; iL 4. a, 3 : IIL L8w6y 7, tipaasim.

(4) .j^ at the end of the first member

of a sentence, resame a previooB word or
statement, and lead on to an explanation
or account of it. Rg. IL i. 9. i. Observe
VIL iL 16. ^ This case and the preceding
may easily be brought under (a). (5)

^f* 'tfc occur continually at the end of

sentences, preceded generally in a pre-

Yious clause by and for the most part

the force of in (i) is apparent, I. L 1.
5; ii. 8. a: II. i. 1. 10, 11, ei passim. (6)
It forms adverbs with ^Mf and "i", L ii
4. 4 : II. ii. 7. a, et aU, aaepe.

Old, aged, I. ii. 15. x.

The 4th tone. To relish ； a reliBh, VL
i. 4. 5； 7. 5， 8.

THE 126th radical, 而.

Passim, A conjunction, meaning and^
and yet, which latter signification ia often
nearly or altogether = bui. Its use, how-
ever, is very idiomatic, and it cannot
always be literally translated into

English. 而 e 已, and 已
are very common. So is
and yet.* . . . Observe

et sim,; also fff • • ,

et al; 而 V. i. 7. 5. Its use after
得 is to be noted E.g. IV. ii, 2, 4 : V. i.

CHINESE CHAKACrr

To make to eeaae, to stop, VI. ii. 4. 3,

5,6^

THE 128HO RADICAL, 羊

The sheep or goat, L L 7. 4, 6, 7, 8 : II.
ii. 4. 3: IIL ii. 5.a: V. i. I.3; 2.3; 9. i;

iL5. 4; 6.6: VL t 8. i. ^S, sheep*

dates, a kind of peraimmon, VII. iL 86.
I, a.

(i) Good, admirable ； beautiful ； beauty,

I. ii. 1.6,7; 16. a: IL i. 7. a; ii. 2.4; 7. i

(美 然， too good), a: YL L7.8;8. t,a;

10. 7; 19. I : VIL 1.41.1； ii.25.5; 86. a.

To be ashamed ； the feeling of shame,

II. i.6.4,5;9.a: III. ii.l.5: IV. ii. 88. a :
V. ii. 1. 3: VLL6.7.

A flock, a company, VIL ii. 19. 3.
An oYerplufl, IIL iL 4. 3.

Righteousness ； our eonscioasness of
what is righteous, and the determinatione
thereof ； what is right. Pasgim, The com-
binations of MS* and 廖§ are
▼ery oommon.

Soup, V. iL8. 4. "S iff, VL LlO.6:
VIL i. 84; ii 11. ^

Meagre, feeble, IL ii. 4. a.

THE 124th radical, 羽.

(I) Feathere, a feather, I. i. 7. 10; iL 1.
6,7: VI.L8.a; ii.1.6. (a) ^ [i|,the
name of a mountain, V. i 8. 3.

A famoiu archer of antiquity, IV. ii.
24. I : VL L 20. I ： VIL I 41. 9.

Only, VL iL 1. 7.

To practise, do habitually, VII. i. 5.

The name of the heresiarch Mo, IIL ii.
9. 9, 10, 14.

Wings. Used as a verb, to give wings
to, to assist, IIL i. 4. 8.

THE 126th radical, 老.

To be old; old; the old, I. i. 7. la, 34；

11. 5. 3; 12. a; 15. i: ILii4.a: III. i. 8.
7； ii. 6. a: IV. L 18. i, a: V. i. 4. i : VI.
ii. 7. 2, 3 : VIL L 22. 1， a， 3.

(I) A deceased father, V. i. 4. i. (a) To
examine, IL ii 18. 4 ： VL i. 14. i ： VII. iL
37-6(夷考>

PasBinu (i) He (or they) who ； this (or
that), these (or those) who (or which).
It is put after the words (verbs, adjectives,
nouns), and clauses to which it belongs,

s f 羊 I 美. i i 獎 I 惠 s 羽 s f f f 者？

A

V.

I

: I

着 蓄藝

而

r

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

567

転

tfun
is'ze

耳

P

icdn

m

is'ung

ehih

TPE 127tH RADICAL, 耒.

A plough-handle, ¥0, UL L 4. 9;
iL a 5. ^ ^

To plough ； to cultivate the ground, L
i. 5. 3, 4; ii. 4. 5: IIL i. 4. 3, 4， 5, 6, 7, 8,

zi, etoLf saepe, fut ^B: » husbandmen.

L i 7. 18; ii.6.3; 11. a: ILi.6.4. ^

■■to labour, to do work, VIL i 32. i.

To weed, IL i. 2. t6.

A ploughshare. 柬 g， see

To weed, L i. 5. 3, 4.

A harrow. SB = to cover the seediYI.
i.7.a. ^

THE 128th radical, 耳.

(I) The ear, L L 7. 16: III, ii. 10. z :
IV. i. 1. 5： V. ii 1. I : VI. 1. 7.6,8; 16. 9：
VII. iL 24. 1. (9) A final particle, simply,
only, just, L L 8. 9; ii. 1. a: II. ii 10. a,
7： III. i. 4. II： IV. i. 22; ii. 80. a: VI. L

6. 7； 10. 5; 17, I; ii. 2. 3, 7： VIL iL 7.

indeed, L i. 8. i (？ ).

To invite or call forth men of worth by
presents, V. L 7. 3, 4.

Sage (s, great and capable of trans-
forming VII. ii. 25. 7; sagenees ； a
sage, II. i 1.8; 2. i8y 19 : III. ii. 9. 9， 10,
13: IV. iL 1.4: V. ii 1. 5, 6, 7 : VII. ii.

26. 7， 8. IL i. 2. 17, 90, 29, 95,

a8y e<a2., aaepe.

To oolleei, to be collected, II. i. 1: IV.
L 1. 9; 9. I.

To hear; to become acquainted with
by report, I. i. 7. 1， a, 4， 8, 16, 17; ii, 1.

4,6,7, etoL., saepissime, ISM ， extensive

informatioByV. ii. 7. 3. id"
VI. ii. 18. SL ^ ™

The 4th tone. Reputation, notoriety,
IV. i. 1. 3; ii. 18. 3 : VI. i. 17. 3.

Acuteness of hearing, IV. i. 1. 1.

A sound ； a voice, I. i. 7. 8; ii. 1. 6, 7:
II. i. 2. 4: III. i. 4. 13: V. ii. 1. 6: VI. i

7. 6, 8 ； ii. 16. 3 : VII. i. 14. 1 ； 86. 3.
, I. i. 7. 16: VI. ii. 13.8 ("angiM

» music, VII. ii. 22. i ； 87. la. Bepa-

tation, IL i. 6. a: IV. ii. 18. 3 (j^ ^)：
VIL i. 14. I. \塔 ,

An office ； the duties of offico, I. ii. 4. 5 ：
II. i. 4. 9 ; ii. 6. 5 (i\r.B.) : V. i. l.a; u. 8.
4; 6.3; 7.9 (i\r.fi.): VI. ii. 7. a.

fing

率

yd

肉

zdu

肤

chih

肥

fei

胡

hu

To hear, to listen to ； to hear and follow,
L i. 7. 16; ii. 7. 4， 5： II. ii. 11. 3: IV.i. 8.

3; 15. a; ii. 8. 3, 4, et oL jn| J^, to ad-
minister the government, IV. ii. 2. i. Com-
pare III. i. 2. 4.

THE 129rH RADICAL, 率，

• So, ~ a continuatiye particle, I. ii. 6. 5.
The dictionary, however, explains the

character here by 自 ， himself.
And B0， though, VIL ii. 19. 3.

THE 180th radical, 肉.

Flosh, meat, I. i 8. 4 ; 4. 4; 7. 8, 94 :
IIL ii. 6. 2; 9. 9; 10. 5： IV. i. 14. a ； 19.
3； ii.83. I： V.u.6.4,5: VLii.6.6: VII.
i 22. a, 3.

yj^ , not equal to, degenerate ； in-
competency, IL ii. 7. 1 : IV. ii. 7. 1： V. L
6. 9 : VI. ii. 6. a.

A limb. 目 VII. ii. 24. i.

Fat (adj.), I. i. 4. 4 : III. iL 9. 9. Rich
food, I. L 7. 16. Rich, spoken of soil, VI.
i. 7. a.

The shoulders, III. ii. 7. 4 : VI. i. 14. 4.

To cherish and train, VI. ii. 7. 3 : VII.
i. 20. 4. To be maintained and nourished,
III. i. 4. 8.

The back, VI. LI4.4: VII. i. 21. 4.

Mutually, I. u.4. 6; 5. 5： IV. i. 9. 6:
V. i. 1. 3 B.)

A surnamei I. i. 7. 4.

I. q. 胸， The breast, IV. i. 16. i.

The ribs. « to shrug up. III. ii7. 4.

I. q. jgpfi to cultivate, improve, I. i. 6.
3： VL frie. a， 3 : VII. i.1.3; 9.6; ii. 82.
I. To repair, IV. ii. 81. z. 條 = to do,

To be able ； can. As the auxiliary,
pastim; but it is often used absolutely,
e.g. I. L 7. 10, 1 1 ; ii. 16. 3 •• V. i. 9, 3, ei a/.,

so^e. 能 alone, and 1^ 着, men of

ability, II. i. 4. 3; 6. i. Ability, VIL i.

15. 1. 南 g « to amount to, V. ii. 2. 4.

The belly, IV. ii. 8. i ： VI. i. 14.6: VII.
i. 27. I.

脅"" meat, VI. i. 17. 3.
rich favours, IV. ii. 8. 3, 4.

I 脅 1 瀘 能 I . 腹委 I

568

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBASES

[INDKX III.

膚

ehido

臣

ch'&n

chih

致

chih

(0 The Bkin, VI. i. 14. i, 6. fg 廣
and Br alone, « the body, IL i. 4 ; ii. 7.
4： VI.iL 16. 3. (a) Admirable, IV. i. 7. 5.

To smite, IIL i. 4. 16; ii. 9. 12.

Minced meat, VIL iL 86. a.

A surname, II. L 1. 8: VI. ii. 15. i.

The arm, the lower arzn,YL ii.1.8: VII.
L89. a; ii. 28. 9.

THE ISlsr RADICAL, 臣.

A minister, an officer of a court, I. L 7.
14, 16; ii. 4. 10 ； 6. I； 7. I； 8. a, d al,,

aaspisgime. in correlation often

occur. In the first person, * I, your min-
ister/ L i. 7. Q, 4, 5, et iU. In a wider
sense, subjects, XL i. 1. 8: III. ii. 6. 5. To
employ as a minister, II. iL 2. 8, 9, et al.

To rest, to Bleep, IL ii. 11. a, 3.
A surname, I. ii. 16. i, 3.

THE 182RD RADICAL, 自.

(i) Prom, as a preposition, I. ii. 11. a :
II. i. 2. 93, 27; 8. a, et oL, saepistime.
According as, V. i. 5. 8. (a) Self, of all
persons. Generally joined with verbs in

a reflex sense. We have 自 ^^， 自 ^)^,

自怨， 自! 5t *^ *^， H i "; 4.
4, 5, 6; 6.6; 9. 3| etcU., saepissime. Observe

自 i，ILii.5.3:
Smells, odours, VIL ii. 24. i.

罕 |^， a minister of Shun, III. i. 4.
et al»

THE 188RD RADICAL, 至.

(I) To come, to arrive at ； sometimes =
to, till, I. i. 8. 5 ; 7. la; ii. 1.6: IL ii. 2. 4 ；

9. I, ai,, saepissime. rj! ~J^, to come

to, as to, is very common ； e.g. I. ii. 2. 3 ;
9.9； 10. a : VIL ii. 38. i, a, 3, 4, oZ. (a)
Most, forming the superlative degree ； the
utmost degree, II. i. 2. 13 : IV. i. 2. i ; 12.

3, et al. Chief, IL i. 2. 9. (3) Q 至,
the solstice, IV. ii. 26. 3.

(i) To carry to the utmost degree, VL

ii. U. a, 3： VII. i. 8. i. 致恭 VI. i.

9. 3. (a) To bring about by effort, V. i. 6.

9. 致 -to calculate, IV. ii. 26. 3. (3)

To resign, II. ii. 5. a ； 10. i.

fdi

(I) A tower, I. i. 2. 3, 4. the
name of king Wan's tower, ibid. (a)

The designation of a low officer, a servant,

V. ii. 6. 4.

A name, IL ii. 8. i: VH. iL 23. i.

THE 1S4TH RADICAL, 白-

(I) With, along with. Bxsstm. £.g. L i.
2. 3; ii. 1. 4, 6, 7, 8 : II. L 9. i, a; iL 2.
4, 5, 7: VH. i. 13. 3; iL 26. 3. Another
prepoeition, as/nom or to, is sometimes

required in our idiom. Observe 翁 m.

I mm '、

I, VI. il 9. a; and 舆 食 獸 奚

哉， IV. ii. 28. 6u (2)And,Li.3.3;

1. 9, 3 ； 7. II, et al" saepissime. Sometimes
it is better to translate by or, II. i. 1. 3；

VI. ii 1. 1, a, 6, 7, etal. (3. For, III. ii.
1. 4: IV. i. 9. I. (4) To give, to give to,
I. i. 6.5,6: V. i. 6. 1, a， 3， 4,5,6, e< oL, mepe.
(5) To help, IL i. 7. 5. (6) Than, V. L7.4.

The 4th tone. To share in; to be con-
cerned about, IIL i. 4. 11: IV.iLSl. i: V.
ii.l.a:VILi.20. 1,5. YI. i. 18. i is marked
with this tone, but ChU Hsi explains by

琪 J， * to assist/ as in (5) above.

The and tone. Pasgim, A final particle,
interrogative, and also with ezclimatory
force. It implies generally that the
speaker has a well-formed idea on the
subject of the question in his own mind,
and that he wishes to express his own
surprise, or to involve an opponent in
difficulty, I. i. 7. 4， 10, la, 14, 16, 17; ii.

I. 4, 7 ; 6. 3 ; 7. 3 ； 16. I, et al,, saepissime.

(i) To arise, II. iL 13. 3: IV. i. 1. 9 :
VI. i. 6. a. (fl) To rouse one's sel^ to be
aroused, IV. i. 18. i : VII. i.lO; 22. i; ii.

15; 87. 13. ^ ；^, to raise itself—

spoken, of grain, I. i. 6. 61 (3) To raise, I.

L 7. 14. jft ^^， to open the granaries,

L ii. 4. 9. (4) To flourish, IV. i. 8. a.

(i) To lift, to raise, L i. 7. 10 : IIL i. 5.
4 ; ii. 5. 7 : VL ii. 2. 3. jmL=to promote ；
to be lifted up, promoted, III. i. 4. 7: V.
L 9. 3; ii. 6. 4, 6： VL iL 16. i. j&^to
iillege, insist on, VIL i. 26. 4; ii. 87. 11.
j^=to take, I. i. 7. la. -^» = to com-
plete, I. ii. 10. a. (a) All, L ii. 1. 6, 7:

II. ii. 12. 5 : VI. i. 7. 3.

Old, ancient, III. i. 8. 13 : 17. L 1. 4.
' former, IV. ii. 3. 2,

THE 135th radical, 舌.
The tongue, III. i. 4. 14.

(I) To lodge in a booth, I. ii. 4. 9.

a lodging-house, IV. i. 24. a. (a)

Only, IIL i. 4. a (？ KB.) (3) A name, IL
i. 2. 5, 6, 8.

臻. I 與 1- 典一 s 舊滅 舌 1 舍 1

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

569

舍

she

tun
夕'

VJU

p*an

頁

liang

色

se

HI HI

di

芥

chieh

Viang

(I) To n^lecti pass over, I. ii. 7. a; 9.

I, 3: II. i. 2. i6， ai ； 13. 5 (一 besides).

已， to give up his own views, II. i.

8. 3- To give over, to ceaae, IV. ii. 18. a.
(a) To let go, I. L 7. 4 ： V. L 2. 4. (3) To
discharge, as arrows, III. iL 1. 4. The
dictionary gives this instance under the
3rd tone.

The name of a State, III. i. 4. 16 ； ii. 9.i9.

THE 186th radical, 绅，

The ancient emperor, so called, II. i. 2.
96; 8. 3; ii. 2. 4, et passim,

Tvl'^^l ―， 手之舞 S，

THE 187th radical, 舟.

To be abandoned to pleasure,

II. i. 4. 4: VII. ii. 84. 9. Read without
the aspirate, it is the name of Yen Hid'B
son, V. ii. 8. 3.

THE 18dm RADICAL, 良.

(i) Good, in. ii. 1.4： IV. i. 15. 1 : VI. i.
8. 3 jl^f the good natural heart) ；

17. 1 ； ii. 9. I， 9. 頁 - intuitive, VII. i.
15. 1. (2)^^^^,the goodman, a husband,

IV. ii. 88. z. (3) A name, III. ii. 1. 4.

THE 18»rH RADICAL, 色.

(i) The countenance, the looks, I. i. 4.
4; ii. 1. a, 7: III. ii. 7. 4 ; 9. 9 : V. ii. 9.

a, 4 : VI. ii. 16. 3 : VIL u. 11. 豫 -ft,

II. ii. 18. I ; 顔 色, VI. ii. 18. & (^a)

Colour, colours ； signts, L i. 7. 16 ： V. ii.
1. I： VI. i.4. I； 7. 8: VII. ii. 24. i. (3)
The appetite of sex, VI. ii. 1 • a， 7 • Beautiful
women 一 a euphemism, 1. ii. 5. 5： V. i. 1.

4, 5. Observe VIL i. 21. 4, where ^

s manifestations ； and 88, where it»
fanctionB.

flushed-like, II. i 1. 3.

THE 140th radical,

(I) The mugwort, or moza, IV. i. 9. 5.
(a) Beautiful, ^^utiful young

women, V. i. 1. 5. (3) To rule, to correct,

V. i. 6. 5 : VII. i, 11. 5. In thiB sense, it

is interchanged with 乂, and should be
read "

The mustard plant. But it is used as
simply » grasSy IV. i. 28. i; ii. 8. i.

^ ^ 然, tired-like. ？ Stupid-like,
IL i. 2. 16. *

I.q. To weed, VII. ii. 82. 3.

ch'u

苗

mido

H

苟

kdu

若

zo

ta'do

(I) Grass, pasturage, II. ii. 4. 3.

grass-cutters, I. ii. 2. a.

grass-carriers, IV. ii. 81. i. (a) The flesh
of grass-fed animals, VI. i. 7. 6,

(I) Growing corn, I. i 6. 6 : II. i. 2. 16 :

VIL iL 87. 19. (2) 三 苗, the name of

an ancient State, near theTung-t'ing lake,
V. i. 8. 9.

A pig-pen, VII. ii. 26. a.

(I) If, I. i. 1. 4 ; 7. ao ； ii. 14, et al" aaepe.
(a) Improper, without some apparent
cause, VI. i. 10. a ； ii. 6. 6.

(I) As, such as ； to be as (i. e. like, and
sometimes equal to), I. i. 7. 4， 16, 17, 18,
et passim. As if j seeming to be, I. i. 7. 6 :

II. i. 9. I ; ii. 2. 5, et oZ" aaepe. 宜 若

• • • ffH, * rightly be deemed to be
80, ' occurs several times. As to, I. i. 7. 90 ;
ii. 14. 3 : II. ii. 8. 5 ： VII. ii. 88. i, a, 3，

et al, paasim. Jh IV. ii. 28. 7 : VI.

若… 哉，
to ... ,

11.

"•5. 不若、
all , is it not ihe*better p

1.4： IV. i. 7. 4^ L7. 3, 4. ； Ii 若，

IIL"i7. 辟 3 若, VII. i. 29. (a)

If, I. i. 7. 7 ; ii. 11. 3， et al, aaepe, (3) = to
conform to virtue, V. i. 4. 4. (4) The name
of one of Confucius's disciples, II. i. 2.25,
a8， et al.

To embitter, to be embittered, I. i 77
93： VI. ii. 16. a.

Surpassing, the first among a thousand,
VII. i. 20. 4.

Vigorous-looking, V. ii. 6. 4.

茂, luxuriant, III. i. 4. 7.

The name of a city of Chi, VII. i. 86. i .

Coarse, wild grass, III. i. 8. a : VIL ii.
21. I {N. B.)

This, these, II. ii. 12. i : III. ii. 8. i
: VII. ii. 19. a.

To eat, VII. ii. 6.

The name of a rude tribe or State, III.
4. 16; ii. 9. IS.

ft

Grass, III. I 2.

tion, IIL i. 4. 7.

芥, IV. i. 28. 1,
-herbs, VII. ii. 6.

A kind of spurious grain.
VI. i. 19.

一 vegeta-

荑稱，

570

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[index iil

tentioualy of the great fiefs.

VII. i 4. I. (2) A surname.
III. ii. 5. I : V. i. 1. I, a,
To descend, ^^-to decease, V. i.

(I) To be manifested, III. ii. 9. 9. (2)
To know clearly, Vn. i. 5.

The name of an ancient State. and
^ 伯, I. ii. 8.1; ll.a: III, ii. 5. a, 4.

, J^, the name of a placo'YL ii. 7. 3.

To bury, inter, II. ii. 7. z : III. i. 2. a,
5； 6. 9, 4.

(I) To wear on the head, IV. ii. 25. i.
(^A^me. 逢蒙， IV.ii<24.i; 咸

丘蒙， V.i."，2.

(i)All, 蒸 J^,VI 丄 6.8. (a)I.q.^
to steam, III. ii. 7. a.

(I) To cover, V. i. 2. 3. (a) A particle,
continuative and sometimes illatiye, I. i.
7. 17; u.4.9: III. i. 5. 4: V.ii.3.4; 6.4.

The name of a place, II. ii. 6. i ： III.
ii. 10. 5.

Five times, fivefold, III. i. 4. 18 : VT.

i. 6. 7.

The name of a State, VII. ii.*18.

To obscure, cloud over, keep in the
shade, II. i. 2. 17: VI. i. 15. a.

fuel-gatherers, I. ii. 2. a.
A straw-basket, VL i. 7. 4.
Grouty 1^ Sp^ how vast ！ III. L
Overgrown with weeds, ^jjj^ jf^ ^ see

Thin. SB mean, shabby, V. ii. 1. 3 ：
VII. i. 44. 1 ； ii. 15. i. slight, IV.

ii. 24. I. S9 «a spare simplicity, HI.

i. 6. 9. j^»to make light, L L 5. 3
VII. i. 28.

( I) The name of a Stato, I. ii. 14. i : II.

ii. 8. i| 4. (9) A snrnamey III. ii. 6. a.

To present, to introduce. V. i. 5. 5, 6 ：
6. I, 9.

(I) Firewood, I. i. 7, 10: VI. I 18. i.

= * a little sickness,' IL
ii. 2. 3. (a) Grass, plants, IV. iL 31. 1.
The death of a prince, IIL i. 2. i, 4.

7^ (I) |p， overgrown with gra
hwang weeds, VI. ii. 7. a. (a) Wild, rui】

ith grass and

hwang weeds, VI. ii. 7. 9. (a) Wild, ruinously
addicted to hunting, I. ii. 4. 本 7, 8.

Jf^ To come forth and descend to. J^j^ =»
^ to govern, I. i. 7. 16.

(1) A sorname, I. ii. 1. i, 9. (a) The
chwatu name of a street in the capital of Ch'i, III.
〜U. 6. 1.

The name of an ancient State, I. ii. 3. 6.

ancient name for the territory of
in the time of Ch&u, V. i. 7. 9.

A useless plant growing amid corn, and
like it. ？ Darnel, VII. ii. 87. za.

ptao

莫

mo

笄

mang

ie'di

mdng

I. q. To die. 餓 革， I. i. 8. 5 ;

4. 4 : in. ii. 4. 9.

(I) Not ； not to be, not to have, i.q. ^^，

I. i.5. I； ii. 12. I : II. i. 8. 5; ii. 2. 4/9,
et aZ.， sa^nasime. Often it 靈 no one, and in
this case it generally attracts the object
of the following verb to itself, I. i. 7. 3;
ii. 12. a: II. i. 1. 10; 8. 27; 7.9： III. i.

8. 14; 4.17, etai.fSa^.

非 are strong afflrmati

thing (or none) but …， I. i. 6. 6 : II. i. 1.

8: IV. i. 20 ； ii. 5, et al, 莫若， see

若. So 莫 如， IL a ； 7. 4， fl« al.

(9) , a worthy and thinker of Lii,

VII. i. 26. 3.

grass, plants, V. ii. 7. i.

I.q. 災. Calamities, IV. L 8. i.

Vegetables, V. iL 8. 4.

Grassy marshes. ？ Bogs, IIL iL 9. 4.

Pulse, VIL L 28.3-

A grassy level, II. i. 2. 218.

(I) Fields lying fallow ； commons, IV.
i. 14. 3. (2) A surname, VII. ii. 88. 9.

Buds ； to bud, VL i. 8. i ; 9. 2.

The 4th tono. A surnamo, VI. ii. 6. 5.

(i) Ten thousand, I. i. 1. 4 ; ii. 9. 2 ； 10.
a，4: Il.i.l. 13; 2.4,7; ii. 10. 3,5: III.
i. 4. 18; ii. 10. 5： VI. i. 10. 7; ii. 10. 3.
In several of these examples, the phrase

" 萬 乘 S 國, applicable properly
only to the royal domain, but used pre-

落&著 I 葛切赛 I 葬 I 蒙 I 蒸 |蓋| 赛 蓰 3 蔡 1 蔽 費 1 蕩 I 藉 i 薄& 薛 1 籍 .1 薪』 薨 I

INDEX IIL]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

571

m

Uang

親

mido

su

蔵

lo

虎

hu

nu>

號

ko

mutual dependenoe, a borrowing
of senrioes, IIL i. 3. 6.

To lay up, to deposit, I. i. 7. i8: II. i.
5. 3： V. i. 8. a.

To despise, VIL it 84. i.
^ Lq. 魏. 樹 藝 to cultivato, III. t
Physio, IIL i. 1. 5.
To revive, L ii 11. 9.
A kind of basket, IIL i. 5. 4.

THE 141firr RADICAL, 卢.

(i) A tiger, III. ii 9. 6: VIL ii. 23. 9.
Jb^ 膠 life-guards^ VIL iL 4. 4. (9) A
nam^ni. i. 8. 5.

To oppress, tyrannize over ； oppressive,
L ii. 4. 6; 11. 3： n. i 1. II： III. i. 3. 7.

The 3rd tone, a verb, (i) To reside
in, to dwell, III. ii 10. 5： V. i. 7. 3, 4；
ii. 1. i^: VI. ii. 6. 5 ： VIL i. 86. 6. Ob-

seWo c 處守, VI. ii. 5. I. 返室, IV.

ii. 88. 1. ]^fz;, to dwell in love, V. i.

6. 5 ； but the same in II. i. 7. a is different,
(a) To live in retirement ； unemployed,

in. ii. 9.9： V. ii. 1. 4. (3) ^ 予, an

unmarried daughter, VL ii* 1. 6. (4) To
manage as business, an occasion for, II.

ii. 8. 5.— In, III. I 4. i, 艇 之

" ire him a place to reside in,' perl

is the 3rd tone.

Empt7,VII.ii.l2. 1. Used adverbially,
VII. L 87. 3.

(i) 1^ joyful and pleasant-
like, ViL i. 13. I. (a) To measure, to
reckon, yj^ ^^， unexpected, that
not be reckoned on, IV. i. 21. (3)

a forester. III. iL 1. a : V. ii. 7. 5, 6, 7

(4) aShun, -"" said in the dictionary

to be the surname that arose from him,

V. i. 6. 7. (5) The name of a State, V. i.

9. 9 ： VI. ii. 6. 4. J^^,V.i9.3. (6)
A name, II. ii. 7. i; 18. i.

A name or mark, tt^^s argument,

VI. ii. 4. 4.

V The ist tone. To cry out ^jy[,
The name of a State, V. i 9. a.

THE 142MD RA.DICAL, 虫.

l|{^=j|[j^ abbreviated. A gnat, IIL
zu» i. 5. 4.

jlf^l An earthworm, IIL iL 10. a, 3, 6.
yin

Interchanged with 甲-. Early in the
morning, IV. ii. 88. i. '

A snake, III. U. 9. 3, 4.

A surname, II. ii. 5. i, a, 3. But tho
dictionary does not mention the character
as such.

Dung-worms, IIL ii. 10. i.
A fly, IIL i. 5. 4.

An insect that eats through wood.

"the appearance of being worn away,
VII. ii. 22. a.

The silkworm. To keep silkworms,
III. ii. 8. 3. To nouriah silkworms on,
VII. i. 22. a.

The wild tribes of the South, III. i. 4. 1 4.

THE 143iu> RADICAL, 血.
Blood, VL a 7. 3: VII. ii. 8. 3.

THE 144th radical, 行.

(I) To go; to set out; to proceed, I. ii.
4. 6 : II. i. 1. 19. et al., saepe. To make to
go^ to lead, Vl. i. 2. 3; ii. 14. a. To

advance, in contrast with f 卜 ， <to stop,'

I. ii. 16. 3. 行 rain-pools, II. i. 2. a8.

^fSS ^~J*， to assist on the journey, or ox-

pedition, II. ii. 6. i. (a) To do， perform ；
to carry out, to practise ； to be practised,
carried out, I. i. 4. 5 ; 7. 9， 93 ； ii. 5. a, 4 ；
9. lyetaiL, atiepe. This meaning is kindred
to the above, and deriyed from it. The

way regulates the conduct, >^ ^^， ' to

cany out principles,* often occurs, but

行道 之人， VL i' 6, " literally
* a trampor/ Observe the two meanings
in IV. ii. 19. a.— Observe also 行, 拂，
VI. ii. 16. a; 行 乎, IV. ii. 1. 3, and II.

i- 1-3; 與 有行， V"3; 足以
行矣， 而 不行， and 行贯， V.

ii. 4. 6， 7. (3) A name. III. i 4. i, 3. 一
IV. ii. 31. I.

The 4th tone. Actions, conduct ； 一
always as a noun, I. ii. 4. 8: II. i. 2. 18:
III. ii. 9. 5, 7, 13 ： IV. ii. 11: V. i. 5. 4, 5；
7. 7: VI. ii. 2. 5： VII. i. 16. I； ii. 88. a;
87. 6, 9. Medhuret, Williams, and Wade

函蚯 I 靖 i

I

議 血】 行 I

572

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[index iu

c 行

hang

伤

yen

術
8hu

衡
？ tang

衣

衣，

ch'in

袒

fan

ch*dn

被)

P'i

辨

寒

chiti

裡

eh'dng

稽

裸

give the pronunciation as here repre-
sented ； but according to K'ang-hsi's
cUctionary, it should be expressed by
h&ng.

The 2nd tone. ^fy, a double sur-
name, IV. ii. 27. I.

A name. III. ii. 8. i.

An art, a contrivance, L i. 7. 8 : VI. ii.

16 : Vn. i. 18. I ; 24. 21. 撒一 a profes-
sion, II. I 7. I.

The name of a State, lY. ii. 24. 2; 81. a:
li:8 i，a，3« 衞靈 i^，and 孝么，

I.q. jj^. Crosswise. = disorderly ；
perplexed, I. ii. 8. 7 : VL ii. 16. 3.

THE 14GTH RADICAL, 衣.

Gloihes ； robes, II. i. 9. i : IU. i. 4. 8;
ii. 9.5： V. ii. 1. I : VII. ii. 6.

III. ii. S. 3: VIL i. 86. a. 衣 -grave-
clothes, I. ii. 16. a.

The 4th tone. To wear, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 34 ：
IIL i. 4. I, 4 : VIL i. 22. a.

To decay, become small and feeble. III.
it 9. 5, 7 : V. i. 6. I : VL ii. 14. a， 3.

A shroud, L ii. 16. a.

To strip up the sleove, to bare the arm,
袓揚 iL 1.3.

Embroidered robes, VIL ii. 6.

The 4th tone. To be covered with.
= to be affected by, to receive, IV. i. 1. a :
V. i, 7. 6; iL 1. a. 2ri^»to wear, to
have to wear, VII. ii. 6.

The and tone. I.q. 披. 被髮, the
hair dishevelled, unbound, IV. ii.29.5,6.

A name, V. ii. 8. a.

Naked. ^ 鞋， IL i. 9. a : V. ii. 1.

3. 一 There must be a difference in the
meaning of the two terms, but I have
not found it indicated.

Abundance of clothes ； abundance gen-
erally. 7^ iSk = * yea, and more/
II. ii. 5. 5.

To mend clothes. To mend or repair
generally ； to supply ； to assist, I. ii. 4.
5, 10: IIL i. 1. 5 ; ii. 4. 3: VI. it 7. a :
VII. i. 18. 3 {N,B.)

Naked. 裸裎, 《ee 裡.

To tie or wrap up, L iL 5. 4.

To put off the upper garment jfB^
揚 aee 租— ―

Narrow. |g >J\Li.7.6: IILi.8. 14.

Cloth of hair ； coarse cloth, IL i. 2. 4, 7 :
IIL L 4. I, 4.

(I) An honorary epithet. S9
ng ^ , L L 6. 1, (a) the desi

tion of a diflciple of Ts&ng Sh&n, IL i. 2. 7

To take by surprise, IL i 2. 15 (JT.S.)

An

/du

見

chien

親

tu

THE l^dTH RADICAL, ―

(I) The west ； on the west ； western, I.

i. 5. 1 ； ii. 5. 5 : IL i. 3. a : VI. i. 2. i, a ; iL

6' 5* 西 怕, &e chief of the West-
king W&n, IV. i. 13. I : VIL L 22. i, 3.
西 夷， I. ii. 11. a: III. iL 6. 4: IV. ii.

I. 2 : VII. ii 4. 3. (a) ptj a famous

beauty, IV. iL 26. i. (3) Part of the do-
signation of the grandson of Ts&ng Shiin,

II. i. 1. 3， 4.

The 1st tone. (1、 To seek for, IL ii. 6.
3： VL i. 16. 3. « to seek an intro-

duction to, V. i. 7. I, 8 ; 9. I. (a) =
to intercept, II. ii. 2. 3: IIL ii. 5. a : V. i.8.3.

(I) ^S, repeatedly ； to repeat, V.

ii. 9. I， 4: VI. i. 8. a. (a) 顔 覆, to
overturn, V. i. 6. 5. ,^、 *

To cover, overspread, III. i 1. 5.

THE 147th RA.DICAL, 見.

To see. Passim, ^^， to see from

a distance, VII. i. 86. i ； ii. 23. a. Very
often it 讓 to visit, e.g. I. i. 1. 1 : IL iL 10.

9： III.ii.7. ly a, 3. 'J^ . . . , to have

an interview with 一 spoken of a ruler, V.
ii. 7. 4. It forms the passive voice, III.
ii. 6. 5 : VIL ii. 29.

(I) To appear, to be seen, IL ii. 12. 6：

III. i. 5. a : VII. i. 21. 4; 2. 11. (2) To
l>ecome illustrious^ VI 1. i. 9. 6. (3) To
have an interview with, an audience of. •
I. ii. 1. I， a; 16.2： II. ii. 4.4; 6. i: V. i.

A compass, the inBtrument so called,
IV 丄 1. 1， 5 ; 2. 1 : VI. i. 20. a : VII. ii. 5. 1.

To rogard, to look at,— often — to con-
sider, II. i. 2. 4, 5: IV. ii. 8. I ； 20. 3， et
cd. To see, I. ii. 8. 5; 12. i: V. ii. 1. i ;

7. 8, et al, c^S, ^ hold a court, to

give audience, U. ii. 2. i. IfiB » equal
to, V. ii. 2. 5.

To see, VL it 6. 5.

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBASES

573

ch'in

chin

m

chien

kwan

角

chido

敏

ehieh

練

靉

yen

計

ch't

m

fdo
雖

m

ha&n

(I) To love, show affection to， I. ii. 12.
3： III. i. 6. 3： IV. i. 11. I, et a/.，

Mutual affection. III. i. 2. a; 3. i8

睦) ； 4. a To be loved, IV. L 4. i. (a)

To be Dear, to approach, II. ii. 7. 4 : VII.
ii. 16. To touch one another, IV. i. 12. i.
Intimate, I. ii. 7. i. (3) In peraon, per-
8onally,V.i.7.4: VI. ii. 1.3. (4) Relatives.
Very often it is used of parmtSf I. i. 1. 5:
II. ii. 7.5： IV.i.ll; 12. I ； 19. I， a, 4， et al.
But it IB also used more widely, Vll.i. 84 ；

一 7. 親戚, 1"1.4，5^

To wait on a superior, to appear at
court, ^j^， V. i 6. 1 ; 6. i.

A name, III. i. 1. 4.

To understand, apprehend ； to make to
understand, to instruct, V. i. 7. 5; ii. 1. 9.

To view, contemplate ； to discern, II.

i. 2. 26 ; 6. 4; ii. 7. a: III. i. 2. 5 ; 8. 9;

ii. 7. 4: IV. i. 14. a; 15. a; ii. 88. 9： V.
i. 8. 4： VII. i. 24. I， 9. To make a visit
of inspection, I. ii. 4. 4.

THE 148th radical, 角.

(I) A horn, VIL ii. 4. 5. (a) 角 招,
the name of a piece of music, I. ii. 4. 10.

To remoYe, II. ii. 9. a (N.B.) : V. i. 1. 4.
To relieve, to unloose, II. i. 1. 13.

the appearance of fearing
death, I. i. 7. 4, 6.

See above.

THE 14^ RADICAL, 曾.

A word, words ； a saying, I. ii. 8. 4 ; 5.
4, et paseim. To speak, say ； to speak of，
i. 7. 9y 16; ii. 1. 5; 6. 3, et scupissime,

^-jYTL it 33. a. "^=to mean,
叫 rrv 一-

meaning, I. i.7. la: VI. i. 17. 3. 简专

« means, VII. ii. 4. 6 ； but in VII. i. 24. i
the same phrase =» to think anything of the

words of others. ^ - to cherish, tb ink

of, II. ii. 4. i，etaL This usage is only found
in some quotations from the Shih-ching.

专， to haye a saying, or to say, saepe.

But in rV. i« 10, 1 it -to have speech.

To calculate, V. iL 5. 4.

To punish ； to order to be punished,
VI. ii. 7. a. To put to death, III. ii. 9. 6.

， the appearance of being self-
conceited, VI. ii. 18. 8.

(I) To instruct, V. i. 6. 5. (2) 伊 ||||，

the name of a Book in the SM-ching, V.
i. 7.9.

sung

訢

yin

a

ksa

訓 To revile, IV. ii. 88. i.

To entrust, I. iL 6. i. g^ = to accept
fo a stated support from, V. ii. 6. i.

To contend, wrangle, /bT ^E",

litigants, V. i. 5. 7 ; 6. i. W、 《

新 然, cheerfully, VII. t 85. 6.

To establish, 設爲, 瓜 i. 3. la 設
tIJ', to institute instruction,yiI. ii. 80. a.

jC^, ^ settle in one's mind, IV. ii.
5-

I 午 (i) To allow, to accede to, I. i. 7. 10. To
promise, II. i. 1. i. (2) A surname, III.

i. 4. I, 3， 4， 5, 17， i8-

One-sided, only half the truth, IL i. 2.
17 : III. ii. 9. 13.

To try. ^ to try to follow, L L 7.
19. sword-exercise^ III. i. 2. 4.

A piece of poetry ； an ode. Generally,
with reference to some piece of the Shih-
ching, I. ii. 4. 10: II. i. 4. 3 : IV. ii. 21. i :
V. i. 4^3； ii. 8.9： VI. i. 6. 8 ; ii. 8. 1， a.

and 曰 are the forms of

quotation from the Shih-ching. Passim.

Deceitful ； deceitfully, III. ii. 1. 4.

(I) Particulars, V. ii. 2, a : VI. ii. 4. 4.
^ Minutely, IV. iL 15. z. (a) A name, II.

ii. 11. 3.

To cut off, to put to death, I. ii. 8. 3 ；
12. I : III. ii. 9.6: V. i. 8. a; 7. 9; ii. 4.
4, 5 : VI. ii. 7. 3.

^* and are the names

of Books in the Sh^-ching, I. i. 2. 4. 一 IIL
ii. 5. 6 : V. i. 6. 8.

試

ahih

1*1

shih

ahih

lOU

hui

ng

专 ^^， words, VII. ii. 33. a. A saying,

V. i. 4. 1. « speech, language. III. ii.
6. I. MM

To tell, speak to about . . . , I. i. 6. a ; 7.
II； ii. 1. I, a: II. ii. 11. 3 ; 12. i : VII.
i. 9. I.

To delude, III. a 9. 9.

To repeat, croon over, VI. ii. 2. 5. To
relate, II. ii. 4. 4.

To instruct, to teach, VI. i. 9. 3 ; 20. 9 ；
教赫

(i) To be sincere ； sincerity, IV. i. 12.
I, a {N.B.)y 3 : VII. i. 4. a. (a) Really,
truly, indeed, I. i. 6. 6; 7.6, 7, 11 ： II. i、
1. a ; 8. a ; ii. 12. 7 : III. i. 2. 5 ; 4. 3 ; 5.
4： V. i. 2. 4 ： 4. I.

574

CHINESE CHABACTERS AND PHRASES

[INDEX HI

To speak of, dueoM, HI. iL 9. lo

者)： IV. iL 15. 1^ 辭, IL i« 2. i&

To explain, explanation, V. Li. a; iLi. s
Speakings, - doctrines, IILiL».5,7,9»i3-

TooouiLBelyy. u7. 6: VL it i. 3i 4^ 5»
6: VIL ii.84. i.

Lq. M". To be pleased, L L 7. 9 ; it

"0( 傳說, 30«傳>

9fk Who, whom, L i. 5. 5 ； 6 : IL L 4. 3 ;
it 18. 5 : IIL iL 6. a, e<

詔 Abbreviated tor 讓. To flatter ； flai-
ch'an teringly, III. ii. 7. 4 : VL u. 13. a

誇 薛 然, repeatedly and specifi-
cally, V. 1. 6. 3.

To talk with, converse, IV. ii.38.i: VI.
ii. 8. a.

chun

m

fan

lun

請

ch'ing

chU

3】

諺

yen

no
諸

trei

To discuss, to consider, V. iL 8. a.

To request, to beg ； to beg leave. Some-
times, especially in the first person, it is
merely a polite way of expressing a pur-
pose, I. i. 8. a ; 5. 6 ； 7. ig, 19 ； ii. 1. 5 ；
8. 5 ； 15. 3 ； 16. I, el cU., aaepe. Obserre
IL ii. 10. 2 ; 11. 3 : V. ii. 4. 3.

To flatter ，面談 ^ 人， syoophanta,
VL ii. 18. a

To reprove, to remonstrate ； admoni-
tions. It is often followed by 於, II. ii.

6. 9 ； 12. 6 : IV. iL 8. 3, 4 : V. i. 9. a, 3 ;
ii. 9. I, 4.

To avoid, to conceal, VII. ii. 86. a.
A common saying, L iL 4. 5.

A reply, affirmative and immediate, I.

11. 16. I : II. ii. 2. 5.

(i) Not merely one ； all, I. i. 7. 16 ； ii.

7. 4, 5 : IL ii. 10. 3. (a) A proposition.
In, from, ou, to, &c.， I. i 7. la ； ii. 7. 5,
et aLf saepisnme, (3) As an interrogative,

generally, = Sp.. Yet once we

have the Sp. exprossed, V. i. 8. i ; and
remains = which it is in II. ii.

12. 4, whore there is no interrogation, 】
i. 7. 4 ; ii. 1. 2; 2. I； 5. I (N.B.) ； 8. i

et oZ" saepissime. (4) ^^， see
(5)^^ 《馬， the name of a place, IV. ii. 1. 1.

To consult, tako counsel, I. ii. 11. i, *
A counsel, a plan, I. ii. 18. 9. Counselling,

II. ii. 2. 7.

(i) To address, to say to, I. ii. 5. i ; 0.
I ； 10. 9： II. i. 2. 7, 16 ； ii. 4. I ; 6. I ; 10.
3, et al.f saepissime. To tell to, to inform,

III. ii. 1. 4. (a) To say ； to speak of, I.

chin

tui

議

chi

shih

6.17： ILL6.3,6,daL, M<pe. ^=to

suppose, in. iL 6. a. (3) To call; to bo
eaUed, L L 2. 3 ; ii. 4. 7; 8. 3: VII. ii. 87.

3i 4t 5» 8, patsinL Oheenre ^ f^i

which ocean contmnally, e^g. I. i. 7. 9 :
ILL3.a; 4.6: VILiL^. 0,3,4, 5»^7|8.
Sometimes, where followed by

a particle, terminates the sentence, we
can explain the characters without in-
Bisting on a peculiar idiom. At other
times we can expbun them by under-
standing iSr before gB ； bat in a multi-
tade of cases we lutTe aimply to aeoept the
idiom. which also is frequent,

is different ^§»to mean, meaning,
lLii.2.6:VI.i.7.8,e<ai. >jnf f§,what

do 70a mean, what is meant, IL. i. 2. 17:
IIL i.5. 3: IV. iL 24. a, e< ai.— Obeenre I.
ii. 7. 1 : VL ii 1. 6.

To plan ； plans, IIL a 9. 6: V.L2.3.

To sing, — in some peculiar, abrupt
manner, VL ii.6.5. a4r- to sing

(active and neuter), V. L 6. 6 ; 6. i.

To give careful attention to, I. L 8. 4 ；

To detest, V. ii 4. 4.

ch'an

ch'du

IL

To inspe^. 謙而 不征， L i
6. 3 : II. 1. 5. 3. "

To know, I. i. 7. 4 ; ii. 7. a : II. ii. 2. 1，
3 ； 10. a ; 12. I : V. i. 2. 3 ; 4. I ; u. 6. 4 ：

VI. i. 4. 3 ; 10. 7, 8 ; iL 6. 5, d. To under-
stand, VI. iL a 4. 多^ ^， of much
informationiYI. ii. 13. a.

To warn, III. ii. 9. 3.

To compare, 則 . . . , V. ii. 1. 7*

To discuss, indulge in discussions, III'
ii. 9. 9.

Praise, IV. L 21 : VL L 17. 3.
To read, V. iL 8. a.

To change ； to be changed, I. ii. 1. 3 ；
11. a: II. i. 1. 8 ; ii. 14. a: IIL i. 4. 12,
16; ii. 5. 4 : V. ii. 9. a: VI. ii. 6. 5 ； 9.3：

VII. i. 7. a( = versatile) ； 41. a ； ii. U. 3» 4-

To calumniate, VL ii 13. 8. ' To rerWe,
1. ii. 4. 6.

(I) An enemy, IV. ii. 8. i, 4. (a) 複
to avonge, III. ii. 5. 3 . (3) In a name,
；. 8. 2. ~ The character is also written

鎌-

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHBASES

575

豆

tdu

( I ) To reprimand ； reproof, VI. iL7.a. (a)
To yield, to decline, VIL ii.ll. ^ ^ ,
modesty and complaisance, II. i. 6. 4， 5.

THE 150rH RADICAL, 芬
A valley, IIL i. 4. 15.

A motmtaiii-fltream ； a river, IL ii. 1. 4.

THE 1518T RADICAL, 豆.

A wooden vessel, or dish, "3 SB, VL
i. 10. 6: VIL i. 84 ； ii. 11. ^

How. PoKim, It is generally followed
by at the end of the sentence ； e. g.
I. i. 2. 4; 6. 16; ii 10. 4.

豕

8hih

豚

fun

象

hsiang

mat

貞

Chang

負

8t

tsdi

THE 152in> RADICAL, 豕.

The swine, VII. L 16. 豕 变 之,
to treat one as a pig, VII. i. 87. i.

A young pig, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 94 ： III. it 7.
3 : VIL iL 26. a.

(r) The elephunt, III. iL 9. 6. (2) To
resemble, to make to resemble, I. i. 4. 6.
(3) The name of Shun's brother, V. i. 2.
3； 8. I, a, 3: VI. i. 6. 3.

Grain-fed animals, VL i. 7. B,

The first among a hundred,
之 士, III. i. 4. la: VII. i. 10.

(I) To be pleased, satisfied, II. ii. 18. i,
5: IV. i. 28. 9. (3) 1*0 make an excursion,
L ii. 4. 5.

THE 15SBD RADICAL,

( I ) The leopard, III. ii. 9. 6. (a) A name,
VI. ii. 6. 5.

A kind of wolf, 財 ^ IV. i. 17. i.

(i) A general name for the barbarous
tribes of the north, VI. iL 10. a， 4, 7. (a)
A surname, VIL ii. 19. i.

Aspect, demeanour, IV. i. 16. 壞畺

a polite demeanour, VI. ii. 14. a, 3 ；
Terbally, IV. ii. 80. i.

THE 154th radical, 貝.
An honorary epithet, V. i. 8. 3.

(I) To carry on the back, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7.
94: IIL i. 4. a: IV. iL 81 {N.B,): VII.
i. 85. 6. (a) To take refuge in, VII. ii.

28. 9. (3) the name of a place,

IV. ii. 1. 1. ^

(I) Wealth, money ； expense, I. i. 7. 7 :
II. ii. 7. 3 : III. i. 4. 10, et al ^

贫

p'in

htoo

ktcan

tse or
ckcU

r

、

kicei

pien
t di

pun

chid

賓

pin

VIL ii 12.3. ^ 財， IV. i. 1.9； ii.
80. a. (a) L q. talenta, VIL 1 40. 3.

(i) To levy a tax, IIL i. 8. 6, 7.

税, revenues, V. L 8. 3. (a) 子

the designation of one of Confacius's dis-
ciples, IL i. 2. 18， 19, 35, 27 : III. i. 4. 13.

Poverty, I. ii. 16. a : III. ii, 2. 3 : V. ii.
6. I, a, 3-

(I) Goods, property ； wealth, I. ii. 5. 4 :

V. ii- 4. 4. ^ see 財. (a) To

bribe ； a bribe, II. ii. 8. 5. (3) A name,
III. ii. 7. 3.

I. q. jj^. To be acousiomedi III. ii.

To reprove, to be reproved, IV. i. 22.
The responsibility of reproving, II. ii. 6.
5. To urge to ~~ implying more or less of
reproof, IV. i. 1 ; 18. 4 ; ii. 80. 3， 4.

Double, III. i. 4. 17. Double-minded,

VII. i. 1. 3. « supplemental, V. ii.

8. 5. 只、

The name of a city and small territory,
,V. ii. 3. 3.

i^，

(I) Noble, being in an honourable con-
dition ； honour, Y. i. 1. 4 ; 8. 9 ; ii. 8. i ；
9. I : VI. i. 17. I, a: VIL i. 43. 9; ii. 14.

I (N.B,) ^ II. ii. 10. 6: III. ii. 2.

3 ： IV. ii. 83. I, a. ^ VI. i. 14. a.

(a) To esteem noble, to give honour
II. i. 4. 9 : IIL i. 5. a: V. ii. 8. 6, et cU.

To diminish, degrade, VI. ii. 7. a.

To borrow, III. i. 8. 7. The dictionary,
however, says that the character, mean-
ing to borrow, should be read ft (old 4th
tone), and that, pronounced fdi, it means
to lend.

(I) 虎 life-guards, VII. ii. 4. 4.
(a) A name, ll. i. 2. 9.

To rely on, IV. ii. U. i.

A stationary trafficker or merchant, I.
i. 7. 18.

(I) A price, III. i 4. 17, 18. (2) A
name, IL ii. 9. 9.

To injure, do violence to ； to |>lay the
thief with, II. i.6.6: IV. i.2.a; ii. SO. 4 ：
VI. i. 1. 9： VII. i. 26. 4. Seditious; vil-
lainous, III. ii. 9. II : IV. i. 1. 9. An
injurer, ~ may be rendered by * a thief,'
IV. i. 1. 13 : VI. ii. 9. I : VII. ii. 87. 8, 10，

殘贼 S 人, I

A guest, V. ii. 8.5: VII. ii. 24. a.
旅， VI. ii. 7. 3.

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[index III.

To give, prefient a gift ； a gift, IIL u.
7.3: V. ii. 4. a, 5. 二 to give pay, and
戚 於…， to receive pay, V. ii. 6. 3.

(I) Admirable, possessed of talents and
virtue ； to be talented and virtuous ； the
possession of talents and virtue. Passim.
Kg. I. ii. 7. 3, 4 ; 16. I : II. i. 4. 9 ; 5. I ;
9. a. As a verb, « to praise, IV. ii.29.i.
(a) To surpass, be superior, II. L 1. 3;
2. 6, 96.

Mean ； a mean condition, III. ii. 2. 3
(貧 M) : i' 2, 3. M - bad, the
worst, III. ii. 1.4. Ab a verb, to consider
mean ； to make mean, II. ii. 10. 7 : III.

i. 6. 2; ii. 8. 6: VI. i. 14. 5; 17. a.

To exact, IV. i. 14. i. To pay a tax,
III. L 8. 15.

A pledge, an introductory present, ELI.

ii. 8. I, 4: V. ii. 7. i.

To depend on, ― be good, VI. i. 7. i.

To avail for, be adequate to, I. i. 7. aa :

II. i. 8. 9.

A gift to a traveller for the expenses
of bis journey, II. iL 3. 3.

THE 155th radical, 赤.
-^, an infant. III. L 5. 3.
^ ^ /(^y the child-heart, IV. ii. 12.

雜 赧然， red and blushingly, III.
ii. 7. 4.

To blaze with anger, I. ii. 3. 6.

THE 15^ RADICAL, 走.

To run ； to run to, I. i. 8. s: IV. i. 9. a.

To gallop, L ii. 6. 5. ^ §j^， quadru-
peds, II. i. 2. 28. 〜 掛、

To come, I. i. 7. 18.

To arise; to rise, II. i. 2. 17 : III. i. 8.
II； ii. 9. 10 : IV. ii. 38. i : VII. i. 25. i, a.

To begin with, II. i. 1. 8. J& ftg, to be
arouaed, VII. ii. 15. ^ ^

To leap over, I. i, 7. 11.

(I) To go beyond, exceed with, I. ii. 8.
7. (a) ^ = to roll over ^),V. iL
4. 4. (3) The name of a State, IV. ii. 81. i.

—越 人， VI' ii. 8. a.

The name of a part of Tsin, and the
clan name of its chief, VI. i. 17. 3. In

III. ii. 1. 4, ^簡 is, perhaps,* the
officer Chion of ChAo.'

足

tett

新

chik

距

ch'H

跡

路

lu

chie

Chung

To run, to hasten, II. i. 2. 10, 16 ； ii. 2.

3 : VIL ii. 23. a. ^ 趨， their aim,VL
ii. 6. 3. > 、

THE 157th radical, 足.

(I) The foot, IV. i. 8. a， 3; ii. 3. i : VL
i. 7. 4. (a) To be aofficient ； enough, L i.
7. 5, 10， 13， 16， ai, 93 ； ^ passinu May
sometimes be conveniently translal "

*to be able/ e.g. VII. i. 22. a.

abundant,VII.i.28.3. KJ^,to

one's self, IV. ii. 88. i. Ab a verb,

J^， do not count me sufficient to

, . ., III. i. 2. 4.

The name of a famous robberj ffih,
III. ii 10. 3. JSiL

To resist, to keep at, or banish to, a
distance, III. ii. 9. 10， 13, 14 : VI. ii 13. 8.
In a name, II. ii. 4. a, 4.

Footprints, III. L 4. 7.

(I) A road, a path, I. i. 3. 4 ; 7. 224 : II.

i. 5. 3 ; ii. 2. 3; 6. I， a, et a2" saepe. On
the way, II. ii. 13. i. As a verb, • . •

yjjj j|^， and run about on the roads, III.

6. j^i^to obtain the manage-

ment of the government, II. i. 1. i. (a)
j§§， a disciple of Confucius, IL L 1.
3; 8. I, etal.

( I ) To tread upon, = to fulfil, satisfy
the design of, VII. i. 38. i. ^» >fjr, to

occupy the throne, V. i 5. 7. (a) 句 j^，

the name of a famous prince of TQeli, I.

ii. S. I, and of an adventurer of Mencius's
time, VII. i. 9. i.

To cross over ； to leap over, L ii. 15. i :
III. ii. 3. 6; 7. a: IV. ii. 27. 3： Vl.ii. 1. 8.
To overstep, to exceed, I. ii. 7. 3; 16. i, 2.

( I ) The heel. VII. i. 26. a. (a) To come
to, III. i. 4. 1.'

cntn

jj^， the appearance of walking

alone, i.e. of acting peculiarly; unsociable,
VII. ii. 87. 8.

The foot-prints of animals, III. i. 4. 7.

蹈 -todanee, 足 S 蹈之， ^
i. 27. a.

溪 阀， foot-paths, VIL ii. 21. r.
Urged, embarrassed, I. ii 1. 6 : V. i. 4. i.
A shoe or sandal of straw, VIL LS5. 6.
Lq. VIL i. 25. a, 3.

踽？ 蹄" 蹈 i#§ 糠

INDEX III.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

577

身

shdn

躯

ch'a
車

chu or
ch'e

To tread on. Sfflr Sf (adrerb) = haying
trampled on， VI. ii 10. 6.

Followed by jl^ = uneasy-like, IL L

1. 3. The uneaainess would be indicated
by some motions of the feet.

(I) To stumble, II. i. 2. icx (a) To
oyerfcurn, IV. i. 1. lo. In the tonal notes
on this latter passage, we are told to read
the character /nivt; but in the dictionary
the meaning) * to overturn/ is giyen under
the other pronunciation.

To leap, I. i, 2. 3: VIL i. 41. 3. To
make to leap, VL i. 2. 3.

THE 158m RADICAL, 身.

(I) The body, VI. i. 10. 8; 14. i ; ii. 16.
a. (a) One's person, one's self, L i. 1. 4 ;
5. I ； ii. 15. a; 16. z : IIL i. 2. 3 ; 4. 6 ； ii.

9. 5 ； 10. 4f ei dLj sciepissime, |% J^, to
cultivate one's person ； Je^, self-ex-
amination ； and to keep one's
self; e.g. IV. i. 12. i; 19. i, a : VII. i. 1.
3; 4. a; 9. 6. J^sto acquire by
effort, be virtuous by endeavour, VII. i.
80. I. (3) 終身, all the life. See 終.

The body, VIL ii. 29. i.

THE 16»rH RADICAL, 車.

A carriage, I. ii. 1. 6， 7 : IIL ii. 4. i :

VII. i. 86. a ; ii. 4. 5 ( 审， * chariots

of war*) ； 34. a. Read cVe, with nearly
the same meaning. A waggon-load^ VI.
i. 18. I.

Wheel-ruts, VIL ii. 22. 3.

chun

敏

zan

k
睃

tsdi

(i) A host. — J^)the armies of a great
State, II. L 2TT: VI. ii. 4. 5, 6. (2) ^
审, a general, a commander-in-chief, Y I.
ii. 8. I.

Lq. 切. Eight cubits, VII. i. 29.

The name of Mencius, I. iL 16. 2 : V. ii.
2. I : VI. ii. 4. 4.

To struggle. ^ V. ii. 4. 5, 6. But
the meaning is not well understood.

(i) To carry with one in the same
carriage, III. ii. 8. 1， 4. (a) To begin, III.

iL 6. 4 ; V. i 7. 9. (3) A particle, - 貝 |j，

IV. i. 9. 6. (4) To serve, perform duties

to,V. i. 4. 4. (5) .tf^, to write articles

of agreement, and place them on the
victim of the covenaut, VI. ii. 7. 3.

The 3rd tone. A year, V. i. 4. i ； 5. 7.

tadi

輕

ch'ing

hut
lun

chtcan

辛

hsin

辟

VOL. II.

P

辟

pi

辨

P

To support, to aid, I. i. 7. 19 ： II. i. 1. 8

(H M) '^ ii.2.6;e.i(i^.B.):III.i.
4. 8 : VI. ii. 9. a.

(I) Light, I. L7. 13： ni, i. 4. 17 : VI.

ii. 1. 7. small, VIL ii. 82. 3. ^

« least important, VII. ii. 14. ^jj^ « light

clothing, L i. 7. 16. « readily, easily,

I. i. 7. a I. (a) As a verb. To consider
small, VL ii. IS. 7. To lighten, III. ii. 8.
I : VI. ii. 10. 7. To make light of, to

Blight, IIL ii 4. 3. 輕身, to under-
value one's self, I. ii. 16. i.

Bright. brightly displayed,

VII. ii. 25. 6.

(I) The wheel of a carriage^L ii. 24. 2.
(9) A wheolwright Wm rH, oarriage-
wrights, III. ii. 4. 3, 4: VII. ii. 5. i.

， a double surname, IV. i 1. i.

(I) Properly, the bottom or frame of
a carriage or waggon. A carriage ； a
waggon-load, I. i. 7. 10; ii. 16. z : VI. ii.

1. 6. (9) A carriage-wright ； see ^j^-

(I) To turn over. In the phrase
^ (or 乎) 溝 ^， L iL 12. a: II. ii.

4. 2 : III. i. 8. 7. (a) tt 附, the namo
of a place, I. ii. 4. 4. 「

THE leOm RADICAL, 辛.
A name, III. L 4. a.

A transgression. Jf\ -fe!. innocent,

II. i. 2. 24. ， 字

(i) I.q. Depraved ； moral de-

flection, I. i. 7. ao : III. i. 8. 3. (a) I.q.

To open up, to bring under culti-
vation, I. i. 7. 16: II. i. 1. 10 : rv. i. 1. 9 ;
U. 3: VI. ii. 7. a; 9. i. (3) To remove
from the way, IV. ii. 2. 4. (4) A name.

III. i. 5. I.

To twist, III. ii. 10. 4. The pronun-
ciation and meaniDg are taken from the
tonal notes and Ohii Hst. The dictioDaiy
does not give them.

Lq. J^. To avoid, IIL ii. 7. a ； 10. 5 ：

IV. i. 18. 1 : VI. i, 10. a, 3， 4 : VII. i. 22. i.

Lq. ^^， may be compared

to, VII. i. 29.

To diBcriminate, VI. i. 10. 7.

(I) Language, words, II. i. 2. 17 ： III,
ii. 9. 10, 13. Sk = a sentence, V. i. 4. a,
Jj/j[ , in express words, V. ii. 4. 3. The

578

CHINESE CHABACTERS AXD PHRASES

[IKDKZ 111.

辰
ch'dn

辱

cnut

追

iui

退

送

sung

words of a message, IL ii. 8. 3, 4.
, meuBgeSf speeches, IL L 2. 18 ; 9.

^ to frame apologies for, IL

9. 4. (2) To decline, refuse, IL iL 2.
a; 6.1; 10.5： IIL ii. 1.4： V.iLl.3; 6.

^3:VLii6.a. 雜豳, Bee 讓.
To dispute. III. ii 9. i, 13: VIL iL26. a.

THE 1618T RADICAL, J^.

the pi 鳥 nets and conBtella-
tions of the zodiac, IT. ii. 26. 3.

To suffer disgrace, L i. 5. z : IL L 4. i :
IV. i. 9. s To diflgraoe, V. L 7. 7.

(I) Husbandry, L i. 3. 3. alone,
and husbandmen, II. i. 6. 4 :

IILJ. 4. 5, 9; iL 8. 5; 4. 3: V. ii. 2. 9.
(9) jUjf an ancient sovereign, the
father of husbandry, III. L 4. z.

THE 162HD BADICAL, 急 .

To meet, to receive, L ii. 10. 4; 11. 8 :

III. u.6.5: yLiil4.9, 3: VIL ii 23. a.

To go out to meet (as a brid^oom hiB
bride), VL ii. 1. 3.

To be near, to approach ； near, II. ii. 6.
9 : III. L4.8: IV. ii. 80. 5： V. i. 7. 7 :
VI. I 8.9： VIL i. 4. 3 ; 26. 3 ; ii 88. 4.

sfr Bf , ministers belonging to a court,

vrl 8. 4.

UntiL , , . = before, IL i 4. 3.

To urge, be urgent, IIL ii. 7. a.

Alternately, V, ii. 8. 5.

jjjfc to give a report of office, L iL
4. 5： VI. ii. 7. 9.

Footsteps, traces, IV. ii. 21. i.

(I) To pursue, follow after, IL ii. 12. 5 ：

IV. ii. 24. 9 : VII. ii. 26. a. (a) To go
back upon, VIL ii. 80. 9.

The knob, or ring, of a bell, VIL ii.
22. 9.

To retire, — from a place, an interviiftw,
office, &c" II. i. 2. aa ； ii. 6. 5; U^a: IV.
i. 1. 12; ii. 81. I : V. i. 8. a ; ii. 1. I ： VI.
i. 9. a: VII. i. 44. a.

To accompany, escort, III. ii. 2. 9. 送
死, to perform all the obsequies to the
dead, IV. ii. 18. i.

To run away ； to ran away

i. 4. 7: VIL L 35. 6; ii. 26. 】

=to torn the eyes awaj^when thrust at,
IL L 2. 4.

(I) To oppose, rebel against, IV. i. 7. i.
Spoken of water in a state of inundation,

III. ii 9.3: VL iL 11. 4. Unreasonable"

IV. iL as. 4t 5, ^ (a) To
mind, anticipate, V. i. 4. a.

To pursue, chase, VIL ii 23w a.

(I) Throughout. ^S^all, IV. it 80.
I : VL i. 9. 3. >^ « uniyenally acknow-
ledged, TTT. L 4.6. (a) To commnnicate.
^£ "Tn, an intercommimication of the
productions of labour, ILL ii 4. 3.

(i) Togo away, V. i. 2. 令 (a) An intro-
ductory and continuative particle, IV- i.
7. 6.

To be quick ； quickly, rapidly, I. iL 11.
4： IL i. 1. la; 2. 92； iL 12. 4: IIL ii. 8.
3: V. ii. 1. 4: VIL i. 44.9.

To begin, V. i. 7. 9.

To go to, arrive at, II. ii 2. i, 3.
一 to make advances in study, IV.

ii. 14.

To meet with, IV. ii. 14. To anticipate
and excite, VL ii 7. 4.

A surname, IV. ii 24. x.

(I) To unite, IV. L 14. 3. (a)

reckless perseverance in a bad course, L
ii. 4. 6, 7, 8. (3) A name, VL iL 5. 9.

To advance, go forward, I. i. 7, 19 ； II.

i. 2. 5, aa, et aL, aatpe. j^^^when ad

yanced, i. e. in office, II. i. 9. a : V. iL 1. 3.
Actively, to advance, bring forward, I. ii.
7. I, 3. Spoken of the provision of food,

IV. i. 19. 3.

逸 -comfortably, IIL L 4. a

To urge, press, V. L 6. 7.

Evasiye, IL L 2. 17.

A continuatiye particle. And then,
III. i. 8. 9: IV. ii. 8. 4： VL u. 8. 3. 而
遂， IL iL 2. 5： IIL L 4. la.

(I ) To meet, VL ii. 4. i. ^| « to inter*

cepti III. ii. 1 • 4. (a) To meet and succeed
with, I. ii. 16. 3： IL ii. 12. i, 3: VI. ii.

4.3. HIQ ^1 to disagree, IV. ii

80. 3.

i f 逐？ 通 I 逝 I 速. - §i 逢 I 逢 1建| 進 I 逸 .iij 遂 1 f

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

579

yun

td

in

in

lih

敏

chih

To wander; to trayel, aaaociate with, L
a 6.1： IV. ii. 80. 1 : VIL L 9. i ： 16. An

imperial tour, I. ii. 4. 5. ^t)^睡to
stodent of, VIL i. 24. ^

be a

To make to go rounds —accomplish
easily, L i. 7. la : IL i. 1. 8 ; 6. a. To go
round, make a revolution, L ii. 10. 4.

The 3rd tone, (i) To go beyond ； to
exceed ； more than, I. i. 7. la: II. LI. 10;
2. 9; ii. 18. 4： III. ii. 10. I : IV. iL 18. 3 :
？ VI. i.2. 3 : VII. i. 11. (a) To err ； faults,
tnnBgression 鵬， II. i. 8. i ; ii 9. 3, 4 : III.
ii. 1. 55 IV. i. 1.4： V. i. 6.5； ii. 9. 1,4:
VLii. 8. 4; 11. a, 4; 15. 3.

The iBt tone. To pass by,LL 7.4: III.
i. 1. I； 4. 7; 6. 4: IV. U. 25. I ; 29. I : V.
i. & 3： VII. i 18. 3; ii. 88. 7.

To stop, to restrict, I. ii. 8. 6 : V. i. 4. i :

VI. ii. 7. 3.

(I) To reach to, IL i. 1. 10; ii. 7. a:
IIL i.2. 9; 5.4: V. ii. 2. 4 ： VII. i. 24. 3.
To carry out, to extend, VIL i. 16. 3 ； 40.
3 ； ii. 81. (a) To obtain advanoement ；
to be in office, IV. ii. 83. 9 : VII. i. 9. 4,
5, 6 ； 19. 3. To find vent, II. i. 6. 7. (3)
To be intelligent, VIL L 18. a. (4) Uni-
versally acknowledged, II. ii. 2. 6.

(I) A road, a path, I. i. 8. 4 ; 7. 94 : III.

i. 4. 7: IV. i. 8. 5： V. i. 9. XI： VI. L8.2:

VII. i. 41. 3. It occurs everywhere with
a moral applicatioD, meaning the way or
course to be pursued, the path of reason,
of principle, of truth, &c. £.g. 1. ii. 8. i ：
IL i. 2. 3, 14; 4. 3; ii. 1.4; 2. 4， 6, 7 ； 14.
z. (a) Doctrines, principles, teachings.
Also paanm. £.g. IIL i. 4. 3， la, 14， 18 ;

ii. 1. 5； 2. 3; 4. 4; 9. 5, 7, 9, 10.— This
usage and the preceding run into each
other. The principles underlie the course,
and the course follows from the principles,
(3) To speak about, discourse, L i. 7. a:
IIL i. 1. a; 4.3: VL ii. 3. a.

(I) To oppose, go contrary to, I. i. 8. 3 ：
III. ii. 2. a. (9) To avoid, escape from,
IL i. 4. 6: IV. i. 8. 5. To escape notice,
II. i. 2. 27. (3) To be dutant from, VI.
L 8. a.

To be distant ； distant, far, II. i. 2. a,
a6; ii. 8. 3 : IIL i. 4. i ; ii. 9. 4, et al. To

keep at a distance, V. i. 7. 7. p ,

ministers from a distance, V. i. 8. 4. To
consider far, I. i. 1. a : VI. i. 12. i.

The 4th tone. To put away to a distance ；
to keep away from, I. i. 7. 8: III. ii. 9. 6.

(I) To go to, I. ii. 4. 5: III. i. 4. 17:
VL ii. 7. 3. (a) Only, merely, VI. i. 14. 6.

To blame, remonstrate with,

rV. i. 20.

To meet with, V. i 8. 3.

ehth

^ slowly, by-and-by, V. ii. 1. 4 :
VII. ii. 17.

To follow, IV. i. 1. 4. To follow tho
line or course of, I. ii. 4. 4 : VIL i. 85. 6.

To remove, I. Ii. 11. 3. To remove to,

IIL i. 4. 15: IV. ai.z (followed by ^).

To transfer to, V. L 1 • 3. Applied morally ；
一 to move towards, V. i. 6, 5 : VII. i. 18. a.

To choose. 選 擇， IIL I 8. 13.

It is also pronounced t. (i) To neglect,
L i. 1. 5: VII. ii. 7. 9. To be neglected,

^ 佚， IL i. 9. a: V. iL 1. 3. (a) To be

left ； remaining, II. i. 1. 8: Y. i. 4. 9.

The 4th tone. To make a present, to
present, III. ii. 6. 9.

To withdraw from, V. i. 6. 7 ; 6.
avoid, escape from, I. ii. 10. 4.

To

What is near; the near, IV. ii. 20. 4.

THE 163BD RADICAL, 色.

A city or town, III. ii. 6. 5. To build
a town, L ii. 16. i.

The name of the ancient seat of the
family of ChAu, L ii. U. 9 ； 16. i.

A State, a country, III. i. 8. 19. Observe
家邦, "7.ia«

(I) Corrupt, depraved ； what is not cor-
rect, perversity, I. i. 7. 90: II. i. 2. 17 ：
III. L 8. 3; ii. 9. 5, 7, 9, 10, 13 : IV. i. 1.
13 : VIL ii, 10. I ； 87. 13. (a) Read

3^ 3}^, the name of a place, L ii. 4. 4.

The borders of a country ； to be situated
in the borders, 1. ii. 2. 3 ; 4. 10 : VI. i. 8. i.

(I) An outer wall of fortification,
1^, see 城. alone, IV. ii. 88. i.

(a)^r ^[|J - a double surname, II. iL 2. a'
平- the name of a place, IV. ii. 1. a.

A poBt.8taUon. 度郵, IL i. 1. la.

(j) A capital, but used for any princi-
pal city, IL ii 4. 4. (9) 3", a name

given to Shun, V. i. 2.3. (3) 子都， the

designation of an ancient officer, distin-
guished for his beauty, "VI. i. 7. 7. (4)

^^， a double surname, belonging to

a disciple of Mencius, II. ii. 6. 4 : III. ii.
9. I, ei al.

P p 2

680

CHINESE CHABACTEBS AND PHRASES

[INDEX III

The iMUne of the State of which Mencius
was a native, L L 7. 17; ii. 12. 1 ： III. L

2.0,4： VI. 0^.4; 5. 1,^,6. HP A'
Li. 7. 17. |jP^,VLii.2.6.

, A YillAge, a neighbourhood, IIL L8. 18：

ing rV. iL 29. ^, et aL 人， a yillager,

i. 9. I : IV. iL 28. 7 : V. iL 1. i,3,e< al.

黨， lLi.6.3"L2.6，etaL 翁膨

your good people of the Tillages, VIL ii.

87. I a. ^Replace, YL L 8. 4.— In this

last instance ought we not to read the
character in the 4th tone ？

The 4th tone. Lq. 攝. ( i) Towards ；

ing to be directed to, VL ii. 9. i, a. (a) For-
merly, in the former case, VI. L 10. 8.

都

m

ehdng

鄰

tin

采

ta'di

里

Mean, niggardly. £R 去 ,V. ii 1. 3:
VII. ii. 15. 一" 、

The name of a State, IV. ii. 2. i : V. i.
2. 4 : VII. ii. 87. la. 人, IV. ii. 24. 2.

A nei ghbour. III. i.5.3; ii.8.2. Neigh-
bouring, III. iL 5. a. ^jl^ , I, L 8. 1, 2 ;
ii. 8. 1 ： II. i. 6. 6 : VL ii. 11. 3. A neigh-
bourhood, Hjl^, IV. ii. 29. 7. It is

also written Eg.

THE 164th radical, 酉.

To pour out wine into the cup, VI. i. 6. 3.

To agree, be in harmony, with, II. i. 4.
6 : IV. i. 4. 3. To be the mate of, II. i.
2. 14.

Wine, spirits, I. ii. 4. 7 : III. ii. 6. a :
1丫.1.3.4('强酒)； 19. 3, em

To be drank, IV. i. 8. 4. To be filled,
exhilarated, VL i. 17. 3.

Fellows. Qm = of equal extent, II. ii.
2.9. ^

A physician, IL ii. 2. 3.

To consecrate by smearing with blood.
I. i. 7. 4.

THE leSTH RADICAL, 采.

(I) 资 , variegated colours, I. i. 7.
16. (2) To gather. Observe 采
IL ii. 2. 3.

THE 166th radical, 里.

(i) A neighbourhood ； a hamlet, II. i.
6. 5 ; 7. a. (a) In the phrase 田 Jg , 里
瞧 a residence, IV. ii. 8. 3, 4 ： VII. i. 22.

ehung

ye

lia9
li

金

chin

釣

chUn

夠

kdu

欲

a

3. (3) A measure of length. At present
it is a little more than one-third of an

English mile, B9 is a square li, III.

i S. 19 ; but square 2u are often meant,

where the "^j^ is omitted, L i. 1. a ; 5. t,

9 ； 7. 17； ii. 2. I, a, 3 ; 11. i, aL, saepe.

(4) 白 甲 ， a double surname, V. L 9. i,

a: VL ii. 6. 4 ; 16. 1.

Heavy, I. i. 7. 13: III. i. 4. 17: VL ii.
1. 6. Applie d m etaphorically ；— heary
coneequences, VU. ii. 7. Heavy charige,
V. i. 7. 6 ; ii. 1. a. Great, important ；
precious, I. ii. 11. 8, 4 : VI. ii. 1. 1， a， 6, 7:
VII. ii. 82. 3. Asa verb, — to make heavy,
VL ii. 10. 7.

Wild country, wilds ； the country as
opposed to the town, the fields, I. i. 4. 4 ;
7. 18: IL i. 5. 4 : IIL ii 9. 9: IV. L 14.

V. i. 7. a; ii. 7. I : VU. ii. 23. a.

, IV. L 1. 9 : VI. ii. 7. 2. 野

trymen, men rude and ancultivat
i. 8. 14， 19: V. I： VII. L 16. i.

To measure, II. i. 2. 5.
In a name, VL ii. 8. 4.

THE 167th radical, 金.

Metal, metallic, V. ii. 1. 6. In VI. ii.

1. 6 1 « gold. In IV. ii. 24. 9 ^=

steel. In II. ii. 8. i I have translated
by silver, but many contend that ffold i»
meant

An iron boiler, without feet, IIL i. 4. 4.
(i) A weight of thirty cattios, L i. 7. 10 :

VI. ii. 2. 3. (2) I. q. +g, all equally, VL
i. 16. I, a. ^

A hook or clasp, VI. ii.1.6. In the text

it is printed mhy which, though used, id
not correct.

Vigorously, with precipitation, VIL L
44. a.

The name of a measure, containing

Chung sixty-four tdu or nearly seven

hundredweight according to present mea-
sures, II. ii. 10. 3 ： III. ii. 10. 5： VLi. 10.
7. — See a note on the Life of Mencius.

錄基， ahoe, IL i. 1.9.
A name, V. ii. 2. i.

A weighty variouslj estimated at twenty,
twenty-four, and thirty (aels, or Chineae
ounces, I. ii. 9. a: II. ii. 8. i.

^0 liif i

s 錄 4.

III.]

CHINESE CHABACTERS AND PHRASES

581

閒

chien

閉

yen

7an

in

呢

ching

防

fang

阻

chu

NT

m

VII. i. 18. Among, IV. ii. 88.1. ^ 閒,
in a little, III. i. 5. 5 : VII. ii. 21. But
in some editions, 閒 in these two in-
stances is put in the third tone. The
K'ang-hst dictionary simply says that

間 is the Yulgar form of 閒 •

3rd tone, (i) To occupy the space be-
tween, I. ii. 18. 1, (a) To blame, IV. i. 20.

(3) — • one interval, VII. ii. 7. (4)

閒,， ^ find an opportunity, VI. ii. 6.
a.— It is more correct to write 閒 , and

然, eunuch.like,VIL it 87. a

A frontier gate ； a pass, I. ii. 2.3; 5. 3:
II. i. 5. 3: III. ii. 8. I : V. ii. 6. 3; 6.3:
VIL ii. 8. I.

To bend a bow, VL ii 8. 9.

THE 170th radical, 阜.

Straits ； to be in circumstances of dis-
tress, V. i. 8. 3. II. L 9. a: V.

A pit- fall, I. ii. 2. 3.

A raised dyke, an embankment, VI. ii.
7.3.

An obstruction, a difficult pass.
IIL ii 9. 4.

To flatter, II. L 2. 25.

(I) To be attached to. 附 庸, the

name of certain small principalities, V.
ii. 2. 4. To join one's self to, III. ii. 6. 5.

To add to, VII. i. 11. (a) 附, the
name of a plac«, I. ii 4. 4. ^

Mean and low, IV. ii. 29. 9.

陋

Idu

||& (I) To send down, to confer, ― spoken
c^wy of Heaven, VI. i. 7. i ； ii. 15. a. To pro-
duce, I. ii. 8. 7. (a) To descend, come
down, L ii. 11. 9： III. ii. 6. 4.

(I) To be dark and cloudy, II. i. 4. 3.
(a) ^^應 the north side, V. i. 6. i.

(i) A high mound, a height,

III. ii. 1. 5 ： IV. i.1.6. (2) 於
name of a place, III. ii. 10. i, 5， 6.

(1) To Bet forth, II. ii. 2.4: IV. i. 1. 13.
(a) A surname, II. ii. 3. i ； 10. 4： VI. ii.
14. I： VIL ii. 23. i.— III. ii. 1. 1.— II. ii.
9. a. — III. ii. 10. I， a， 3, 5, 6: VII. i. 84.
I. ― III. ii. 4. 9, 3， I a. (3) The name of
a State, VII. ii. 18 ； 87. i: V. i. 8. 3.

陳

ch'dn

eh

A bell, I. L 7. 4 ; iL 1. 6, 7.

Iron, 丽 an iron share, III. i. 4. 4.

= a mirror ； or a beacon, TV. L 2. 5.
lien It is more commonly written

To melt ^^漏 to infuse, VL i. 6. 7.

in

i»0

气

ttn

To bore, III. iL 3. 6.

To chisel, or bore. B8«to dig, I. ii.
13. a. Used metaphorically, IV. ii 26. 9.

THE 168th radical, 長.

and tone, (i) Xong ； length, I. i. 7. 13 :
5 ； 4. 17. Tall, VI. ii. 2. a. (a)
II. i. 2. II. (3) A Bumame, V.
, i. 8. 3.

3rd tone. (I) To be grown up, age ； old ；
elders, III. i. 4. 8 ; ii. 6. 9 ： IV. i.ll.i: V.
ii. 8. 1 : VI. i.4. 3,3,4; ii- 2. 4 : VII. i. 15.

9, 3 ; 48. a. Eldest, L i 6. 1. ^

older than, VL i. 5. 3. As a verb, to give
the honour due to age, IV. i. 11 ： VL i. 4.

9, 3, 4. ^ an elder, Li 7. 3. It

ia twice used by MenciuB for himself, II.
ii. 11. 4 : IV. i. 24. a. (a) To grow, II. i.
2. 16： VI. i. 8. 3. Well grown, superior,
V. ii. 6. 4. (3) To preside over, II. ii. 2. 6.
Superiors, officers, L i. 7. 11 ； ii. 12. i, 3.

(4) To make long. ^^»to oonnive at

and aid, VI. ii. 7. 4.

THE 169th radical, 門.

A door; a gate, III. i. 4. i, 7; ii. 2. a;
7. a， 3, ei oZ., taepe. 戶， VL ii. 14. 4.

P， = school, VI. ii.2.6:VII.i.24.i; 48. i •

人, disciples, III. i. 4. 13 : VII. ii.
29. I.

To shut, III. ii. 7. a : IV. ii. 29. 7: V.
u. 7. 8. To repress, IV, i. 1. 13.

(I) To be grieved, II. i. 2. id, (a) Ap-
pears in a quotation from the Shd-ching

for Jn, violent, reckless, V. ii. 4. 4. (3)

The surname of one of GonfticiuB's dis-
ciples, II. i. 2. 18, 90.

to defend, IIL ii. 9. 10.

閒 ^ be at leisure, IL i. 4. a, 4.

A space, an interval, II. ii. 18. 3 : IV.
ii. 7. 1 : VII. ii. 21. . . . 閒, the space
between, I. i. 6. 6 ： III. ii. 6. i : IV. i. 18.
4 ; ii. 18. 3 : VII. i. 25, 3. So 於 (or 乎 j
• • • 2 @， ILLS. 13： VI. ii. 15. I：

582

CHINESE CHARACTEBS AND PHRASES

[IKDEX III.

lu

yang

ckieh

m

溢

ydi
隙

chi

際

chi

yin

chi

lull.

雄

chih

雠

The marshalling of an army,VIL ii.

(I) To make pottery, IL i. 8. 4 : VI. ii.

10. 3, 6. A potter, IIL i. 4. 5- (a) ^
|^， anxiously, V. L 2. 3.

暴 胸， & minister of Shun, HL L 4.
9 ： VII. i. 85. I ; ii. 88. i.

To fall into a pit jJ^ « to be involved,
to be sunk, I. i. 7. ao : IL i. 2. 17： IIL i.
8. 3: IV. i. 9. 5. Used actively, —陷
Li5. 5： VLi. 7. I.

2^ the name of a place, IL ii 4.
I : VI. ii. 5. I, a， 6.

(I) The sun, III. i. 4. 13. (a) A sur-
name, IIL i. 3.5； ii. 7. 3. (3) 南 陽，
the name of a place, VI. ii. 8. 3.

A corner, IIL ii. 9. 6.

Stops, or stairs, leading up to a hall,
IV. ii. 27. 3. A ladder, V. i. 2. 3.

To fall down ； to let fall, VII. iL 19. 3.

Narrow-minded) IL i 9. 3.

A crevice, 穴 隙, IIL ii. a 6.

^ 際 and jjfjl 際， gifts of princes
to secure friendship, or procure inter-
course, V. ii. 4. I, 5. ^ 胃, a proper
reception, V. ii. 4. 7. ^

Difficult and dangerous positiong, II.

11. 1. 4: IIL ii. 9. 4.

(I) To conceal, II. i. 9. a : V. ii. 1. 3.
(a) To be pained by, sympathize with, I.

i. 7. 7. 側 隱 心， the feeling of

commiseration, II. i. 6. 3, 4, 5 : VI. i. 6. 7.
(3) To lean upon, II. iL 11. a. In this
meaning, it ought to be read in the 3rd
tone.

THE 172in) RADICAL, 佳.

To collect ； to be collected, II. i. 2. 15：
IV. ii. 18. 3. Altogether, L i. 7. 17. 集
jjj^, a complete concert, V. ii. 1. 6.

Phoasants. ^ffj^y^i pheasant-catchers,

Though. Passim, Sometimes, especially
when no verb is expressed, we may trans-
lato conveniently by even, even in the case
qf. £.g. IL i. 2. 7; 4. a: III. i. 8. 9.

A chicken. But — • |/L |||| is under-
stood of a duckling, VI. i. 2. 3.

chi

Fowls, I. i. 8. 4 ； 7. fl4 : m. iL 8. a: VI.
i. 11. 3： VII. i. 22. a (毋 brood

eocks c;

hens *).

crow, IL L

嗚，

at cock-crowing, VII. i. 25.

.0

It

nan

nan

10; but
z, a.

(I) To be separated, L i. 5. 4; ii. 1. 6:

VII. ii. 27. I. - to be alienated, IV.

i. 18. 4. (a) To leave, forsake, II. i. 2.
17 : VII. i. 9. 4, 5. (3) A surname, IV.

To go away from, III. ii. 4. 5- But the
character may be read in the same tone
as above.

To be difficult ； to find it difficult ； what
is difficult, II. i. 1. 8; 2. a, la : III. i. 4.
10; ii. 8. 6 : IV. L 1. 13；6;11： V.i.2.4:
VL ii. 2. 7 : VII. i. 24. i.

The 4th tone. To dispute, IV. it 28. 6.

THE 178RD RADICAL, 雨.

Rain, L i. 6. 6; ii. 11. 9： II. i. 4. 3:
III. ii. 6.4: IV. ii. 18. 3 : VL i. 7. a; 8.1:
VII. i. 40. a.

The 4th tone. To rain upon, III.LS.^.

(I) S 請， VL i. 8. a. (fl) 雪 宮， the
name of a palace, I. ii. 4. i.

(I) Clouds, Li. 6. 6; ii. 11. a. (a) 雲
< The Milky Way,' the name of an
ie in the Shih-ching, V. i. 4. a.
A rainbow, I. ii. 11. a. •

A name, IIL ii. 8. i.

非

,VI. i. 7. a ; a

Dew.

To become chief and arbiter among the
princes, II. i. 8. i : VI. ii. 6. 4. To raise
to become such, II. i. 1. 5; 2. i : III. ii'

such a chief, Vn. LIS. i.

ling '5.

, VI. ii. 7. I, a, 3 : VIL i. 80. i.
(I) 丘， the name of a place, IL il

the

tower, pondf and
may be variously

names of- king W
park, I.i.2.3. The
translated. (3) An^ESiorary epithet, V
ii. 4. 7.

THE 176th radical, 非.

Passim, (i) No; not; not to be. Very
often it = it is not, it is not that ； if not,
if there be not. E.g. I. i. 8. 5; 7. 7, 10,
II； u. 1.2； 7.1； 18.3； U. a; 15. a; 16.

fl : II. i. 2. 15, 16, 32； ii. 2. 4. 莫 非，
非 不 無非 are all strong affirma-

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

583

面
mien

革

ko

han

ytn

頊

ting

顺

ahun

21

sutig

tiona. E.g. I. ii. 4. 5： II. i. 1. 8; 8. 4:
VI. ii. 8. 6: VII. i. 2. i. (a) To be con-
trary to; what is contrary to. £.g. IV.
ii. 6. 1 ； 28. 7 : V. i. 2. 4. (3) To be wrong ；
what is wrong. £.g. I. ii. 4. a : IL iL 8. i :

IV. i 20. (4) To blame ； to disown, I. ii.
4. I, a: III. i. 4. 14: IV. i. 1. la; 10. i :

VIL ii. 87. II. ^ IL i. 6.

5: VL i. 6. 7. Obeenre II. L 2. aa: V. ii.
1. a; and VIL ii. 87. 11.

Not, IV. I 7. 5： V. i. 4. 9.

THE 17©rH RADICAL, 面.

The face, II. ii. 12. 6: III. i. 2. 4 ; 6. 4,
et aL 曲 ^fy sycophants, VL

iL 18. 8. tm Hgj, on, or towards, the
south, L ii 11. a: III. ii. 6. 4 : YII. ii. 4.

3. So ^ff^ ； bat tm inV. i 4.
Z| is the face to the south, the position of
a sovereign giving audience. $ 匕 肉,

V. i. 4. I ； il. 6. 4, is the poaition of &
miniBter.

THE 177th radical, 革

Skins freed from the hair, but not
tanned. Still it is used as = leather.

审， chariots of war, VIL iL 4. 4.

le buff-coat, helmet, and other armour

of defence, II. ii. 1. 3, 4.

THE 178th radical, 韋.

The name of a powerAil family in Tain,
VIL i. 11.

THE I8O1H RADICAL, 音.

A note in music. 五音， IV 丄 1. 1,5.
The sound or notes of musical instru-
ments, I. ii 1. 6， 7. "S*, V. i 4. I.

^g", Bpoken of instruments and
the voice, L i. 7. 16 : VL ii. 18. 8.

THE 1818T RADICAL, 頁.
The top of the head, VIL i 26. a.

(I) To obey; to accord with ； obedience ；
agreeably to reason, submissively, II. ii.

I. 4, 5: III. ii. 2. a: IV. i. 7. I ; 16: VI.
i 1. a: VIL i. 2. I ; 31. i. To peraiat in,

II. ii. 9. 4. Obseire IV. i. 28. 1， and V.
i. 1. 3, 4. (a) A name, V. ii. 8. 3.

^ a brief season, VI. i 5. 4.

(r) Interchanged with To repeat,

croon over, V, ii. 8. 2. (2) ^^， the

name of a Book of the Shih-ching, III. i.

4. 16.

領

頻

p'dn

n

fien

m

lei

風

f&ng

頒 頒 者， 8"0^haired people, L L
pan 8. 4; 7. 04. See the dictionary on the
usage.

Obstinate. It seems, howerer, to be
used in the sense of wnupt, V. ii. 1. i :
VIL ii. 15.

The neck, L i. 6. 6.

The root of the nose. JlS^S-toknit
the brows, I. ii. 1. 6. & ^

Used for 颦. 頻劇 mean"。turn

Qp the nose, and generally to look dis-
satisfied, III. ii. 10. 5.

； the ornamental wood-work

Ci under the eaves of public buildings, VII.
ii. 34. 9.

To wiBh, desire, 1. L 4. i ; 6. i ; 7. 19 ：
II. i. 1. 4； 2. 23； 6. I， a， 3, 4, 5; ii. 7. i ；
10. a: III. i. 4. I, 9; 6. I； ii 8. 6: VL i.
17. 3; ii. 2. 6; 4. 4.

(I) jjj^ 负 , the countenanoei IIL i.

yen 2. 5： VI. ii. 18. 8. (a) A surname, II. L
2. 18， 90: IIL i. 1. 4: IV. ii. 29. a, 3, 5.
— V. i. 8. 9.— V. ii. 8. 3.

The forehead, III. i. 6. 4 : VI. i. 2. 3.

， to overturn, V. L 6. 5.

A cUas, sort; kinds, I. i. 7. 11 : II. i. 2.
a8: III. ii. 8. 6; 10. 6: V.ii.4. 5: VI. i.
7. 3, 5; 12. a : VII. ii. 81. 4.

"整' 頻顚, 《«e 頻.

To look round, I. i. 2. i ; ii. (J. 3: IV.
ii. 88. 1. To regard, think of, have refer-
ence to, IV. ii. 80. a: V. i. 7. a: VIL ii.

87. 9.

To be distinguished, III. ii. 9.6: IV. ii.

88. I. To make illustrious, II. i. 1. 5 : V.
i. 9. 3.

THE 1821ID RADICAL, 氣.

(I) The wind, III. i. 2. 4. To expose
one's self to the wind, II. ii. 2. i. (a)
Manners; character, 一 with the idea of
influence implied, II. i. 1. 8: V. ii. 1. 1, 3：

VIL i. 15. (3) 凯 風, the name of an

ode in the Shih-ching, VI. iL 8. 3, 4.

THE 183SD RADICAL, 飛
(I) To fly. 飛 鳥， birds, IL i. 28.

(a) a supporter of 'the tyrant

GhHu, III. ii. 9. 6.

THE 18iTH RADICAL, 食.

(I) To eat; to consume, devour ； to be
8hih consumed, L i. 8. 3, 4, 5 ; 4. 4, 5 ; 7. 8, 34,
et passim, 以 食, to be a living,

584

CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES

[INDKX III

8i

m

fang

驗

ch'ih

A lodging-house, IV. i. 24. a: VI. ii.2.
.„ 6： VII. ii. 80. I. To lodge (active) ； to be
lodged, IV. i. 24. 2： VIL ii. 30. i.

Dried provisions, I. iL 5. 4.

To present or send as a gift, IL ii. 8. i,
S, 4i 5' V. ii, 4. 4 ; 6. a, 4.

To offer as a gift, i. q. IIL ii.6.a;
7.3; 10. 5: V. i. 2. 4.

To suffer from famine ；一 interchanged
also with 0(^， L ii. 12. a: II. iL 4. 9： VIL

i. 22. a (飢) ； ii. 28. i.

The morning meal, aee

Generally, to entertain. But— to be
entertained by, V. ii. S. 5.

To get satiated, to partake plentifully
of, IV. ii. 83. 1. To be satisfied, I. i. 1. 4-

THE 185th radical, 首.

The head, I. ii. 1. 6: III. ii. 5. 7 : V. ii.
6.4,5： VII. ii. 4. 5.

THE 187th radical, 馬.

(I) A horse, horses, I. i. 4. 4; ii. 1. 6,
7; 5.5; 15. 1. 大 J| 奄、 to nourish

as a dog or a horse, V. ii. 6. 4. (a) 司 馬，

the master of the horse, but used as a sort
of surname, V. i. 8. 3.

(I) A Burname, VII. ii. 28. 2. (a) 諸
《瑪， 让 e name of a place, IV. ii 1. 1.

To gallop. ahoTsomanship,
III. i 2. 4. ii.1.4.
A team of four horses, V. i. 7. a.

The yoking of a carriage, I. ii. 16. i : II.
ii. 2. 5: V. ii. 7. 9.

A name, VI. ii. 6. 5.

(I) To drive away, III. ii. 9. 4, 6， 11.
(a) To urge, I. i. 7. ai: VII. ii. 1. a. (3)

To urge on a horse, |^||^ III. ii.l.4;

一 一 VII. ii 84. a.

chid

m

敏

To carry one's self proudly to, IV. ii.
88. I.

(i) 1. q. Hj^. 1^ ^ flfjy cheerful-
like, VII. i. 13. 1, (a) ^|^， a criminal

bauiBhed by Shun, V. i. 8. 9. (3) A name,
II. ii. 6. I : IV. ii. 27. 2.

ch'ang

To gallop. j^， see

ytn

III. L 4. 1. not unfrequently has

this meaning, = to get a living, to sup-
port life, (a) Viands, food to eat, IIL ii.
4. 4,5；9. 5： V. u. 4. 6 (^N.B.): VII. ii. 84.
a. (3) An eclipse, II. ii. 9. 4.

(I) Rice cooked ； food generally, I. i.
3. 5; iL 10. 4; 11. 3, et al (a) To feed,

to support ； "j^ • • • ， to be sup-
ported by, IIL i. 4. 6 ; ii. 4. 4, et al, saepe.
To feed cattle, V. i. 9. i, 3.

Interchanged with To bo hungry,

cJii to suffer from hungei^i. i. 8. 4 ; 4. 4, 6;
7. 94 ； ii, 4. 6, et oZ" scupe,

A kind of thick congee. ^|^， IIL

The evening meal, IIL L 4.

sun 3: VI. ii. 10. 4. In the first instance the
characters have a verbal force.

欽 To drink ； drink, I. ii.4.6: II. i. 1. 11:
^ III. ii. 10. 3, et al., saepe.

To eat, VII. ii. 6. 放 ^|^， to eat im-
/dn moderately, VIL i. 46. 2.

德 To eat to the full, to be filled ； to the
^ full, I. i. 7. 21 : III. L 4. 8: V. ii. 8. 4：
VII. i. 22. 3. ？ Actively, VI. i. 17. 3.

To gain some end with, VII. ii. 81. 4.
"抓 In the dictionary it is explained by * to
tako with a hook/ « to beguile-
To carry provisions to the labourers in
the fields ； provisioii-carriers, III. ii.5. a.

To nourish, 一 spoken generally of per-
sons, the body, the mind, &c. Passim. To
keep cattle, V. i. 9. i. Nurture, VII. i.
86. I.

The 4th tone. To support, 一 used with
reference to the support of parents,
scholarsi and superiors generally, I. i. 5.
4: III. i. 8. 7， 14, 19; 4. 3 ), et oL, saepe.

To swallow, to eat and drink.
to eat the bread of idleness, VII. i. 82. i.

To be famished, II. L 2. 14, 1 5. ^ ^，
1. ii. 6. I (used actively) : VII. i. 22. 3.

To be hungry, to suffer from hunger,
' ^ ^r, VI. ii. U. 4. ^H,Li.5.4.

(or 浮)， I. i. 8.5； 4.4： IIL ii.
9. 9. To expose to hunger, VI. ii. 16. a.

poo

yang

To eat 湖 吸, IV. i 25.

That which is over ； a remnant, the
remains, IV. i. 19. 3 ； ii. 83. i : V. i. 4. a.

Supernumerary, IIL i. 8. 17. 7^ ^^，

to have enough and to spare ； and more,
II. ii. 6. 5; 18. 4: III. ii. 4. 3: VI. ii. 2.
7: VII. ii. 88. I, a, 3， 4.

INDEX ni.]

CHINESE CHARACTERS AlO) PHRASES.

：七

585

lu

THE 188m RADICAL, 骨.
The bones, VI. it 15. a.

The body, L i 7. x6: IL L 8.9: IV. L
• 3： VIL L 86. 1. 四 翻, the four
limbs, IL i. 6. 6: IV. i. 8.3： VIL i 21. 4.
大 19' 小 fl|， VI. i 14. a; 15. I, a.
― one member; |||^， all the
members, IL i. 8. 90.

THE 189th BADICAL, 高.

(I) High, lofty, ILii I.3: IV.i.l.6.7;
ii. 26. 3： V. ii. 6. 5： VI. iL 1. 5： VII. L
41. I； ii.84. a. (a) A surname, II. ii. 12.
a: VIL iL 21 ； 22.— VL u.8. z,a. (3) A

namey V. i. 1. a. (4) 高 唐, the name

of apUoe,YI.a 6. 5,

THE 190KH RADICAL,

More oorrectly written
IV. i. 17.1： VL ii. 6. 1, 5.

The hair, IV. ii 29. 6^

A name,

THE 191flT RADICAL, J^.

To fight, to have a bnuh, I. ii. 12. 1.

To quarrel, IV. u. 29. 5, 6. 國 狼，

IV. ii. ao. a. ^

THE 192nd radical, g •
每 陶, anxiously, V. i. 2. 3.

THE mvD RADICAL, 裔.

, a distinguished minister at

the close of the Yin dyiuiatv, n. i. 1. 8 :
VL ii. 15. 1.

」"T。Bell，VJ9.i，3. 髏緊,
tb6 name of a barbarous tnhe, L ii.8. i.

THE IMth radical, 鬼.

The name of a great fSunily in Tdn，
VII. i. 11. ，

THE 196th radical, 魚.

A flail, flah, I. L 2. 3； 8. 3; 7. 16, 17：
IV. L9.3: V.L2.4: VI. i.l0.i;ii.l6.i.

(I) The name of a State, I. ii. 12. i ；
16, X, 3, 0^0；., «M9>e. ^ 入, V. ii. 4. 5.
^ ^^l' ii 6. 3, )|P^
I three other places, but without

VOL. II. Q

the:g. iQ^^l. iL 16. I. (a)

^^， the name of a Book in the Shih-
ing, m. L 4. 16.

The liiiher of the groat Ytt, V. i. 8. 9.
A widower, L ii. 6. 3.

THE I9em RADICAL, 鳥 .

Birds, L L 2. 3, 4: IL i. 2. a8: IIL i.
4. 7; ii. 9. 4.

J^j^^， a sort of Chinese phoaniz, IL

(x) The sound of a bird. |jj|^， see
To beat, cause to BOund/fV. L 14. i.

(a) Ifl^ 'jj^y the name of a place, IV. ii.

ff^ The shrike or butoher-bird, IIL i.4. 14.
cMeh

A wild goose, L i. 2. x.

Large. Join^ with |£ and ， L i
1. 1: VI. i. ». Q. 卿 ^

2.1： VI. i. 9. 3.
A gooee, III. iL 10. 5.

The swan, VI. i. 9. 3.

Ml

Chan

戲 The oaokling of a goose. 雄 雄老,

^ III. ii. 10. 5. mQmQn^'

鶴 錄" ■ glistening, I. i. 2. 3.
A kind of hawk, IV. L 9. 3.

THE 197th BADIGAL, 齒，
Salt, VI. a 15. 1.

THE 19eTH RADICAL, 鹿.
The deer, I. i. 2. 1,3； ii. 2. 3 : VII. i. 16.

The female deer, a doe. 堪 L i.

2.3.

. A species of deer, distinguished for its
size and strength, and that sheds its horns

in winter, 廉 1. 1 2. z ; ii. 2. 3.

The male of the Ch'I-lin, a fabulous
animal, the chief of all quadrupedfl, II,
i. 2. a, 8. , ，

Number, IV. i, 7. 5.

yen

鹿

lu

tfu

mt

q

f 高 I f ss f 鬲^ 9 魏. i f «

CHINESE CHABACTERS AND PHRASES

[index III

The female of the Chl-lin. See

THE 199th radical, 麥.

,t ； all bearded grain. ^i，

麥， barley, VI. i. 7. a.

THE 2OO1H RADICAL, 麻.
Hemp, II. i. 4. 17.

THE aoierr RADICAL,

Yellow, III. ii. 10. 3.
sUks, III. ii. 5. 5.

yellow

THE 202KD RADICAL, 泰.
Millet, IIL iL 6. a : VI. ii 10. 4.

BIiU)k. the black-haired

people, V. i. 4. a.

THE 208BD RADICAL, 黑.
A name, II. i. 2. 4, 6.

(I) Properly, a village of 500 families.

^^， a neighbourhood ； neighbours,

IL i. 6. 3 ; u.2.6: V. i. 9. 3. (2) A party,
a school, VII. ii. 87. i.

THE 206th radical,
A name, II. ii. 5. 1， a, 3.

The turtle, 1. i. 2. 3; 8. 3.

THE 206th radical, 雕.

A tripod, a boiler with three feet and

two ears, I. ii. 16. a. SL I%I , fleeh from
thepot,V.ii.6. 4,5.^^ I~

齊

ch'i

爐

lung

THE 207th radical, 鼓.

(I) A drum, I. i. S. a ; ii. 1.6, 7: IV.L
14. I. (a) To strike, to play on, VIL ii.
6， In this sense the character should

have and not "^^, on the ri^^t.

THE 209th radical,
The nose, IV. ii. 25. i : VIL ii. 24. i.

THE 21(hH RADICAL, 赛.

(I) On a level, equal, II. ii. 2. 9 : IIL i.
4. 18: VL i. 7. a. To adjust evenly, VL
ii. 1. 5. (a) The name of a State, I. i. 6.

I ; 7.6, 17， etdl,, stupe. 赛人, L ii- 10.
I ； 14. 1, et oL ^ 王, VII. i- 36.
Ip, I. i. 7. I, et aLj

, I. ii. 4. 4, 10， et oL
a : IV. ii. 21. 3.

To adjust one's thoughts, 一 in con-
nexion with fasting, II. iL 11. 3: IV. ii.

25. a. SB, the appearance of re-

spect and dread, V. L 4, 4.

The lower edge of a mourning garment,
not hemmed, but even and not frayed,
III. i. 2. a.

THE 2II1H RADICAL,

(i) The front teeth,
teeth, VII. L 46. 9. (a)
A name, I. i 7. 4.

with the
IL ii. 2. 6.

THE 21^ RADICAL, ||.

(I) The dragon, III. ii. 9. 3, 4. (a) A
surname, IIL i. 8. 7: VI. i. 7. 4.

lung

The 3rd tone, used for
IL iL 10. 6， 7.

, a mound.

INDEX III.]

CHINESE CHABACTEIU3 AND PHRASES,

587

NOTE.

According to the calculation of GhAo Chi, the Seven Books of Meneius contain in all 961
chapters and 34,685 characters. TsAo Hsiin, a scholar of the present dynasty, gives, as the result

If there be no omissions in the above Index, the different characters used by Meneius
(eoonting a character for each variation of tone) amount to a'oaa, or thereabouts.

In the Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean, there are 1,648 different
characters.

Altogether the different characters in the Four Books amount to alxmt 3,500， certainly not
to 9,60a

of ft careful reckoning, 958 chapters and 35,396 characters,
on Ghfto ChVs Introduction*)

END OF VOL. n.

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